by Jotiya Dhirasekera | 1964 | 113,985 words
A study of Buddhist monastic code: its origin and development in relation to the Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas. The Vinaya forms a part of a Buddhist disciple’s training method, particularly within Theravada Buddhism. This English thesis was completed by Jotiya Dhirasekera (Now Bhikkhu Dhammavihari)...
Thoroughout the pages of Indian religious thought, in Buddhist as well as non-Buddhist terminology, brahmacarya (Pali brahmacariya) is the term of choice used to designate the life of discipline ordained for the aspirant to spiritual awakening. The life of brahmacarya had a meaning and purpose to many in India even before the appearance of Buddhism. Here we shall be concerned with a survey of the badcground of Buddhism in which the life of brahmacarya under diverse religious traditions was widely known.
A passage in the Chāndogya Upanishad in which one seems to get a glimpse of the first beginnings of the Catur asrama doctrine of the Brahmins refers to the life of brahmacarya as one of 'the three dharmaskandhas' each of which is regarded as capable of leading the adherent to a state of spiritual edification or a 'world of bliss' (punyaloka).
According to the text the result of the pursuit of these dharmaskandha is that thereby one becomes an heir to a punyaloka
(Trayo dharmaskandhā yajño 'dhyayanam dānam iti prathamas.
Tapa eva dvitiyas.
Brahmacaryācāryakulavāsi trtiyo' tyantamātmānamācāryakule' vasādayan.
Sarva ete punyalokā bhavanti brahmasamstho' mrtatvameti
- Chānd. 2.23.1.).
ṭaṇkara, commenting on this passage in the Chāndogya, identifies these dharmaskandha with the stages of the asrama doctrine and goes on to say that each asramin reaches a punyaloka by virtue of his own dharma.
(Sarva ete trayo'pyāsramino yathoktair dharmaih punyalokā bhavanti
But we are not certain how far one could look for the pattern of the fully developed Catur asrama Dharma in this passage. Belvalkar and Ranade, in their chronological grouping of the Upanishadic texts, place this section of the Chāndogya in the early portion of group one which they call Brahmanic. Hence we would consider this as one of the earliest references to the institution of brahmacarya, perhaps as a unit in itself or as a part of religious life in the Brahmanic tradition. It is not convincingly clear whether these three dharmaskandha are parts of an integrated whole.
Each one of them seems to have a justification in itself and appears capable of producing the desired effect of a punyaloka, although such a state may not be identified with the highest goal which is am¨tatva. For, over and above these dharmaskandha, the highest premium is set on what is referred to as brahmasamstha, because it is the brahmasamstha who attains amrtatva or immortality
Therefire we would consider brahmacarya here as still being ranked as one of several ways of religious living. It is worth noting the ritualistic bias of some of the other dharmaskandhas which are mentioned along with brahmacarya. They do not reflect a moral or ethical basis of religious life or an intellectual attitude towards it.
The inclusion of adhyayana and brahmacarya along with yajña and tapas aproximates to a fusion of old and new ideas about religious life. Brahmacarya here is still neither the religious initiation nor the stepping stone to social upliftment among the Brahmins as it was at a later date.
Those who took to this life of brahmacarya, it may be argued, did so out of their own choice with a view to spiritual edification. It was undoubtedly a life of devotion and dedication as is clear from the passage in the Chāndogya Upanishad which describes the brahmacārin as wearing himself away at the house of his teacher
(Brahmacāryācāryakulavāsi t¨tiyo' tyantamātmānamācāryakule'
This old Brahmanic institution of brahmacarya which evidently was the choice of a select few underwent a process of popularisation in the formulation of the Catur asrama Dharma whereby it was brought into the life of every Brahmin, or in fact of every member of the three principal castes. The religious and secular duties of life were magnificently blended together in this fourfold institution. However, it is clear that the older concept of brahmacarya constituted a way of religious life which was, more or less, complete in itself.
The Manusmrti describes two different types of brahmacārins who are referred to in the Commentary of Medhātithi as naisṭhika and upakurvāna. The former is lifelong studentship. It is described as an effective means of making an end of samsāra.
This naisṭhika evidently refers to the older concept of brahmacarya which was a lifelong institution and which had to be lived under a teacher. This completely religious life which was divorced from social obligations did promise as its goal the attainment of Brahman.
Thus as a way of life it could not be displaced completely with the inauguration of the Catur ashrama Dharma.
Brahmanic tradition often shows acquaintance with both. The latter, upakurvāna, which shows more conformity to the Catur as¨rama Dharma, was a limited period of studentship whereby initiation into true Brahminhood was effected through the mastery of the sacred learning. Manu gives thirty-six years as the maximum period of time for this preparation which he calls the 'traivedikam vratam ' or dedication to the study of the three Vedas.
He apparently shows no concern for the fourth Veda, the Atharvan, as a part of the sacred learning. Thus each Veda would have a maximum period of twelve years for its study. But the possibility is indicated of completing the study of the Vedas in much less time. It is in fact brought down to a total of nine years thus giving only three years for each Veda. This is considered possible only in the case of exceptionally good students.
This tradition of twelve years for the study of each Veda during the period of Brahmacarya appears to have been well known to the Buddhists. But the Buddhist texts which speak of the Brahmin institution of brahmacarya apparently go a step further than Manu in this connection. What they describe as komārabrahmacariya of the Brahmins extends over forty- eight years. This komārabrahmacariya unmistakably refers to the period of studentship during which the study of the sacred literature was undertaken. Here the Buddhist texts seem to be in accord with Baudhāyana who
'alone states that the term of studentship extends over forty-eight years. This rule includes the Atharva-veda.' 
However, we are not in a position here to examine the reasons for this preference shown by the Buddhists.
In the vast complex of Upanishadic thought it is difficult to see a singleness either with regard to what constituted the life of brahmacarya or the nature of the goal that was to be attained by means of it. However, there is no doubt that brahmacarya meant a period, limited or otherwise, of training in religious life under the guidance of a teacher.
Some of the early Upanishads, deviating perhaps from the 'older' naisṭhika brahmacarya way which was a complete means by itself, use brahmacarya as a vital part of religious life on to which are grafted moral and ethical considerations.
The Mundaka Upanishad which has a claim to a relative antiquity gives brahmacarya long with truth, austerity and correct knowledge (satyam, tapas and samyagñāna) as a means of reaching the atman. The Prasna Upanishad which chronologically belongs to the succeeding group attaches similar importance to brahmacarya when it says the following:
They indeed possess that Brahma-world,
Who possess austerity (tapas) and chastity (brahmacarya)
In Whom truth is established.
To them belongs yon stainless Brahma-world,
In whom there is no crookedness and falsehood, nor trickery (māyā).
This is a further indication of the insistence on moral values. One cannot fail to notice at this stage the fact that the goal of religious life presented in the Upanishads is, in itself, not a fixed concept. Brahma, whatever it may connote in different contexts, comes to be repeatedly given as the goal which is to be reached through brahmacarya. At any rate, the motive underlying this Brahma-reaching was the escape from this whirl of human existence.
'He leads them on to Brahma. This is the way to the gods, the way to Brahma. They who proceed by it return not to the human condition here - yea, they return not.'
The importance of the observance of brahmacarya in the sphere of religious life has been very keenly recognised in the Upanishads. Chāndogya 8.4.3 says that only those who find the Brahma-world through brahmacarya possess the Brahma-world.
The next khanda of the same text goes so far as to identify brahmacarya with a host of sacrificial duties of varying degrees of importance thus giving brahmacarya the pride of place as the sole means to the attainment of the highest goal.
Brahmacarya is equated to what people call 'sacrifice' (yajña),
what people call 'what has been sacrificed ' (isṭam),
what people call ' the protracted sacrifice ' (sattrāyana),
what people call 'silent asceticism ' (mauna),
what people call ' a course of fasting ' (anāsakāyana)
and what people call ' betaking oneself to hermit life in the forest ' (aranyāyana).
But it should be pointed out that these portions of the Chāndogya belong to the late period of the Upanishadic group.
We are not in a position to determine with any certainty wherher brahmacarya here is completely identified with the first stage of the Catur ashrama Dharma. Apparently, ti is as a part of this systematised way of life that brahmacarya here eclipses, more or less, the cult of yajña and tapas.
This complexity of the idea of brahmacarya which we find in the Upanishads is simplified by the commentators who readily identify this brahmacarya with the first stage of the Catur ashrama Dharma. At Chānd. 2.23.1 ṭsṇkara identifies the three dharmaskandha which include brahmacarya with three of the four āshramas. The commentators associate the following ideas with this institution of brahmacarya :
(a) That one lives the life of brahmacarya under a teacher for the purpose of religious education.
The importance of brahmacarya for the acquisition of sacred knowledge is reaffirmed by ṭaṇkara in his comment on Brh. 5.2.1 wher he points out that brahmacarya is the basis of studentship.
(b) That the practice of celibacy and renunciation of all desire for women constitute the hallmark of this institution of brahmacarya. Commenting on Chānd 8. 4. 3. ṭaṇkara says that brahmacarya is the renunciation of desire for women.
At Mund. 3. 1. 5 he defines brahmacarya as the negation of the enjoyment of the company of women.
In the wake of this negative virtue comes the acquisition of instruction from one's teacher to which we have already referred above. Rāmānuja puts this effectively as ' instruction and guidance from the teacher is preceded by the life of brahmacarya, which in turn is characterised by the renunciation of desire for women.' 
(c) That brahmacarya is the initiation into true Brahminhood through which every Brahmin must pass. It is clearly brought out in ṭankara's comment on Chānd. 6.1.1.
The pattern of brahmacarya in the Upanishads which we have discussed so far does not seem to be identifiable with that formulated in Buddhism. In the Upanishads the life of brahmacarya has a different end in view. It is the attainment of Brahma or the Brahma-world and the way to it is distinctly prescribed.
In summing up the Upanishadic position the commentators recommend brahmacarya as a particular stage in life which is to be gone through for the purpose of religious and social accomplishment. However, the life of brahmacarya in the Upanishads and that in Buddhism seem to be drawn very close to each other in the remarks of ṭaṇkara on Chānd. 8.7.3.
Describing the practice of brahmacarya by Indra and Vairocana under Prajāpati, ṭaṇkara goes on to say that although these two were jealous of each other before they came to Prajāpati, they gave up their failings such as greed, hatred, delusion and jealousy before commencing the life of brahmacarya under Prajāpati.
It should be noted that these commentarial observations are peculiar to ṭaṇkara alone. He seems thereby to make this ethical purge a pre-requisite of brahmacarya. Although this same ethical purge, viz. the elimination of rāga, dosa and moha is the fundamental concern of Buddhism, the Buddhist life of brahmacarya does not begin with it.
On the other hand, the life of brahmacarya is undertaken in Buddhism, as will be shown below, for the purpose of eliminating rāga, dosa and moha by a gradual process of development. Their elimination is given as the goal of brahmacarya.
The Atharva- veda which lies outside the Brahmanic tradition of the three Vedas presents to us at 11. 5 a very different character in the person of the brahmacārin. Bloomfield makes the following observations on this hymn : ' Here a Brahma disciple - brahmacārin - in the full glory
of his holy functions and monastic habits is treated as an incarnation of the brahma ; from him the brahma springs, and in his holy life - brāhmanam - the brahma is glorified.' 
Griffith too refers to this hymn as a glorification of the brahmacārin or religious student.
According to this Atharvan hymn the brahmacārin is infinitely powerful and controls the universe and the gods therein.
'He hath established firmly earth and heaven.' 
He has command over both worlds.
He takes precedence over Brahma too, and all this power he derives through tapas.
'The Brahmacāri, earlier born than Brahma, sprang up through Fervour, robed in hot libation.' 
His power of tapas is repeatedly mentioned. He is the most potent factor in the universe. He is the source from which the highest Brahma sprang and all the gods owe their origin to him.
'From him sprang the heavenly lore, the highest Brahma, and all the Gods, with life that lasts for ever.' 
All life, both animate and inanimate, sprang from him.
'The plants, what is and what shall be, day, night, the tall tree of the wood, the year with seasons of the year, all from the Brahmacāri sprang. All creatures of the earth and heaven, tame animals and sylvan beasts, winged and wingless creatures, from the Brahmacāri sprang to life.' 
In him lay the ultimate guardianship of all.
'The Brahma that is stored within the Brahmacāri guards them all.' 
The contents of this hymn seems to give an indication that the brahmacārin of the Atharva-veda belongs to a different tradition. Religiously he may be regarded as being more primitive in character, deriving his power mainly through tapas and yajña. Nevertheless, it shows the wide acceptance and unchallenged importance which the institution of brahmacarya had acquired.
We are also aware that the term brahmacarya was something familiar to the other contemporary religious circles as well. The term was used by them to mean the ideal life prescribed by each. The Bodhisatta himself refers to the religious life he opted to live under alāra Kālāma and Uddaka Rāmaputta as brahmacariya.
The Mahāvagga of the Vinaya Piṭaka refers to the religious life of the Jaṭilas who were contemporaries of the Buddha as brahmacariya. It is said that after the Buddha converted the Jaṭila chief, Uruvela Kassapa, people were still in doubt as to who really was converted, the Buddha or Uruvela Kassapa. So they questioned,
The Sandaka Sutta mentions eight such courses, which when judged by the criteria of the Buddhists, fall below standard.
Hence they are termed abrahmacariyavāsa (no real abodes of brahmacariya)
or anassāsika-brahmacariya (rewardless life of brahmacariya).
None of these teachers, however, are referred to by name in the Sutta.
In the Sutta, the venerable ananda explains to Sandaka Paribbājaka why the Buddha declared the religious life lived under most of the contemporary teachers as being void and worthless. In all cases it is pointed out that no wise man would choose to practise the brahmacariya under them and that if one ever did he would thereby never gain enlightenment.
Under the four abrahmacariyavāsa the doctrines of Ajita Kesakambali, Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosāla and Pakudha Kaccāyana are critically examined and the verdict is given that no true brahmacariya life could be lived under them. The four anassāsikāni brahmacariyāni refer to the following four types of teachers whose doctrines are similarly scrutinised and dismissed:
- The teacher who claims omniscience.
- The traditionalist.
- The rationalist.
- The sceptic.
In the Mahāsihanāda Sutta the Buddha tells the venerable Sāriputta of another form of brahmacariya which he himself is said to have practised. It also, no doubt, stands outside the pale of Buddhism. It was a form of severe asceticism characterised by fourfold austerities such as abstemious partaking of food, seeking the solitude of forest retreats, etc.
Buddhaghosa places before us a list in which he tries to indicate the connotation of the term brahmacariya in different circles at different times. He says:
'This term brahmacariya here is used in the following senses.' 
But one is not quite sure whether Buddhaghosa refers to the use of the term only in Buddhism. What is clear from the evidence of Buddhaghosa is that brahmacariya in all these cases, not necessarily Buddhist, meant virtuous living. But the concept and magnitude of virtue apparently varied. Here are the different applications of the term according to Buddhaghosa :
- dāna - charity.
- veyyāvacca - rendering a service.
- pañcasikkhāpadasila - observance of the five precepts.
- appamaññā - practice of brahmavihāra.
- methunavirati - celibacy.
- sadārasantosa _ chastity.
- viriya - striving.
- uposathaṇga - observance of the full-day of the fast
- ariyamagga - the noble path.
- sāsana - the complete Buddhist way of life
While some of these practices may fall in line with the Buddhist concept of morality still there is evidence to show that at least a few of these forms of brahmacariya were not at all Buddhist in outlook. Illustrating the use of the term brahmacariya in the sense of viriya or striving Buddhaghosa refers to the Lomahamsana Sutta which is the same as the Mahāsihanāda Sutta which was quoted earlier.
There the Buddha describes the fourfold austerities which he had practised. Those debased practices with regard to food, lodgings etc. as they are described in the Sutta are evidently among those which the Buddha rejects in more places than one. We discover clear proof of this as we examine the story in the Jātaka collection which goes by the same name, namely the Lomahamsana Jātaka.
The Jātaka story which summarises the contents of the Lomahamsana Sutta goes into great detail in the narration of the story. Perhaps, in an attempt to avoid any mistaken association of these practices with what were genuinely Buddhist, the Jātaka story makes the Buddha state that he practised these austerities to see whether there was any value in them.
Thereafter the Jātaka story goes on to stigmatise these practices completely by stating that these practices invariably lead to birth in hell.
Buddhism seems to have found in the setting in which it grew up a number of terms of very great popularity and wide acceptance. Their connotations had been established through continued usage and as religious concepts they had reached an unchallenged position. The term Brahma and its derivatives seem to occupy the foremost place among them and they are our main interest here. In the Upanishadic schools of thought the Highest Being, Brahman, is sometimes conceived personally and at other times as an Impersonal Absolute.
To reach it and be merged in it or be identified with it was the aim of all their religious endeavours. It is as the fountain-head of all existence that Brahman was accorded this position. Brahman is believed to be the source whence everything originated.
In the more developed later Upanishadic thought we get a pantheistic conception where Brahman is identified with the universe.
Buddhism too, seems to use the term Brahma to mean the Highest and the Perfect, but apparently with none of the theological and metaphysical associations. The term is always defined by Buddhaghosa in this sense, giving the word brahma the meaning of seṭṭha. The Buddha, however, was aware of the earlier connotations of the term. This becomes quite evident in the new definitions and explanations which the Buddha offers to the exponents of these ideas.
In the Samyutta, the Buddha is seen giving a new interpretation which accords with his teaching to the Brahmanic concept of Brahma-reaching. He tells the Brahmins that it is essentially based on moral achievements like honesty, self-restraint and holy life: Saccam dhammo samyamo brahmacariyam majjhe sitā brāhmana brahmapatti.
In Buddhism these concepts of 'Becoming Brahma' (brahmabhuta) and 'Attaining Brahma' (brahmapatti) had no associations of a higher power, an absolute with which an alliance was sought. As far as the Buddha was concerned, these terms implied only the attainment of the goal, the perfection of the religious life which he propounded.
It is the enlightenment which leads to perfect liberation from the cycle of samsāra. It is also the purge of all the defiling traits of human life which hence comes to be called āsavānam khaya. The Buddha, while he was once resting in a forest glade, was asked by Bhāradvājagotta Brāhmana whether he was there practising austerities (tapas) in order to reach Brahma (brahmapattiyā) and to gain companionship with him (lokādhipatisahavyatam ākaṇkhamāno).
The Commentary on the above passage gives the concept of Brahma here the more personal character by explaining lokādhipatisahavyatam as lokādhipatimahābrahmunā sahabhāvam. We have already observed that such a concept of Brahman was not unknown among the Brahmins.
The Buddha, in his reply to the Brahmin, not only points out that as Buddha he is supremely enlightened and possesses a clarified vision into the nature of all things, but also indicates the way whereby he attained to that state. This shows that the talk of Brahma-reaching in the way in which the Brahmins understood it had no relevance to the Buddha or to the religious life he advocated.
What the Buddha valued most was his victory in the battle against craving and desire which are rooted in ignorance. Freed from craving and desire, and seeing things in their true perspective, the Buddha is wise and enlightened. He is happy and for him there are no further attainments beyond this.
But on the other hand, we notice that the concept of 'Becoming Brahma' (brahmabhuta and brahmabhuya) as found in the Bhagavadgitā is always coupled with the idea of identification of the individual self with Brahman. The consequence of this seems to be the final mergence of the ātman in Brahman which the Gitā refers to as Brahmanirvāna.
A commentarial note explains this clearly. With remarkable consistency the term brahmabhuta is defined in a number of places in more or less identical terms which amounts to an identifcation of oneself with Brahman.
Similar observations are made in the comment on brahmabhuya.
Brahmabhuta is also defined as the reciprocal identification of Brahman and ātman.
It should also be noted that the Gitā too, like Buddhism, reckons with moral values.
But these are subordinated to the absolutism of its Brahma ideal.
In Buddhism, the term brahmabhuta is used in two different contexts. It is used with reference to the Buddha along with a host of other attributes which describe him as a wise and reliable teacher.
In all instances, the term brahmabhuta as an epithet of the Buddha is closely associated with the term dhammabhuta. In The Agga — a Sutta, these two terms are declared to be epithets of the Buddha and are associated with two other terms derived from the same concepts of Dhamma and Brahma.
The Buddha is also described as dhammakāyo and brahmakāyo. He is the symbol of the Dhamma (dhammakāyo) and he is identified with it. Hence th is also dhammabhuto. The Commentary on the above passage adds that the Dhamma, on account of its supreme nature, is called Brahma which is the recognised and accepted term to signify the highest and the perfect in contemporary religious thought. Here comes the identification of Dhamma with Brahma and perhaps this gave further support for the adoption of the term Brahma by the Buddhists to describe their own state of religious perfection.
Now it becomes clear that the term brahmabhuta is used to stress the Buddha's perfection and pre-eminence.
The Commentaries regularly explain it as seṭṭhabhuta:
- MA. II. 76.
It is also used as an attribute of the Arahant, i.e. the disciple who, in this very life, has reached peace and perfection, is tranquil and blissful. Here too, the idea does not seem to be far from what was stated above, for it seems to emphasise the transcendent character of the Arahant as compared with the rest of the worldlings.
But neither in the descriptions of the spiritual progress of one who aspires to Arahantship nor in the accounts of the achievements and attainments of the Arahant do we ever get any associations with Brahma, personal or impersonal, as the highest and the absolute.
The term Brahma, however, does appear in Buddhism in such contexts as brahmacariya, brahmabhuta snd brahmapatti. Here the term connotes only the idea of noble, worthy and supreme. It is this same phenomenon of adapting terms with already established connotations that we find in the use of the word brāhmana with reference to the worthy Buddhist disciple.
During the days of the Buddha, the Brahmins as a group had attained an unassailable position in society, and the Buddha too, seems to have conceded this up to a point. He always had a word of praise for those whom he called the virtuous Brahmins of old. His lament was that the Brahmins of his day did not live up to the worthy Brahmin ideals set up by the ancestors of the clan.
The following are some of the virtues he ascribed to them:
'The sages of yore were full of restraint and given to austerity. Rejecting the pleasures of the senses they sought their own salvation.' 
'They considered the life of brahmacariya, morality, honesty, austerity, benevolence, compassion and tolerance as great virtues.' 
It would have been both futile and almost impossible to dislodge the Brahmin from the social position which he had acquired for himself. The Buddha accepted the concept of the ideal Brahmin and redefined the qualifications for the title of Brāhmana with the stress on ethics and morality.
He challenged the accepted value attached to birth as the exclusive qualification for Brahminship.
It is the mode of a man's life, according to the Buddha's new criterion, that determines a man's social and religious pre-eminence.
It is not the purpose of the present study to go into details of the development of Buddhist cosmological ideas. However, it must be mentioned that Buddhist texts know of references to Brahmā as a personal being. He is referred to as Mahābrahmā and is recognised as the head of the thousand world systems.
But the interest of the Buddhist texts here is not so much to stress the greatness of Brahmā as to show that he himself is subject to the law of change and therefore is not an ideal or absolute position to aspire to, although it is, no doubt, regarded as a very high one.
According to the Buddhist texts, it is to this great Brahmā that the Brahmins of the day addressed their prayers and sacrifices.
It is a very ritualistic Brahmanism that is portrayed here. It is centered on the cult of a personal Brahma. The world of Brahmā was the religious goal of the Brahmins and companionship with him was the consummation of their religious life. The Brahmins themselves are seen professing it to be so.
A passage from the Dhānañjāni Sutta makes it further clear that this was the manner in which the Buddhists explained the position of the Brahmins of the day who aspired to reach the world of Brahma (brahmalokādhimuttā).
Here the Buddha questions the venerable Sāriputta why he aided Dhānañjāni to be born in the Brahma-world which according to the religious considerations of the Buddhists was an inferior goal. But in the Tevijjā Sutta, the Buddha himself, being questioned by the Brahmin pupils of Pokkharasāti and Tārukkha, is seen redefining the path to the world of Brahmā and the way to Brahma-union.
What strikes us in both these instances is that birth in the world of Brahmā as a reward for the practice of the religious life is conceded. However, nowhere is it recognised as the final end. On the other hand, the Buddha asks Sāriputta why he set Dhānañjāni in the world of Brahmā when something further could have been achieved (sati uttarim karaniye).
At the same time we notice that the idea of birth in the Brahma-world is closely bound up with the practice and development of the four virtues of mettā, karunā, muditā and upekkhā which in Buddhism have come to be known as the four Brahma-vihāra or divine abodes . However, in the early texts the term Brahma-vihāra is not always used for the practice of these virtues.
The Saṇgiti Sutta refers to them as catasso appamaññāyo or the fourfold boundlessness.
In the Dhānañjāni Sutta, it is the practice of these four virtues which the venerable Sāriputta recommends to the Brahmin Dhānañjāni as the way to reach the Brahma-world. Each one of these is spoken of as leading to that much coveted goal.
Here, the practice of the Brahma-vihāra seems to stand on its own without any leanings on Buddhism, except for the fact that the Sutta simply says that a Bhikkhu does practise these. Dhānañjāni was thus able, apparently without any radical change of his ways, to practise it in his Brahmin setting and be born in the Brahma-world.
In the Tevijjā Sutta, the position is different. It is admitted that the development of these practices leads to Brahma-companionship, but it is to come only after the fulfilment of the preliminary duties which are to be carried out by a Buddhist disciple.
are all basic requirements, possessed of which the Buddhist disciple is to purge his mind of the five evil traits (pañcanivarana).
Then alone has he reached the necessary mental poise for the effective practice of the above virtues referred to as Brahma-vihāra. We see in this Sutta the practice of the Brahma-vihāra adequately garbed in Buddhist fashion, even though it is recognised that this practice leads to Brahma-companionship.
This being so, no difficulty of incompatibility seems to be encountered here.
But in the Makhādeva Sutta, the Brahma-vihāra are valued differently. King Makhādeva who is recognised as the Buddha in one of his earlier existences, is said to have renounced the household life at the first appearance of the signs of old age. Living the life of brahmacariya, he practised not one, but all the four Brahma-vihāra and after death was born in the Brahma-world.
But after he became the Buddha, he was in a position to point out the limitations of the practice of the Brahma-vihāra as a way of religious life. It leads not to detachment, tranquility and cessation. It leads not to enlightenment but only confers birth in the Brahma-world. The Buddha is happy to be able to offer a new way of religious life which leads to detachment, cessation and tranquility. It is the way to enlightenment which is none other than the noble eightfold path.
We notice that there is a definite attempt in this Sutta to reject this alien way of the practice of Brahma-vihāra,
with its limitations, perhaps because of its strong ties with the Brahma-world, the relative inferiority of which the Buddha repeatedly stressed. The scope of the religious life of a Buddhist disciple would not only thereby be limited but also misdirected. The same criticism is made when a Buddhist disciple practises the life of brahmacariya, aspiring to be born in a particular heavenly world. The Cetokhila Sutta considers it a definite hindrance to spiritual progress.
However, the virtues developed under the Brahma-vihāra are in no way incompatible with the spiritual progress of a Buddhist disciple. They are, in fact, associated with the Buddha too. In the Jivaka Sutta, Jivaka tells the Buddha about these four virtues which are believed to be characteristics of Brahmā and adds that he feels that the Buddha also possesses them.
The Buddha admits that he possesses them but not as the result of a direct process of practice. On the other hand, it is by virtue of the fact that rāga, dosa and moha are completely eliminated in the Buddha. For it is these which give rise to vyāpāda, vihesā, arati and paṭigha which are the opposites of these four virtues.
Thus, in him they are only derivative virtues resulting from a higher achievement. But the Buddha speaks of his disciples as developing these virtues in their daily life.
The Commentary adds that these virtues are essential as the means to the attainment of Arahantship.
We notice here an attempt to offer a different motive which is more in keeping with Buddhist values for the practice of these much recognised virtues. It is particularly interesting to note how the elimination of arati is held out as an incentive for the practice of muditā. The explanation of arati as given in the Commentaries gives the virtue of muditā an essentially monastic character which it need not necessarily have. Arati is accordingly the apathy and indifference to the cloistered life and the lack of initiative in the striving for higher spiritual attainments.
Also note the comment on arati which is given in the Suttanipāta Aṭṭhakathā. There it is indicated that the pabbajita, even after the conquest of kāma on entering the monastic life, may yet fall a victim to arati if he fails to engage himself actively in the pursuit of the monastic aspirations.
As we examine the interpretation given here to muditā and arati with this distinctly monastic bias we begin to see that the Brahma-vihāra which originally were meant to bring about a mental purge and secure an equipoise of mind are also being used to serve partly as a stimulant in Buddhist monasticism. There is a statement in the Samyutta Nikāya which tries to make out that the difficult task for a pabbajita is the devotion and dedication to his mission of good monastic living.
The Samyutta has repeated laments over the falling standards of the Buddhist Saṇgha and we may safely infer that this statement reflects a similar attitude. At such a stage in the history of the order it is understandable that muditā is called upon to play this additional role of battling against spiritual lethargy and indifference.
The practice of these four virtues is also called appamānā cetovimutti and this cetovimutti is esteemed high in so far as it is stable and has led in that state of mental perfection to the elimination of rāga, dosa and moha.
Of these four, mettā alone as a virtue by itself, is advocated by the Buddha in the Kakacupama Sutta. This sermon which refers to the elimination of feelings of anger under all circumstances became, more or less, a standard injunction to his disciples. They are called upon to bear in mind the simile of the saw (kakacupama) at all times.
The Aṭṭhakanāgara Sutta points out that a disciple, realising the limitations of the mental purge resulting from the practice of these virtues under the Brahma-vihāra, would be propelled thereby to strive for further attainments.
Thus it becomes abundantly clear that in spite of the allusions to their transcendent character the Brahma-vihāra have only a limited significance in Buddhism in relation to the Buddhist life of brahmacariya.
Footnotes and references:
Belvalkar and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol.2. p. 216.
Ibid p. 135.
See ṭaṇkara's comment on Chānd. 6.1.1 He ṭvetaketo' nurupam gurum kulasya no gatvā vasa brahmacaryam. Na caitadyuktam yadasmatkulino he somyananucyānadhitya brahmabandhuriva bhavatiti brāhmanān bandhun vyapadisati na svayam brāhmanav¨tta iti.
Dvividho brahmacāri purvatra pratipāditah naishthika upakurvānash ceti. Medhātithibhāsya on Manu. 3.1.
a samāpteh sharirasya yastu shushrusate gurum sa gacchatya–jasā vipro brahmanah sadma shāsvatam - Manu. 2.244. The point of special interest here is Medhātithi's comment on 'brahmanah sadma shāsvatam which reads as na punah samsāram pratipadyata iti yāvat - Ibid.
Ibid. The commentary of Medhātithi countenances the possibility of explaining Brahman here either as a personal god or as the Paramātman. Brahmashabdena c ' etihāsadarshane devavishesash caturvaktrah tasya sadma sthānavishesah divi vidyate. Vedāmtavādinām tu brahma paramātmā tasya sadma svarupam eva tadbhāvāpattih.
Sattrimsadābdikam caryam gurau traivedikam vratam tadardhikam pādikam vā grahanāntikameva vā - Manu. 3.1.
Katham punartribhirvarsairvedah shakyo grahitum. Bhavati kashcin medhāvitamah. Medhātithi's comment on Manu. 3.1.
Aṭṭhacattālisam vassāni komārabrahmacariyam carimsu te vijjācaranapariyeṭṭhim acarum brāhmanā pure - Sn. v.289. So aṭṭhacattālisam vassāni komārabrahmacariyam carati mante adhiyamāno - A.III.224.
Aṭṭhacattālisam vassāni komārabrahmacariyam carimsu te vijjācaranapariyeṭṭhim acarum brāhmanā pure - Sn. v.289. So aṭṭhacattālisam vassāni komārabrahmacariyam carati mante adhiyamāno - A.III.224.
Belvalkar and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 2. p.125.
Satyena labhyastapasā hyesa ātmā samyagj–ānena brahmacaryena nityam- Mund. 3.1.5.
Belvalkar and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 2. p. 135.
Hume, The Thirteen Principal Upanishads, p. 380. Tesāmevaisa brahmaloko yesām tapo brahmacaryam yesu stayam pratisthitam. Tesāmasau virajo brahmaloko na yeshu jihmaman¨tam na māyā ceti - Prasna. 1.15.16.
Hume. op. cit. p. 224. Sa enān brahma gamayatesha devapatho brahmapatha etena pratipadyamānā imam mānavamāvartam nāvartante nāvartante - Chānd. 4.15.5.
Tadya evaitam brahmalokam brahmacaryenānuvindanti tesāmevaisha brahmalokah - Ibid. 8.4.3
Atha yadyaj–a ityācakshate brahmacaryameva tad... Ibid. 8.5.1.-3.
Hume, op.cit. p. 266.
Belvalkar and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 2. p. 135.
Brahmacaryam svādhyāya grahanāya he bhavati vivatshyācāryakule. ṭaṇkara on Chānd. 4.4.1.
ṭishyatvav¨tter brahmacaryasya prādhānyācchisyāh santo brahmacaryamushurushitavanta ityarthah. ṭaṇkara on B¨h. 5.2.1.
Tattatraivam satyetam brahmalokam brahmacaryena strivishayat¨shnātyāgena.... āpādayanti.
Sarvatra samyagj–ānena yathābhutātmadarshanena brahmacaryena maithunāsamacārena....
He svetaketo' nurupam gurum kulasya no gatvā vasa brahmacaryam. Na caitadyuktam yadasmatkulino he somyānanucyānadhitya brahmabandhuriva bhavatiti brāhmanān bandhun vyapadishati na svayam brāhmanav¨tta iti.
Vidyāprāptiprayojanagauravāt tyaktarāgadveshamohershyādidoshaveva bhutvoshatur brahmacaryam prajāpatau. ṭaṇkara on Chānd. 8.7.3.
Yo kho bhikkhave rāgakkhayo dosakkhayo mohakkhayo idam brahmacariyapariyosānan ti - S.V. 8,16, 26.
yassa kassaci bhikkhave bhikkhussa vā bhikkhuniyā vā cakkhu-vi––eyyesu rupesu uppajjeyya chando vā rāgo vā doso vā paṭigham vā ' pi cetaso tato cittam nivāraye..... Na tvam arahasi ' ti tato cittam nivāraye cakkhuvi––eyyehi rupehi... pe - S.IV.195.
Bloomfield, The Atharva-veda, p. 89.
Griffith, The Hymns of the Atharva-veda, vol. II. p. 68. n.
Ibid. XI. V. 1.
Ibid. XI. V. 5.
Ibid. XI. V. 20, 21.
Ibid. XI.V. 22.
The term Bodhisatta is used throughout this thesis to refer only to Buddha Gotama during the thirtyfive years of his early life, prior to his enlightenment. This covers both the princely life of twentynine years under the name of Siddhatta and the six years of mendicancy during which he came to be called Samano Gotamo. Referring to this earlier period prior to his enlightenment, the Buddha calls himself the Bodhisatta : Pubbe ' va me bhikkhave sambodhā anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa sato - M.I.24; S.II.10.
Icchām ' aham āvuso kālāma imasmim dhammavinaye brahmacariyam caritun ' ti - M.I.163.
Atha kho tesam dvādasanahutānam māgadhikānam brāhmanagahapatikānam etadahosi. Kinnukho mahāsamano uruvelakassape brahmacariyam carati udāhu uruvelakassapo mahāsamane brahmcariyam carati - Vin. I. 36.
Tena kho pana samayena sāriputtamoggallānā sa–jaye paribbājake brahmacariyam caranti - Vin.I. 39.
Atha kho assalāyana sattannam brāhmanisinam etam ahosi mogham vata no tapo aphalam brahmacariyan ' ti - M.II.155.
M.I. 514f. Also see Basham, The ajivikas, p. 17f.
Abhijānāmi kho panā ' ham sāriputta caturaṇgasamannāgatam brahmacariyam caritā : tapassi sudam homi paramatapassi lukhassudam homi paramalukho jegucchi sudam homi paramajegucchi pavivitta ' ssudam homi paramapavivitto - M.I. 77.
Ettha pana ayam brahmacariyasaddo... imesu atthesu dissati - DA.I.177.
Abhijānāmi kho panā ' ham sāriputta caturaṇgasamannāgatam brahmacariyam caritā tapassi sudam homi ' ti lomahamsanasutte viriyam brahmacariyan ' ti vuttam - DA.I.179.
J. I. 390.
Lomahamsana Sutta = Mahāsihanāda Sutta - M.I. 77.
Atthi nu kho ettha sāro ' ti bāhirakamicchātapam vimamsanto caturaṇgasamannāgatam brahmacariyavāsam vasim - J.I. 390
...bāhirakatapam vimamsissāmi ' ti ājivakapabbajjam pabbajitvā acelako ahosi. Ibid.
Evam caturaṇgasamannāgatam pana brahmacariyam caritvā bodhisatto maranakāle upaṭṭhitam nirayanimittam disvā idam vata samdānam niratthakan 'ti –atvā tam khana–– ' eva tam laddhim bhinditvā sammādiṭṭhim gahetvā devaloke nibbatti - Ibid.
See Supra p. 22. n. 3.
B¨h. 3.6; Tait. 2.6; Chānd. 6.3. See Hume, The Thirteen Principal Upanishads. p. 21 f.
Chānd. 3.14; Kaṭha. 5.2; Mund. 2.2.11; Mānd. 2.
S. I. 169.
SA. I. 265.
Bhagavadgitā 5. 24.
Srimadbhagavadgitārthaprakāsikā (Adyar Library ed.), p.168.
Ibid. 446. See. Gitā 18. 53.
Brahmabhutamiti brahmāhameva brahmeti brahmātmatvena siddho brahmabhutah. Srimadbhagavadgitārthaprakāsikā, 189.
Ahamkāram balam darpam kāmam krodham parigraham vimucya nirmamah shānto brahmabhuyāya kalpate - Gitā 18.53.
Addhāvauso kaccāna bhagavā jānam jānāti passam passati cakkhubhuto –ānabhuto dhammabhuto brahmabhuto vattā pavattā atthassa ninnetā amatassa dātā dhammassāmi tathāgato - M.I.111; III.195, 224; S.IV. 94.
Tathāgatassa h'etam vāsettha adhivacanam dhammakāyo iti ' pi brahmakāyo iti ' pi dhammabhuto iti ' pi brahmabhuto iti ' pi ' ti - D.III. 84.
Iti dhammakāyo assā ' ti dhammakāyo. Dhammakāyattā eva brahmakāyo. Dhammo hi seṭṭhaṭṭhena brahmā ' ti vuccati. Dhammabhuto hi dhammasabhāvo. Brahmabhutattā eva brahmabhuto - DA.III.865.
Tassa evam jānato evam passato kāmāsavā ' pi cittam vimuccati bhavāsavā 'pi cittam vimuccati avijjāsavā ' pi cittam vimuccati vimuttasmim vimuttan ' ti –ānam hoti khinā jāti vusitam brahmacariyam katam karaniyam nāparam itthattāyā ' ti pajānāti. Ayam vuccati bhikkhave puggalo nev ' attantapo nāttaparitāpanānuyogam anuyutto na parantapo na paraparitāpanānuyogam anuyutto. So anattantapo aparantapo diṭṭh ' eva dhamme nicchāto nibbuto sitibhuto sukhapaṭisamvedi brahmabhutena attanā viharati - M.I. 384. 413.
Loke anupalittā te brahmabhutā anāsavā - S.III. 83.
See Dhammapada, vv. 397 ff. Brāhmanavagga. Sabbasamyojanam chetvā yo ve na paritassati saṇgātigam visamyuttam tamaham brumi brāhmanam, etc.etc.
Sn. p. 50f.
Isayo pubbakā āsum sa––atattā tapassino pa–cakāmagune hitvā attadattham acārisum - Sn. v. 284.
Brahmacariya– ca sila– ca ajjavam maddavam tapam soraccam avihimsa– ca khanti– cāpi avannayum - Ibid. 292.
Na jaccā brāhmano hoti na jaccā hoti abrāhmano kammanā brāhmano hoti kammanā hoti abrāhmano - Ibid. 650.
Kammanā vattati loko kammanā vattati pajā kammanibandhanā sattā rathassāni ' va yāyato - Ibid. 654. Tapena brahmacariyena samyamena damena ca etena brāhmano hoti etam brāhmanam uttamam - 655.
Yāvatā bhikkhave sahassilokadhātu mahābrahmā tattha aggam akkhāyati - A.V. 59f.
Mahābrahmuno ' pi kho bhikkhave atth ' eva a––atattam atthi viparināmo. Evam passam bhikkhave sutavā ariyasāvako tasmim ' pi nibbindati tasmim nibbindanto agge virajjati pageva hinasmim - Ibid.
Dure ito brāhmani brahmaloko yassāhutim pagganhāsi niccam - S.I.141.
Ayameva ujumaggo ayam a–jasāyano niyyāniko niyyāti takkarassa brahmasahavyatāya. Sv ' āyam akkhāto brāhmanena pokkharasātinā ' ti - D.I. 236.
Mayham kho bhante evam ahosi ime kho brāhmanā brahmalokādhimuttā. Yannunā ' ham dhāna–jānim brāhmanam brahmānam sahavyatāya maggam deseyyan ' ti - M.II.195 f.
Sutam me ' tam bho gotama samano gotamo brahmānam sahavyatāya maggam deseti ' ti. Sādhu no bhavam brahmānam sahavyatāya maggam desetu ullumpatu bhavam gotamo brāhmanim pajan ' ti - D.I. 249.
Ayam pi kho dhāna–jāni brahmānam sahavyatāya maggo - M.II.195.
So vata vāseṭṭha apariggaho averacitto avyāpajjacitto asaṇkiliṭṭhacitto vasavatti bhikkhu kāyassa bhedā parammaranā apariggahassa... vasavattissa brahmuno sahavyupago bhavissati ' ti ṭhānam etam vijjati - D.I.252.
Rājā kho panānanda makhādevo.... agārasmā anagāriyam pabbajito brahmacariyam cari. So cattāro brahmavihāre bhāvetvā kāyassa bhedā parammaranā brahmalokupago ahosi - M.II. 76.
Katama–c ' ānanda etarahi mayā kalyānam vaṭṭam nihitam ekanta-nibbidāya virāgāya nirodhāya upasamāya abhi––āya sambodhāya nibbānāya samvattati. Ayam ' eva ariyo aṭṭhaṇgiko maggo seyyathidam sammādiṭṭhi .... sammāsamādhi - M.II. 82.
Puna ca param bhikkhave bhikkhu a––ataram devanikāyam panidhāya brahmacariyam carati iminā ' ham silena vā vatena vā brahmacariyena vā devo vā bhavissāmi deva––ataro vā ' ti ... evam assāyam pa–camo cetaso vinibandho asamucchinno hoti - M.I.102.
Yena kho jivaka rāgena yena dosena yena mohena vyāpādavā assa so rāgo so doso so moho tathāgatassa pahino ucchinnamulo tālavatthukato anabhāvakato āyatim anuppādadhammo. Sace kho te jivaka idam sandhāya bhāsitam anujānāmi te etan ' ti - Ibid. 369f.
Mettam rāhulā ' ti kasmā ārabhi... Mettādibhāvanāya pana hoti ' ti tādibhāvassa kāranadassanattham imam desanam ārabhi - MA.III.140.
Arati ' ti arati pantasenāsanesu c ' eva adhikusalesu dhammesu ca ukkanṭhitatā - ibid.
Tattha yasmā ādito ' va agāriyabhute satte vatthukāmesu kilesakāmā mohayanti te abhibhuyya anagāriyabhāvam upagatānam pantesu vā senāsanesu a––atara––ataresu vā adhikusalesu dhammesu arati uppajjati. Vutta– c ' etam pabbajitena kho āvuso abhirati dukkarā ' ti - SnA.II. 389.
Pabbajitena panāvuso kim dukkaran ' ti. Pabbajitena kho āvuso abhirati dukkarā ' ti - S.IV.260.
S.II. 206, 208,218,267.
Idhāvuso bhikkhu mettāsahagatena.... upekkhāsahagatena cetasā ekam disam pharitvā viharati......Ayam vuccat ' āvuso appamānā cetovimutti. Yāvatā kho āvuso appamānā cetovimuttiyo akuppā tāsam cetovimutti aggam akkhāyati. Sā kho pana akuppā cetovimutti su––ā rāgena su––ā dosena su––ā mohena - M.I. 297f.
Uppajjate sace kodho āvajja kakacupamam - Thag. 445. See also M.I.189.
So vitarāgo pavineyya dosam mettam cittam bhāvayam appamānam rattim divam satatam appamatto sabbā disā pharate appama––am - Sn. v. 507.
Metta–ca sabbalokasmim mānasam bhāvaye aparimānam - Sn. v.150. ......brahmam etam vihāram idha-m-āhu - Sn. 151.
Puna ca param gahapati bhikkhu mettā-sahagatena... upekkhā-sahagatena cetasā ekam disam pharitvā viharati.... So iti paṭisa–cikkhati ayam ' pi kho upekkhā-cetovimutti abhisaṇkhatā abhisa–cetayitā. Yam kho pana ki–ci abhisaṇkhatam abhisa–cetayitam tadaniccam nirodhadhamman ' ti pajānāti. So tattha ṭhito ... anuttaram yogakkhemam anupāpunāti - M.I. 351.