Conclusion

As we have examined, the 6^th century B.C. witnessed significant transitions in the realms of economy, polity and religion. These transitions marked seminal bearings on social processes, which preeminently re-shaped and refurbished normative, structural, institutional and behavioural components of society. Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh were epicentre of these transitions. Therefore, the first wave of major re-shaping and refurbishing of social formations could be seen in this geographical locale.

In the economic domain, by the 6^th century BC, the semi-nomadic/pastoral mainstay of the economic activities had given way to a settled surplus producing agrarian economy. Around this time we have evidence of iron-implements and tools being used in agrarian activities on a wider scale. The use of these tools also helped clearance of forest-land for bringing the soil under plough, especially in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, which with an average annual rainfall of 40cm must have been densely forested. The clearance of forest had scriptural sanction.

According to a Law-giver, the King could injure trees that bear fruits or flowers for the extension of agriculture and for sacrifice. Besides, the preserves of Gangetic-alluvial top-soil converted agriculture into surplus-generating economic occupation. In the process, a settled surplus generating agrarian economy evolved in Bihar and the eastern U.P.

The surplus generating agrarian economy created conditions for the growth of towns and the urban settlements in the region around 6^th century BC. The Six of the big cities were important enough to be associated with the passing away of the Buddha. These were Champa (modern Bhagalpur in Bihar), Rajagriha (nearly 60 miles South of Patna), Saket (eastern UP), Kaushambi (40 miles from Allahabad), Benaras, and Kushinara (modern Kasia in Deoria District of UP). Excavations, however, proved Rajagrih, Vaishali (near Muzaffarpur in Bihar) Rajghat (Benaras) Chirand (near Chhapara in Bihar), and Kaushambi to be the major urban settlements of the 6^th Century BC.

These urban Centres derived their economic dynamic through pursuance of secondary economic activities (non-agrarian economic activities, including, petty manufacturing, artisanal activities, trade, etc.). Thus, came to operate a reciprocal mechanism of demand and supply between the urban centres and their rural hinter lands. The former supplied the latter with non-agrarian commodities in return of supply of agrarian products. This mechanism facilitated the emergence of profession of mercantile community who intermediated in the process of exchange in rural-urban trade. The trade received a further fillip from the use of metal-coins. The earliest of coins discovered in India can’t be dated beyond the time of the Buddha. More than 300 hoards of Punch-marked coins are known, and many of these have been found in the geographical locale of Bihar and eastern UP. The Northern Black Polished Wares (NBPW), are new kind of pottery, which first appeared in this period might have helped the trade further.

The growth of towns, trade and money economy are closely linked up with the development of diverse arts and Crafts. Service occupations such as washermen, dyers, painters, barbers, tailors, weavers, cooks, and number of arts and crafts have been mentioned in early Buddhist writings. The existence of so many crafts implies especialisation in the field of commodity production. The manufacturing crafts included occupations of the reed-workers, potters, vehicle makers, needle-makers, gold-smiths, metal-smiths, carpenters, ivory-workers, silk manufacturers, and the likes. The rise of new-wealthy class in villages and towns caused economic inequalities, which further liquidated tribal ideals of kinship and equality.

The newly developed features of social and economic life of the people didn’t fit in with the Vedic ritualism and animal sacrifices, which had become source of senseless decimation of cattle-wealth-the main basis of the new plough agriculture. The conflict between the Vedic-religious practices and aspirations of the rising social groups led to the search for new religions and the philosophical ideas, which would accommodate the basic changes in the material life of the people.

The highly ritualistic orthodox Vedic religion failed to accommodate the rising aspirations of the new wealthy class as well as didn’t fit into the changing economic necessities. The Vedic taboos associated with traveling overseas, money-lending, and dining at ‘eating-houses’ proved detrimental to the prospects of expanding economic activities, including trade and commerce.

Thus, Buddhism responded in a dialectical manner to the changing scenario by integrating the aspirations of the newly rising class, which hitherto was not getting its due share in proportion to their changed economic status. In the process, the newly emergent class in turn, lent its support to Buddhism, which, proved a major factor in its expansion.

Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh which had undergone these radical transitions first were witness to varied and varigated impacts on the existing social processes.

The gahapati has been given consistently high status in the Buddhist texts which reveals the real status of the gahapati in society at the time of the Buddha. The existence of the relationship between the king as the head of state and the major economic representatives of the time represents this very clearly. The term of address, ayyputta, sometimes used for the gahapatis^[1] in relation to the people is an evidence of their high status. Nevertheless, the Buddha’s own recognition of the importance of the economic function as being basic to any society, despite his advocacy of renunciation as a means to salvation, is clearly indicative of his specific contribution to ideas on social status. In addition, he ascribed the khattiya, brahmana and gahapati to high status for equating the functions of all three on the same scale. The difference in status of the three ucca kula categories of khattiya, brahmana and gahapati is not indicated in the Pali texts, even though the serial order is always the same. In the same way, the Pali texts do not indicate a hierarchy of status among the low Kulas, even though the serial order is always the same. The question of rebirth in a ucca kula is a good index of the equal status of the three. Rebirth in a ucca kula is equally valued whether in a khattiya kula, brahmana, kula or a gahapati kula. In the same way, kulaputtas, or young men of good families (which include khattiyas, brahmana and gahapatis) pursuing certain occupations such as cattle-keeping, agriculture and trade are placed along with occupations like accounting and joining the king’s service. Importantly, the statement about kulaputtas following occupations such as agriculture, cattle keeping and trade is made to a brahmana and a khattiya and represents the Buddha’s attitude to economic functions. The person who produces is equally important to the one who wields power or who teaches and performs religious functions. The contribution of all the three categories is equal and they perform complementary functions in the social system. In this the Buddha is reversing radically the Brahmanical position wherein the role of the economy is clearly subservient to the role of ritual and power.

We examine an important facet of a evidence from the arguments contained earlier: the marked absence of the gahapati from the Brahmanical vanna and jati schemes contained in the Buddhist the Jaina texts. Conversely, the gahapati is an inherent part of the kula scheme depicted in the Buddhist literature. The gahapatis inclusion in the Buddhist scheme is of specific significance because they were intrinsic to the economic domain as a group, and more particularly were the owners and controllers of the primary means of production in the from of land. The gahapatis were neither a caste nor a group whose status was based on birth. In fact the gahapati cut across other social groups because the texts use the word brahmanas-gahapati for brahmanas who were based on land (that is for brahmanas whose identity was based on ascribed status but who performed the functions of a gahapati). The gahapatis were not adapted in the Brahamanical system and this is the greatest failure of the Brahmanical model which clearly shows the model’s rigidity and complete distance from empirical reality.

The brahmanas use bho^[2] as their commonest mode of address while they approach their equals. They use the term bho Gotama^[3] while addressing the Buddha. The term bho is used among the brahmanas while addressing each other which signifies equality, whereas Gotama refers to the Buddha’s gotta affiliation and not to his unique personality and that is why the term bho is used among the brahmanas while addressing each other which signifies equality, whereas Gotama refers to the Buddha’s gotta affiliation and not to his unique personality and that is why the term bho Gotama did not give special status to the Buddha.

The occurrence of the execution to the rule can be seen when a brahmana addresses the Buddha in anger. A case in point is that of Asurindaka Bharadvaja bramana who addresses the Buddha as samana^[4] in anger. Paccaniika brahmana intentionally insults the Buddha by calling him samana.^[5] The case of the brahmana Udaya is an another exception. The Buddha goes to the brahmana Udaya’s house and begs for alms. The brahmana fills the Buddha’s bowl with rice. After he has done so the third time, Udaya says to the Buddha, “A pertinacious man is the samana Gotama that he comes again and again.^[6]

The brahmana resorts to the use of bhante to address the Buddha only in one instance. The Buddha was invited to a meal by a certain brahmana in competition with others, thereby showing his obvious leaning towards the Buddha. In his formal invitation to the Buddha he addresses him as bhante along with bho Gotama.^[7] The brahmana manifests his deep respect towards the Buddha by addressing him as bhante; the additional bho Gotana indicates his retention of the membership of the brahmana group.

Another exceptional case is that of the brahmana Pingayani who comes forward before the assembly of the Licchavis and addresses the Buddha as Bhagava and sugata.^[8] He utters an impromptu couplet in which he praises and compares the Buddha with the Angirasa, the sun. However, the Licchavis reward him for this act by presenting him with five hundred robes, which the brahmana gives to the Buddha.

The brahmanas refer the Buddha as samano Gotama, saddhim sammodi (henceforth abbreviated as S.S.) is the usual description of the salutation that the brahmans use for the Buddha, which indicates an exchange of greetings, and once again implies equality of status, whereas the behaviour of other classes towards the Buddha, as we shall show presently, is described through the term abhivadeti, indicating respectful salutation.

The change in the behaviour of the brahmana can be noticed when he becomes an upasaka. The brahmana sonadanda’s case illustrates this. Sonada nda invites the Buddha for a meal after becoming an upasaka. After the meal he proposes a form of behaviour alternative to the one customary for an upasaka. He would join hands in salutation on entering the assembly only symbolically, by stretching forth his joined palms, and bow down low in salutation also symbolically, only by moving his hands whilst leaving.^[9] Usually upasakas,whether householders, monks, or kings salute (abhivadeti) the Buddha, and, keeping their right side to his, circumbulate and take leave of them. This is the stereotyped description found in the text. In the case of Sonada nda, the bramana acts less respectfully for fear of loss of status.

The practise in the case of those who become arahats, or enter the Buddhist samgha is very different, even when the converts are brahmanas. Thus sela brahmana who joins the order and becomes arahat, thenceforth and addresses the Buddha as bhante Bhagava.^[10] We also notice a change in terms of reference in the text. The prefix ayasma is added to these brahmanas who become monks.

On the other hand, Buddha uses a number of terms in addressing brahmanas which normally include the title brahmana. Sometimes in familiar cases he also addresses particular brahmanas by referring to their gotta. Brahmana-gahapatis when in a group are addressed by him as gahapatayo, stressing their role as heads of households. The brahmana youth, however, he addresses by their personal names as manava (student).

The Buddha addresses a brahmana after becoming a Buddhist monk with his gotta and never as brahmana. In the terms of reference the personal name and gotta are used. Moreover, the usual forms of address and the titles used in addressing monks, such as avuso and ayasma also occur respectively.

Although the doctrine of Jains was known to the Buddha^[11], very few of them are actually mentioned in the text. A Niganthaputta saccaka has talks with the Buddha among others, in which he addresses the Buddha as bho Gotama. However, the Buddha addresses saccaka by his gotta, Aggivessana. Saccaka’s mode of address is coupled with the usual exchange of greeting (S.S.).^[12] It is interesting to note Prince Abhaya’s behaviour towards the Buddha and Nigantha Nataputta.^[13] He salutes (abhivadeti) the Nigantha Nataputta, sits down, and addresses him as bhante. Winding up the conversation he salutes him, circumbulates him and goes to the Buddha. He repeats the whole process when he approaches and takes leave of the Buddha. Both the Buddha and the Nataputta address him as rajakumara.^[14] The activities of the prince Abhaya mentioned above suggests that he gave equal respect to these two religious heads.

The types of recluses mentioned as Paribbajakas can be grouped into three categories according to their attitude towards the Buddha: (1) those who consider the Buddha as their equal, (2) those who do so at first but in the end are converted, thereby bringing about an essential change in their attitude towards the Buddha, and (3) those who have already acknowledged him as their superior.

The Buddha is generally addressed as bho Gotama; he in his turn either uses the personal names or the gotta names of the Paribbajakas.

The text mentions various forms of marriage and unions. The two forms avaha and vivaha are the most approved of them, invariably mentioned together. It is not very certain whether these are two ceremonies of one single form or two different forms. The parents arrange avaha-vivaha. The parties to the marriage are young and chaste (kumara kumarika). Upon marriage the wife goes to live with her husband’s family.

The individual opinions of the girl and youth are conspicuously absent, although compatibility is suggested by imputation of identical qualities to both the parties. The families of both the parties are unknown to each other. It is the status and position in society of the families on both sides which are of importance. It is presumed that the families must be equal. Their relationship is not equal when the marriage is being arranged but the youth’s family is superior. While the youth’s parents would like to induce the girl’s parents, the latter would beg them to arrange the marriage. The girl’s parents have an additional obligation to pay dowry (vatthu), while the youth’s parents have to establish only the status and position.

The term mata-pitaro has been translated as parents; however, it appears that it may not necessarily refer to the mother and father only. It is perhaps of some significance that the parties to marriage are not son and daughter (puttadara) but youth and a girl (Kumara and Kumarika). This interpretation of mata-pitaro is compatible with the meaning which we have assigned to it earlier. Therefore, we may presume that the marriage was arranged by the parents, not only of their son’s and daughter’s but also all the charges under them within the extended family.

The occurrence of another reference to avaha-vivaha can be seen in one of the Buddha’s utterances. Contrasting supreme perfection to avvha-vivaha, the Buddha says, “There is no reference to the question either of birth (jati vada), gotta (gotta vada) or the prestige (mana vada), which says that you are held as worthy as I or you are not held worthy as I, “It is in the talk of marriage (avaha-vivaha) that reference is made to these things.”^[15] The emphasis is here once more on the status and prestige in connection with avaha-vivaha. This time, however, status is expressed in terms of birth and gotta.

Yet another reference to avaha-vivaha is made when a setthi of Rajagaha, invites the Buddha for a meal. Anathapindnika, the husband of the host’s sister, mistakes the preparations for the meal with those for great sacrifice, invitation to a king and a (avaha-vivah).^[16] This suggests that avaha-vivaha involved considerable expense, particularly in the case of the rich.

The text mentions different forms of marriage, all in one place.^[17] Some of these are: (1) When a woman is bought with money (dhanakkhita). (2) When a woman stays of her own accord with a man (chandavasini). (3) When a man gives her money (bhoga vasini). (4) When a man gives her clothes (patav asini). (5) When an ablution of water is performed (odapattak ani). The woman lived with her lover of her own will, is the nearest we get to a free and willing union. The union may not be temporary in the case of dasi and Kammakari but in these cases the special position of the woman was a prerequisite to the union. It is noticeable that not all dasis and Kammakaris entered into union by virtue of their position; if anything, these forms of marriage may show the strength of the authority-obedience relationship between the master and the servant. It seems that the above do not exhaust all forms of marriage.

Early Buddhist literature reflects patriarchal values in relation to women as well. Such an assertion may appear to be a contradiction since the period as a whole is supposed to have been characterized by a higher status for women than in the past^[18] for dissident sects allowed women to join their respective sects. Everyone had the potential for salvation regardless of caste, class or sex as has been undoubtedly recognized by the samana culture. This principle was not accepted by the society and their attitude was generally against women. The narrative depicting the entry of bhikkunis into the sangha illustrates this bias. The Buddha prohibited bhikkunis from entering in the sangha. The permission was finally granted with the help of ananda who made the Buddha concede that women were as capable of salvation as men^[19], which in itself was a recognized tenet of the samanạ culture.

The principles of equality between men and women were genuinely believed by ananda only in the entire early Buddhist literature, and he systematically championed their cause.^[20] After Buddha’s death the sangha even criticized him for espousing the cause of women on two occasions: first for pleading Mahapajapati Gotami’s case on the question of the entry of women into the sangha: and second, for his gesture of sympathy to the weeping Malla women who wanted a glimpse of the Buddha’s last remains.^[21] This was treated as defiling the Buddha’s sacred body. The unequal relationship between men and women was taken into consideration by anand, who was the only figure in Buddhist literature to feel this. It was just astonishing for him to believe as to why women should not sit in court, or conduct business^[22] and on one occasion he sought an explanation from the Buddha concerning this matter. In ananda’s opinion their participation in all such activities was necessary.

The general tone of Buddhist literature is totally against women, apart from ananda’s espousal of their cause. They were firmly placed under the authority of bhikkhus once they were grudgingly admitted into the sangha. Mahapajapati Gotami had to accept this preconditions before women were into permitted into the sangha.^[23] Gotami took the initiative to abolish the system of rising and saluting even the junior-most bhikkhu^[24] by the old or senior bhikkhuni with the help of ananda. It was argued by the Buddha that this privilege should not be granted to women because the anna titthiyas did not allow this privilege.^[25]

The Buddhist texts display a number of demerits for the dislike of women like they were accused of ensnaring men^[26], and are secretive and not open-minded^[27], full of passion, easily angered, stupid and adulterous. They are not able to carry out any business or earn a living by any profession because they are uncontrolled, envious, greedy and stupid.^[28] Numerous restrictions were imposed upon bhikkhunis, who were even required to offer their alms to the monks if they ran into them.^[29] The bhikkhunis had to receive severer punishments than bhikkhus for similar offences in some cases.^[30]

A woman has been depicted as centering around men, adornment, her son, and being without a rival.^[31] Women were considered as slaves and supposed to be obedient to their husbands.^[32] The king, the sangha, the seni (guild) or puja (company) kept them under their control. Women who led their lives as daughters, wives, and mothers were therefore quite clearly subjected to the authority of men and this attitude was projected even into the social world of the sangha. In the opinion of the Buddha, it is unbelievable that a woman can be either a tathagata or a cakkavatti. In other words, they could not be heads of the social world.^[33]

The period also witnessed the fact that the courtesan had not to suffer from social ostracism or a low status. Ambapali’s invitation to a meal was accepted by the Buddha and he received a gift of the Ambavana from her.^[34] Moreover, a woman becoming the dutiful wife and mother, a matriarch ruling over her vast family comprising of many children and grandchildren was considered the most valued tenet as exemplified in the person of Visakha Mahapajapati.^[35] Visakha has been considered the most important woman in the Pali texts for her mother image, supporting the sangha from outside and leading a lay existence and not Mahapajapati Gotami who had renounced the world in search of liberation.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

S.N., III, p. 269.

[2]:

Digha Nikaya. I.89, 113, 236; Majjhima Nikaya. I. 165, 208-9; II. 134, 147, 394; Samyutta Nikaya IV. 18.

[3]:

Anguttara Nikaya. I.67-70, 155, 157-58, 163-66, 169-73, II. 43-44, 172-73, 173-76, 232-33, III, 227-30; IV. 41-46, 54-56, 173-79, 285-89; Digha Nikaya. I. 89-90, 106, 108, 118-26, 134, 224-27, 236-27, 236-37, 252; Majjhima Nikaya. I. 198-208, 285-90, 356-59; II. 108-10, 141-42, 142-45, 147-48, 157, 165-68, 168-69, 177, 197-208, 210-11, 213, 462-23; III. 1-7: Samyutta Nikaya. I. 160-61, 162-63, 163-64, 164-65, 166-67, 171, 172-73, 175, 176-77, 178-79, 179-80, 181, 182; II. 77; V.2, 17, 19, 352-56; sau. Ni. 87-91; Vinaya. I. 2-3. In the sutta Nipata (vs.620), a brahmana is called bho-vadin (one who utters bho), in contrast to good brahmana See also Dhammapda, Vs. 396.

[4]:

Samyutta Nikaya. I.136.

[5]:

Ibid., I. 179.

[6]:

Ibid., I. 173.

[7]:

Vinaya, I.212-13, also exchange of greetings, saddhim sammaodi, (S.S.) takes place.

[8]:

Anguttara Nikaya.III.239-40.

[9]:

Digha Nikaya.I.125-26.

[10]:

Majjhima Nikaya.II.401-2 (Nalanda edition).

[11]:

See Majjhima Nikaya.I.371; II.228-30, 236, 243f.

[12]:

Majjhima Nikaya.I.229-30.

[13]:

Ibid., pp. 392-94.

[14]:

Ibid.

[15]:

Digha Nikaya.I.99.

[16]:

Vinaya.III.154-55.

[17]:

Ibid., III.139-40.

[18]:

I.B. Horner, Women under Primitive Buddhism, p. 2.

[19]:

Cullavaagga, p. 374.

[20]:

I.B. Horner, Women under Primitive Buddhism, p. 295ff.

[21]:

Cullavaagga, p. 411.

[22]:

A.N., II, p. 87.

[23]:

Cullavagga, pp. 374-77.

[24]:

This is particularly offensive in a society where age and seniority is normally respected irrespective of sex.

[25]:

Cullavagga, p. 378. Incidentally the argument indicates how far Buddhism was willing to go in its view of change. While they may have been more progressive than the brahmanas, the Buddhists certainly did not want to deviate from the norms established by the wider samanas culture. No innovation was considered apart from the general traditions of the samanas.

[26]:

A.N., II, p. 498; G.S., III, p. 191.

[27]:

A.N., II, p. 87; G.S., I, p. 261.

[28]:

A.N., II, p. 87; G.S., II, p. 93.

[29]:

Cullavagga, p. 388.

[30]:

I.B. Horner, Book of Disciplince, Vol. III, p. xxxix.

[31]:

A.N., II, p. 76.

[32]:

A.N., II, pp. 224,361-7.

[33]:

A.N., I, p. 29.

[34]:

D.N., II, p. 78.

[35]:

Visakha Migaramata was considered auspicious for these very qualities.