Triveni Journal

1927 | 11,233,916 words

Triveni is a journal dedicated to ancient Indian culture, history, philosophy, art, spirituality, music and all sorts of literature. Triveni was founded at Madras in 1927 and since that time various authors have donated their creativity in the form of articles, covering many aspects of public life....

Reviews

NEHRU’S INDIA: SUNBEAMS AND SHADOWS

Nehru: A Contemporary’s Estimate by Walter Crocker. Published by George Allen and Unwin, London. Pages l86. Price 28 sh.

Jawaharlal Nehru: Life and Work by M. Chalapathi Rau. Re. 1.50.

The Nehru Legacy: A Symposium. Rs. 5. Both published by the National Book Club, 12, Meena Bagh, New Delhi-1.

Once that intriguing question ‘After Nehru, who or what?’ has, in fact, been answered, quite a few political writers seem to divert themselves with the other question “Nehru’s India–whither or what?” It might be something of an irony of fate that some of his old critics have since found it a profitable hobby to find fault with his successors for not continuing his well-known policies. On the other hand, some of his erstwhile admirers feel slightly superior and derive a curious satisfaction from the new-found habit of ‘dispassionate’ analysis, in which they claim to find Nehru wanting in many substantial respects. Mr. Walter Crocker, the Australian diplomat, in his Contemporary’s Estimate, runs the risk of falling into the second category. He professes to have been an ardent admirer of Nehru the man, though, when the reader is not yet half through the book, the ardour cools off perceptibly.

In his approach to Nehru, an observer like Mr. Crocker starts with a distinct advantage. He can afford to be rather dispassionate, for he may remain comparatively uncommitted. Not that in this case he is actually uncommitted. At best, it is a semblance, at worst a pretension. Academically, it is just possible that he can retain a certain balance. But does this balance always imply that the writer should neatly cancel out every achievement with a black mark for something else, momentous or trivial?

Mr. Crocker was in India for over six years between 1952 and 1962 as head of the Australian mission (and later as High Commissioner) and had ample opportunities to watch his subject at close quarters and study it in every detail. He does justice to his own powers of description in presenting a vivid close-up of the Indian Prime Minister; proud and chivalrous, sensitive and artistic, noble and generous, impatient and irritable.

It is hardly possible to belittle the role of Gandhi and Nehru as the twin apostles of Indian freedom and yet try to understand them as patriots and political leaders. But this is just what Mr. Crocker would do, in his ingenious excursion into political affairs. Now for a gem of political wisdom, one of the many, he drops on the wayside, with a calculated prodigality:

“Nehru’s record for intransigence has to be stressed because there is grave question whether his way of getting independence for India was the only way, or indeed a good way. Equally patriotic and equally clever Indians – Indians, such as Sapru, thought not.”

How conveniently he forgets (or is he so blissfully unaware of the basic facts of the history of Indian politics?) that but for the ‘intransigence’ of Nehru and the millions who thought with him, there would not be the freedom that we know of. And as for Sapru and company, it was true that they were as clever as Nehru, or cleverer still, but all their cleverness could make no dent on the intransigence of the British rulers for decades. And, pray, who told Mr. Crocker that Nehru was clever? He was known to be intelligent, yes, thoughtful and far-sighted; but far from being clever. Not even his worst enemies could say that she was clever or cunning (which Mr. Crocker does hint at directly or indirectly more than once in his own attempts to be subtle as an analyst of human character and the political situation).

The two major issues on which Mr. Crocker virtually write Mr. Nehru off as a statesman are the Sino-Indian dispute (leading to the invasion by China) and the Goa problem, which was settled, once for all, by the India Government occupying the Portuguese territory (actually, the Indian enclaves under Portuguese hegemony, because of a historical accident, traceable to a long-forgotten matrimonial deal between two European dynasties). On the Chinese aggression, the author writes under the assumption that India was as much to blame as China (luckily for us, he does not go as far as Bertrand Russell, who seemed to feel that India was more to blame and should, therefore, make it up with China).

He assumes that a border dispute with China is just a border dispute, and that Communist China is just like any other Asian or European State. Is Mr. Croker so simple as not to realise that as the leader of militant communism in Asia and Africa, China has its own political dialectic and military strategy? And it attacks not where it is most provoked from, but where it knows that the other side is least protected. Hong Kong is still in tact and Formosa is left untouched. Was there ever no provocation from the latter? But Peking knows the strength of the American Seventh Fleet only too well. And as for the other Asian neighbours, it knows how to pick and choose. But every country will have its turn, in due course, may be not excluding Pakistan. If the first blow fell on India, as the spearhead of a different way of life (parliamentary democracy, socialist planning, personal liberty and so on), it should not surprise any student of current affairs, not in the least, a shrewd diplomat like Mr. Crocker.

On Goa Mr. Crocker chooses to be even more harsh and less perspicacious. He suggests, almost like a leader of the opposition in the Indian Parliament, that it was a put-up job and a sort of pre-election stunt. He stops at nothing, for a man of his restraint:

“Nehru’s biographers, if they care for the high moral reputation which he had enjoyed for so long, and for its decline, will have to seek for the reasons, which led him to Goa, no less than for the reasons which led to his stand on Kashmir. Until then, Nehru remains charged with machiavellianism….Nehru in spite of Goa, was no hypocrite and no impostor...”

The author must have heard of Pondicherry and how its future was peacefully settled by the French Government, whose title to it was no worse than that of the Portuguese. The surprise was not that the occupation of Goa came off the way it did in 1962, but that it did not come earlier. He may also be aware of the Portugese colonial methods in Angola and Mozambique. That they got a beating where they deserved most should not have riled Mr. Crocker unduly. India’s territorial sovereignty over the enclaves had been proved to the hilt by Mr. V. K. K. Menon and Mr. Nehru himself. He seemed, however, to strain at a gnat in this as in many other things in his account, the same author who could swallow camels elsewhere.

In the overall estimate itself, Mr. Crocker, the career diplomat that he can never cease to be even as an author, tends to scrutinise the life and work of Nehru as if he were sitting in judgment over the confidential record of a junior civil servant. Only too rarely do the realisation dawn on him that Nehru Was the prime architect of the Indian Revolution, unfinished though it be (as it must needs be continuing), besides being the first Prime Minister of Free India and the leader of the freedom struggle in India and also its inspirer in some of the other countries in Asia and Africa.

In discussing Nehru the Prime Minister, the author devotes some considerable space to two other significant personalities, closely associated with him at one stage or another in his stewardship. For Rajaji, he seems to have the highest regard, bordering on the hero worship of an active member of the Swatantra Party.

On the character of Krishna Menon, the author has something to say that comes near the truth; and he says it with admirable subtlety. To the credit of Mr. Crocker, it must be said that there is no padding in his book, which is tightly packed with facts, opinions and arguments. But there is little in it, by way of a transforming sympathy or a deep understanding of the subject to enthuse over the publication, Prof. Toynbee’s good chit notwithstanding.

As an antidote to the polished innuendoes and plausible insinuations generously indulged in throughout ‘a contemporary’s estimate’ by Mr. Crocker, one can do worse than turn one’s attention to another contemporary’s estimate–that of Mr. Chalapathi Rau in his booklet entitled “Jawaharlal Nehru: Life and Work”. It is a collection of half-a-dozen radio talks given by the author after Nehru’s death. As Editor of The National Herald for nearly two decades now, Mr. Chalapathi Rau has had occasion not only to interpret and comment on the basicpolicies of Nehru, the foreign policy in particular, but spell them out and restate them, from time to time, for the benefit of Nehru himself as well the far-flung readers. In a way, it would hardly be an exaggeration to state that he had shared, indirectly though, in the task of evolving India’s foreign policy through the years. He rightly considers Nehru, in foreign policy as in other things, the great educator. Here is his comment:

“Jawaharlal Nehru could not think of foreign policy as a success or failure. It keeps growing. But he saw the validity of some principles, however much they are broken in practice. The Five Principles of Peace remained valid for him, whatever may have happened. He annotated co-existence into peaceful co-existence. He worked passionately for the future and instructed Indian delegations to the U. N. to put their weight on the side of peace, disarmament and international cooperation. He brought peace to Korea and Indo-China. He sent Indian troops on mercy missions. He was not interested in the meta-physics of non-violence, though he accepted its morality. He disliked wars, the wars of history, imperialism’s wars, fascism’s wars and even cold war…..”

Those who find nothing easier or merrier nowadays than having a fling at Nehru’s foreign policy might ponder, even if they cannot endorse, this summing up:

“To dabble in foreign affairs is easy, with a never ending flow of material, briefs arid memoranda and correspondence. But to deal with foreign affairs with authority and comprehension requires not only knowledge, but vision. Besides Jawaharlal Nehru, most world leaders looked petty and provincial. His vision was clear and consistent, and whatever the sets, it remained unclouded.”

Unlike Mr. Crocker, who ends up by dismissing Nehru as a destroyer rather than as a builder, Mr. Chalapathi Rau has no doubts about his place in history. He observes:

“ ...whatever the controversies over certain policies, it cannot be denied that he laid the foundations of our democracy, our secularism, our socialism and of our policy towards the rest of the world. The record cannot be forgotten or washed away, and whatever else may happen, these unending processes, which he established cannot be reversed...By whatever standards anyone can judge him, Nehru’s place is by the side of Gandhi. Like Buddha and Ashoka, like Marx and Lenin, Gandhi and Nehru go together. What else, besides? It is for history to worry. Jawaharlal Nehru lives in the hearts and minds of men not only because of the splendour of his image or because of his shinning character, but because he is so much an intimate part of modern India....”

Quite a few books on Nehru had come out in recent years. But a definitive biography of him is not yet. Mr. Chalapathi Rau who knows so much on the subject and has all the sympathy, understanding and admiration (not uncritical by any means) expected of a biographer, should undertake a full-length work if justice were to be done to the memory ofNehru. In the symposium on The Nehru Legacy, he gives the reader more than a glimpse of what he alone happens to know of some little-known aspects of Nehru. That Nehru had many facets to his personality; all of comparable brilliance, is borne outby six other contributors including Mr. Kamaraj and Prof. Hiren Mukerji, Mr. M. C. Setalvad and Dr. Gyanchand, representing a wide enough variety of political affiliations and intellectual interests.
–CHITRAGUPTA

Hindu Culture and Personality by Philip Spratt. Published by Manaktalas, Bombay. Pages 400. Price Rs. 32.

The author professes in the preface, with remarkable modesty, that the book is an attempt to gain an understanding of Hindu culture, with the help of Psycho-analytic ideas. But itis really, a very ambitious and laudable endeavour towards a close and scientific study of the culture of the people of this ancient land which, according to him, is historically continuous and psychologically homogeneous.

It is often assured that Hinduism is essentially a religious and philosophical tradition, deriving from the Vedas, crystallising in the Upanishads, the Brahmasutras and the Gita, and culminating , in the great commentaries of the medieval period: that most of its other features relating to religious ritual modes of worships social institutions and practices have been acquired from sources external to this great tradition: and that therefore Hinduism, is a heterogeneous collection of culture traits.

The study of Hindu personality and culture, from the point of view of psycho-analysis, attempted by the author in this book, on the other hand, leads to the conclusion that Hindu culture, and he includes Buddhism and Jainism in his conception of Hindu culture, is psychological theory which accounts for the characteristic religious attitudes, philosophical doctrines, and social practices, of Yoga, tapasya, satyagraha, nishkama karma and anatha, caste, the village goddess cult, and the popular mythologies, and presents them as the different phases and facets of the same personality type and cultural tradition.

The qualifications which he claims for writing on the subject of a sympathetic understanding of the Hindu mind by virtue of having lived in India for more than thirty five years, in intimate contact, almost exclusively with Hindus, and at the same time an objective scientific attitude towards it by virtue of his not being a Hindu, must be conceded.

The psycho-analytic ideas are not, as the author recognises, as familiar in India as in the West, but he explains that he has used them in his study in a scientific spirit, as hypotheses to direct attention to truth which is not easily reached in any other way, and pleads that they should be accepted in the same spirit. But the range of the study attempted is so comprehensive, the knowledge of the subject exhibited so detailed and accurate, and the explanation offered and conclusions arrived at so logical, consistent and convincing and conducive to national integration in the present and concerted endeavour towards adaptation to modern circumstances and future progress, that the Indian reader is sure to be tempted to acquire the necessary minimum acquaintances with psycho-analysis, its ideas, classifications and their application, in order to understand the contents and appreciate the conclusions.

The author is a foreigner who felt the call of India early in his life, and dedicated himself to the service of this ancient land, ever since he came out to this country in 1926, when he was a young man of 24. His participation in the movement for the political freedom of the country and the distinction he won in the field of journalism later, are well-known to the intelligentia of the land. But this scientific study of the culture of the land is his culminating achievement in the service of a country which he has loved ardently, for which we should feel highly grateful.

The theory of projective extroversion expounded in Chapter 2 deserves the special attention of the reader as it constitutes an original contribution of the author to the science of psycho-analysis, and as he seems to attempt to account for the characteristic ethical attitudes and philosophical doctrines of Hinduism and Buddhism with reference to it, and further he seems to consider it the unique contribution of Hinduism to the civilisation of the human race.
–M. SIVAKAMAYYA

From Mind to Supermind (a commentary on the Bhagavadgita) by Rohit Mehta. P. C. Manaktala and Sons Private Ltd., Bombay-I. Pages 210. Price Rs. 20.

This is a new, readable commentary in English on the Bhagavadgita by Sri Rohit Mehta, an eminEnt Theosophist and art international lecturer. There are some novel features in this commentary. Even in naming the chapters the author has shown his originality. The 12th and the 13th chapters, for instance, are named as “The one without a home” and the “Silent watcher” respectively. The author selects a few slokas only in each chapter and expounds them in such a manner that each chapter reads as a lecture coherent and complete in itself. He does not delve deep into the technical subtleties of textual interpretations on traditional lines. Nor does he devote himself to polemics. His approach is psychological and practical, his presentation of the subject is clear and analytical, so much so, this commentary has a direct appeal to the busy modern man, who cannot wade through the traditional classical commentaries on the Gita.

In the opinion of the author, the Gita is a book dealing with the Yoga of integration, and in the Psychological integration man has to be a pilgrim along the three paths of (1) knowledge (2) devotion and (3) action as well. The Gita leads Arjuna from mind to supermind.

The Bhagavadgita, the author declares, enunciates the gospel of right action which is possible through right perception alone, which again can be obtained through Yoga which is defined in the Gita in three places as (1) dissociation from that which gives an association with sorrow (2) equilibrium and (3) skill in action. Dissociation from the three qualities, sattva, rajas and tamas gives equilibrium. This gives skill in action, when man achieves right perception, he becomes an integrated man Yukta and the creation of an integrated individual is the purpose and the dynamic message of the Gita.

The most significant and interesting contribution that the author makes, consists in the symbolical and Psychological interpretation of many of the words that we come across in the text. Srikrishna represents the cosmic will and Arjuna represents the individual will. The Kurukshetra war is only symbolical of this inner war of two wills….Yukta or integrated man is one who combines in himself knowledge, devotion and action. Samkhya and Yoga can be described as right perception and right action (p, 22). Action without attachment is action done not out of necessity but out of spontaneity.

The meaning and purpose of an Avatara is scientifically explained with suitable illustrations. The word Vikarma means reaction but not wrong action. The state where all reactions drop away is Akarma or inaction which corresponds to the skillness of mind (p. 48). To sacrifice is to be a witness to oneself. The relation between Jnana Yoga and Karma Yoga is that of experience and expression (p. 56). The two lines of thought, Occultism and Mystic approach, are seen in Samkhya and Yoga (p. 62). Knowledge is tuition from without and wisdom is tuition from within...To think upon Him at the time of death is, according to the author, but cessation of thought (p. 87).

Fire, light, daytime, bright fortnight and Uttarayana mentioned in the 8th chapter represent the condition of alertness, clarity of mind, period of action, feeling of abiding love and clear consciousness. To see one self in the midst of routine of daily life, as a witness, is the essence of Japa Yajria (p. 101). The saying of the Lord that “He is the gambling of the cheat” means that the mystic and the devotee who can gamble away their lives, and who in their communion with the unborn and the unmanifest play high stakes in the game of life, find themselves in possession of Life Eternal.

According to Sri Rohit Mehta, “Knowledge, Devotion and Action are not three distinct and separate paths having no relationship with each other. On the contrary they together make the whole. It does not matter which is the starting point.”

While commenting on the last verse of the Gita the author concludes in a brilliant manner. “When vision or Yoga and action or Dhanuh are combined, when mind and supermind function in perfect harmony, when mind invites buddhi to be its charioteer, then the victory in the battle is assured. The mind to become an instrument of the supermind–this verily is the message of the Bhagavadgita.”

Brimming with brilliant ideas, couched in pithy sentences, presented in a palatable manner, besprinkled and bespiced with quotations here and there from the works of Dr. Radhakrishnan, Blavatsky and some English poets, this commentary, in short, is old wine in new bottles, which, if assimilated, is sure to tone up the spirit of the modern man to whom in particular this is intended.

–B. KUTUMBA RAO

Like what you read? Consider supporting this website: