Settlement in Early Historic Ganga Plain

by Chirantani Das | 143,447 words

This page relates “Trade network of the Varanasi region” as it appears in the case study regarding the settlements in the Early Historic Ganga Plain made by Chirantani Das. The study examines this process in relation to Rajagriha and Varanasi (important nodal centres of the respective Mahajanapadas named Magadha and Kashi).

Vārāṇasī was known for its trade activities. There are frequent mentions of trading enterprises in the Jātakas. Though the Jātakas were composed much later than the early period of Vārāṇasī, yet their description and some corresponding archaeological findings indicated existence of a fast growing trade. Some of the Jātaka stories describe merchants going for a cross country business trip with 500 wagons of merchandise.[1] Trade routes often passed through deserts, dense forests or they were infested wild beasts, robbers. Travellers also had to face problems of drought, shortage of food or water. Despite these difficulties the caravan traders carried on their business ventures even in a larger scale because they were highly profitable. Therefore ignoring these problems the long distance trade went on ever increasing. The Jātakas rather described to the distant places to which Vārāṇasī merchants had their trade contacts. For example, some Vārāṇasī merchants taking the link from a bird set out to a voyage to Babylonia.[2] The Śaṅkha Jātaka referred to a journey to the Suvarṇa dvipa.

The Indian travellers knew the seas like Khuramāla (Persian gulf), Agnimāla (red Sea), Dadhimāla, Nilakusamāla, Nalamāla (unidentified) and Balabhumukha (the Mediterranean Sea).[3] Archaeological proofs to support these statements are however few. But the Jātaka references were probably not corresponding to the earliest period of Vārāṇasī. Trade in the period I of Vārāṇasī was very rudimentary, based on some kind of barter and spatially limited. In the period II, when various crafts and arts also became developed commercial links were set up to contemporary cities of Rājagṛha, Śrāvastī, Ujjain, Taxila etc. This has been confirmed by discovery of some similar beads from other contemporary cities. Beads were manufactured at archaeological sites of Rajghat, Prahladpur, Diha, Vaiśālī, Muzaffarpur, Ganwaria.

At Rajghat seven unfinished agate beads were found. A long circular barrel, banded agate bead of 400- 200 BCE of Vārāṇasī is similar to another bead of Śrāvastī of the same period. The same way a short barrel bead of carnelian is identical to Ahichatra and a hexagonal green jasper bead of Taxila has a similarity with a Vārāṇasī bead. These findings suggest a trade network among these early historic cities. A search for the raw materials of these beads may be relevant to the study of the trade links of Vārāṇasī. Nearest to Vārāṇasī, Haematitic jasper and Chalcedonic quartz were available from Mirzapur district. Other nearby areas from where they could be gathered were Gaya, Saran etc. Vindhyachal plateau, a portion of which is extended to Sasaram region was a resource area of chert. This area was also a source of other minerals too. Probably this region was accessed by Vārāṇasī traders for collection of raw materials.

There was a direct route from Vārāṇasī to Sasaram. Some of the Vindhyan sites yielded various types of semi-precious stones. At Chopani Mando chalcedony, agate and carnelian were traced. These semi precious stones were also found at Mahagara Panchoh, Sringaverapura, Sonepur, Chirand, Kakoria, Sohgaura and Taradih. Local availability of these raw materials was converted into a ready supply to urban areas or manufacturing units by the trade routes and traders. This cultural axis and route was first explored in the proto-Neolithic, Neolithic times with the spread of cord impressed pottery and lithic hoard. In this phase this route was much more elaborate and thoroughly used. Routes were mainly riverine. Semi precious stones were transported in the route passing through Mirzapur, located in the Vindhyas to Allahabad and finally Vārāṇasī through the Gaṅgā. From Vārāṇasī to Ghazipur there was a good carriage road. Through this goods can be transported to other places by the Gaṅgā or Gomti which were also navigable. Otherwise eastern Uttar Pradesh and North Bihar was also connected though the Ghagra. In this route Manjhi was an important stop. Mirzapur was also connected to Gaya. In this the river Son must have acted as the line of communication. But this was rather an alternative. The main one actually ran along the Gaṅgā and connected Patna or Bhagalpur and proceeded farther towards Bengal. So a large cultural axis was already created in the early time of Neolithic period.

The picture that emerges is that different cultural zones in the middle Gaṅgā plain depended on the Vindhyan raw materials. Firstly the contact was limited to Vārāṇasī-Allahabad region with sites like Sringaverapura, Sarai-mohana and even Kauśāmbī located at its periphery. This may be taken as the nucleus or the primary basis of the axis of contact. It came into existence first because the region was physically closest to the Vindhyas. Later this cultural axis was enlarged and extended. The Ghagra-Rapti route tied the whole of Gorakhpur-Basti region to this axis. Thirdly the Aṅga-Magadha region was also attached in this route through the Gaṅgā or Son. This additions and alterations were necessitated by the fact that the Vindhyan plateau was a catchment area of minerals for all these sites located in the mineral deficient middle Gaṅgā plains.[4] From period III of Vārāṇasī we have evidence of even richer trade connections with distant and varied places. Different types of beads and pendants may be assignable to this period. A hexagonal bead of green jasper is similar to a Vaiśālī specimen. Leech beads of agate were also found at Ahichhatra,

Śrāvastī and Taxila. It has been pointed out that it was common and favourite shape in Persia and Asia. The Vārāṇasī specimen was however of a much later date. Probably the art and technique and style were adopted from foreign but it was otherwise an indigenous manufacture. Another very important class among the beads was glass eye beads found at Nevasa, Śrāvastī and Taxila. This has a Mediterranean origin. Some specimens of this group were found at Vārāṇasī. This may have been locally manufactured which was learnt through commercial contacts. Some other beads and pendants of foreign origin were identified at these sites. Along with that tortoise pendants made of glass and shell are replicas of tortoise made of glazed quartz and green faience of Taxila. Similarities in these specimens point to a trade link among these places. Some terracotta sealings of foreign motifs were recovered from Vārāṇasī belonging to the 2nd- 3rd centuries CE. They bore Graeco-Roman figures like Nike, Pallas, Herakles and Apollo. At Taxila similar sealings were discovered.

It is notable that both Taxila and Vārāṇasī revealed Graeco-roman symbols and hence it highly probable that these places were connected to Graeco–Roman world. Vārāṇasī and other prominent places associated with Graeco–Roman trade might not have a direct link to these distant places. Rather Taxila could have played the role of an entrepot and dispersal centre from where goods moved to both directions. Beads of lapis lazuli have been recovered from period II of Vārāṇasī and appeared in greater number from period III or IV. Such beads are found at other contemporary sites like Brahmapurī, Kauśāmbī, Śrāvastī, Taxila etc. lapis lazuli is not indigenous in India. It is available at “Tartary” Tibet or China and Kokcha valley of Badakshan in northern Afghanistan. In either case the raw material or the finished product were imported to India. That proves beyond doubt India’s trade relations with other countries and Vārāṇasī was a part of this trade.[5] Vārāṇasī and Taxila was connected by a land route and it was a portion of the grand route passing from Peshawar to Bengal and finally to Calcutta. The grand road from Peshawar moves eastward while bending slightly northward. It moved to Vārāṇasī first and then to Mithila. Merchants of Vārāṇasī,Śrāvastī and Soreyya took this route to reach Taxila.[6]

The picture that emerges is that of a vibrant and busy economic life that felicitated or at least accompanied the urbanism of Vārāṇasī. It seems that Vārāṇasī had a lot to offer to its inhabitants. The Jātaka stories furnished that there was lot of opportunities that attracted people to indulge in some kind of economic activities. Other than the regular and organised professions the Jātakas often speaks of some new and unique jobs that could receive a positive response only in an urban site. In more than one occasions in the Jātakas, Bodhisatva appeared as an entertainer of some kind and earned a decent living out of this. During the festivals these entertainers arrived at Vārāṇasī to try their luck. Bodhisattva played a drummer, conch-blower and an acrobat and earned a lot of money during festivals at Vārāṇasī.[7] In another place Bodhisatva was born in a corn factor’s family and earned his living by selling corns.[8] People could even support themselves or their families by such humble means. It shows that the urban areas provided clientele for varied types of professions. Even there were some marginal groups who could live at the expense of other’s prosperity. One such group was the criminals who forcefully penetrated into other’s properity. For example Bodhisatva even emerged as the leader of a gang of 500 robbers living in the outskirts of Vārāṇasī.[9] The other is the weak and obedient who waited patiently for the wealthy’s charity. This was the class of beggars and what appears from the Jātakas that it was a recognised and regular charity funded by the government and even private concerns and individuals. At there were six almonries, of them four were located at four gates of the city.

Once, Bodhisatva was born as the son of a wealthy merchant whose wealth counted as eighty crores. He loved alms giving and those four almonries locate d at city gates and one at the centre of the city and the last one at his palace’s gate were all run by him. Everyday a large number of beggars gathered there.[10] So surviving at the margins of other’s prosperity also offered an option to the disabled and worthless or even unruly. It was not only the winners but the losers could also accommodate themselves in the excesses of urban life. It shows that urban economic framework had a great absorbing power to make room for diverse groups. This led to the rise of an active economic and public life. It is notable that most professions might have their beginnings in the pre-urban phase but the developed of flourished state of economic activities was achieved only in the urban phase spanning from the 2nd century BCE. The prosperity and abundance of wealth of Vārāṇasī was reflected in the description of festivals found in the Jātakas. We learn from Puppharatta Jātaka that during the Kartika festival the city was decorated like the city of Indra.[11]

The overall emergent picture of Vārāṇasī was that in its urban phase was a prosperous city. The festivals were reflections of wealth and abundance of the site. A favourable natural set up created a sound agricultural base, a developed handicraft segment and an associated trade network. Work opportunities were ample. There were regular and permanent jobs and also offered occasional and temporary jobs to tramps and marginalised. Availability of alms certainly attracted a number of poor, disabled or idle. Anti socials also found their chance to make money at the cost of others. It attracted people with its numerous opportunities and amenities. With its diverse economic opportunities Vārāṇasī truly emerged as a vibrant population centre. A survey of the old city may help us to verify the literary records on the economic prosperity and urban culture.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Purushottam Singh–Archaeology of the Ganga Plain, Delhi,Aryan Books International, 2010, pp.173-74.

[2]:

The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, Vol.1, no.1, Apaṇṇaka Jātaka, no.2, Vaṇṇupatha Jātaka, translated from the Pali by Robert Chalmers, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp.1-12.

[3]:

The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, no.339, Bāveru Jātaka,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979,pp.83-84

[4]:

The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, no.463, Supparaka Jātaka, Vol. V, translated from Pali by W.H.D. Rouse, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995, pp.86-91.

[5]:

Nyanjyot Lahiri-The Archaeology of Indian Trade Routes up to c.200 B.C.:Resource Use, Resource access and Lines of Communication, Oxford, 1992, pp. 256, 313.

[6]:

B.P.Singh-Life in Ancient Varanasi, op.cit. pp.242- 47.

[7]:

Moti Chandra, Trade and Trade routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publications, Delhi, 1977, pp.1112.

[8]:

No.59, Bherivāda Jātaka, no.60, Saṃkhadhamana Jātaka,no.116, Dubacca Jātaka,The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births,Vol.1, translated from the Pāli by Robert Chalmers, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp.146-47,259.

[9]:

The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, no.365, Ahiguṇḍika Jātaka,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979,pp.130-31.

[10]:

No.279, Satapatta Jātaka, The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, Vol.2, translated from the Pali by W.H.D.Rouse, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp. 264-65.

[11]:

The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, no.340, Visayha Jātaka,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979, pp.85-86.

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