‘Triple Stream’

‘TRIVENI HAS SHED LIGHT ON MY PATH.
BLESSED BE HER NAME!

‘THE TRIPLE STREAM’

Our First President

It was Free India’s singular good fortune to have secured the services of Dr Rajendra Prasad as its first President and of Sri Jawaharlal Nehru as its first Prime Minister. They were among the most distinguished of the Knights of the Round Table whom the Father of the Nation chose from different parts of India at the commencement of the final struggle for freedom. Chittaranjan Das and Motilal Nehru were in the forefront of the fight, but they were snatched away during the early stages. Vallabhbhai Patel functioned as Deputy Prime Minister and achieved the integration of the Princely States and the Provinces of ‘British India’. Rajaji was the last Governor-General of India and the only Indian to occupy that position of eminence. Rajendra Prasad, the modest and unassuming leader of Bihar, was in some ways closest to Gandhiji and sat at his feet to imbibe the essential spirit of Gandhism. For him was reserved the greatest honour of all. During his two terms as President, he won the affection and esteem of his fellow-citizens, and the goodwill of foreign nations.

Great as a scholar and patriot, Rajendra Prasad was superb as a great gentleman. In him was a rare combination of simplicity and dignity, and a remarkable balance of intellect and croatian. After a school and college career of exceptional brilliance, he was wooed by Gokhale on behalf of the Servants of India Society, but it was Gandhiji who eventually succeeded and won him over to Non-co-operation. Sachchidananda Sinha, the patriarch of Bihar, foretold that young Rajendra Prasad wouldone day become President of the Congress and soon after be elevated to the Bench of a High Court. Rajendra Prasad was indeed President of the Congress for three terms, but instead of adorning the Bench of a High Court, he became the first Rashtrapati of Free India exercising the privilege of appointing Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts. All this happened to one who had no glamour for office or position, and was content, like Cincinnatus, Consul of ancient Rome, to go to his plough. In this case it was the Sadaquat Ashram. From Bihar, the home of King Janaka, came Rajendra Prasad, king among men and a shining example of philosophic detachment amidst the battle of life. May the memory of this modern Janaka live as long as India lives!

The Official Language

The Bill accepted by Parliament was an attempt to steer clear of the extremists on either side, those lovers of Hindi who wish to see it installed as the sole official language from January 1965, to the complete exclusion of English, and the advocates of English who seek an amendment of the Constitution so as to restore the position obtaining in 1947, without the interposition of Hindi in the all-India sphere. Ever since the famous pronouncement of the Prime Minister in Parliament in 1959 envisaging the continuance of English as an “associate language” for as long as the non-Hindi speaking people wished it, public opinion all over India had settled down to a state of equanimity and tolerance of conflicting views. It was taken for granted that, without prejudice to the status accorded by the Constitution to Hindi, a highly developed, efficient, international language like English which served us well for over a century, would still be available for the many purposes of Central administration and legislation, for the use of the highest courts, and as a link language between the Centre and the States, and between one State and another. Any sudden break with the past, in a matter so vital as the all-India official language, would inevitably lead to confusion. Hindi is still an undeveloped language and not fit to play the role intended for it by the optimistic framers of the Constitution. It has not been employed as the sole official language in all the Hindi-speaking States. It will grow, as other Indian languages are growing, and in a short period these languages may become the official languages of the States, with English as an associate language in several of them. Some decades of transition, of prolonged bilingualism, are needed before a final decision can be taken by a future Parliament, in the light of circumstances then existing. Meanwhile, no passion or bitterness need be imported into the controversy regarding the status of Hindi versus English.

But this state of complacency was rudely disturbed by the Socialist Party which sponsored a fanatical movement to abandon English altogether. They were supported by the Hindu Mahasabha and by leading Hindi scholars like Dr Raghu Vira and Seth Govinda Das. Conferences were held and emphatic resolutions passed urging the total abandonment of English in administration and legislation. This naturally roused the ire of the advocates of English, and they were further exasperated by the lack of decorum on the part of the Hindi enthusiasts who insisted on Sri Biswanath Das, the Governor, speaking in Hindi in the U. P. Legislature, and created a scene in Parliament by urging that President Radhakrishllan should deliver his opening address in Hindi. The non-Hindi people were hurt and they looked to the Prime Minister for the implementation of his assurances, which Rajaji hailed as the Magna Carta of the non-Hindi people.

It was in a tense atmosphere that the two Houses of Parliament discussed the Bill. It was critcised vehemently by the Opposition parties, though for widely divergent reasons. The
Congress party expressed general satisfaction, while some members of the party wished that statutory recognition had been accorded to the Prime Minister’s assurances, repeated by him during the debate, and further endorsed by the Home Minister who was in charge of the Bill. A purely permissive measure, enabling the Government of India to continue to employ English for an indefinite period, is not an ideal solution of the problem. But it is the only feasible one, embodying the greatest common measure of agreement. Further decisions will be taken after consultation with the State Governments, while the Prime Minister’s original assurance was to the effect that the non-Hindi States would have a decisive voice, inasumch as their interests were to be safeguarded against any disadvantages arising from the change-over to Hindi.

There is a consensus of opinion regarding the compulsory teaching of English in all schools and colleges in India, even after it ceases to be the medium of instruction except at the highest level. It is also recognised that for post-graduate research in science and technology, English will be an invaluable aid for all time. The prejudice against English as a ‘foreign’ language must not be allowed to interfere with the many-sided progress of a nation. Even the rapid development of the Indian languages is dependent on their close association with English and other languages like French and German. Light has to stream in from all sides, and dispel the darkness resulting from isolation.

If bilingualism is now accepted as a feature of our public life, is it desirable to insist that, at some time in the future, the nation should finally resolve to adopt only one language-Hindi or English–as the sole official language for all-India purposes? Since both languages will be taught in our schools, and large numbers of Indian citizens will be familiar with both, may we not look forward to a time when all controversies on this issue will be laid at rest and Hindi and English accepted as the twin official languages of India on a permanent basis? This may offend nationalist sentiment, but the balance of advantage lies in adopting such a scheme. Any citizen will employ that language which he fancies but he will be sufficiently acquainted with the other language to enable him to use it when the need arises. Language will then be no bar to friendly understanding, nor will the employment of a particular language–Hindi or English–rouse the passions in the way that it does at present. Harmony instead of discord, goodwill instead of bitterness, will result from the attitude of mind which accords equal importance to a national language and an international one.

The scheme will involve some duplication in official work and correspondence, and also additional expense, but it is certainly worth while, from the point of view of national integration and international contacts.

Public opinion in India will gradually veer round to the view that, in between “Down with English” and “Hindi never” there is a reasonable and widely acceptable position, “Hindi and English for ever”. All lovers of peace and progress must throw their weight in favour of this new formula. If Canada and South Africa are happy with two official languages enjoying equal status, there is no reason why India should not enthrone Hindi and English. What is now described as the period of transition must prepare the nation, not for the final adoption of Hindi alone as the official language, but for the harmonisation of conflicting claims and the avoidance of perpetual wrangles about the comparative merits of the two languages. When Indian boys and girls who are now in their early teens finish their college career, they will appreciate the new approach indicated here. The Constitution may then be changed by including English among the listed languages and removing the “bar sinister” of foreignness. English is undoutedly a part of our heritage. Let us treasure it.

Honouring Prof. Venkatarangaiya

At a colourful function at Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad, last month, the admirers of Prof. M. Venkatarangaiya, including several of his old students, offered reverential ‘Puja’ (worship) to the Guru and to the Guru-Patnni (the wife of the Guru). Eminent educationists, administrators, judges, poets and artists vied with one another in paying tributes to the Acharya who had devoted more than fifty years of his eventful life to the study and the teaching of his favourite subjects–history, economics and political science–to three generations of students at widely scattered centres like Kakinada, Vizianagaram, Nellore, Waltair and Bombay. Students belonging to successive batches deemed it a privilege to sit in his classes and listen to his masterly exposition of important themes. While he was familiar with many topics and dealt with them in a style marked by elegance, precision and wealth of detail, he was at his best in unravelling the intricate theories of the State and the working of the written and un-written Constitution of many lands. His books, essays, and addresses to distinguished gatherings all over India marked him out as an intellectual of the front rank in modern India.

His interests are varied. He is a keen student of literature–English, Sanskrit and Telugu–a stalwart in the co-operative movement an ardent Theosophist, and an unattached journalist whose articles and reviews are welcomed by the public and valued for the scholarship and critical acumen which they reveal. He is a severe observer of the changing social and political scene in India and abroad, and judges men and movements with the detachment of a philosopher, unswayed by passion or prejudice. Clarity of thought and expression is his supreme gift. In his retirement his sage counsel and guidance are available to all who seek them.

When the Andhra University commenced to function as a teaching university, it had only two courses of study–the Telugu Honours with Sri Pingali Lakshmikantam as the first Lecturer, and History and Politics Honours with Sri Venkatarangaiya as the first Reader. Some universities in India have appointed Prof. Venkatarangaiya’s students as Heads of their Department of History or Politics, for, to have been his student is a recognised hall-mark of distinction.

The story is told how the Professor served as a member of a selection committee for the appointment of a Professor of Politics in the Bombay University, and how the other members of the committee made a special request to the Professor to accept the post himself! It was a great compliment to the Professor, and he served the university for three years.

The Professor now lives in Hyderabad, the Capital of Andhra Pradesh, speaking, writing, broadcasting, and inspiring everyone with his own zeal for intellectual and artistic activities. People who know him sometimes wonder why he was not chosen Vice-Chancellor of a University or nominated to the Rajya Sabha. And the wonder is mingled with regret!

To men like me who have always looked up to him as a kindly Elder, association with him is rich in its memories. It was a proud moment in my life when the Professor spoke words of commendation regarding ‘Triveni’ and agreed with pleasure to contribute essays and reviews. His quarterly survey of Foreign Affairs ¹ in this journal is read by a vide circle of scholars with genuine appreciation. That elders like him have lent distinction to the journal is a matter of joy to me. I tender my respectful greetings to him.

May 10, 1963

¹ The Professor’s indifferent health prevented him from writing for this number.