The Problem of Linguistic Minorities

BY D. V. RAMA RAO, M.A.

One of the neglected problems in recent Indian politics is that of Linguistic Minorities, and the country has been paying dearly for this neglect. This problem has an inter-provincial bearing, as it affects equally all the language groups. On the wise and satisfactory solution of it depend the integrity, harmony and solidarity of future India.

The nature of this problem can be appreciated if it is borne in mind that most of the existing British-Indian Provinces are not formed on any preconceived rational basis, but are the result of factors which may be described as purely accidental or even arbitrary without reference to considerations of linguistic or cultural harmony, or the wishes of the people concerned, generally.

Then, again, with regard to size, population and revenues there are wide disparities: while there are Provinces with more than fifty million population and more than forty crores. Revenue, there are others with a population of barely five million and a revenue of scarcely four crores. Certain disparities in size and revenue are unavoidable, but the formation of Provinces on a linguistic basis will help to a considerable extent in bringing about not only cultural harmony and homogeneity but also a reduction in disparities in size, population and revenue.

There are some who feel that the formation of Linguistic Province might lead to more separationist and exclusive tendencies; but if we remember that the present friction between various linguistic groups is largely due to the fact of their being thrown together into heterogeneous Provinces and to the lack of a uniform policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities, it will be realised that the formation of Linguistic Provinces would, in all probability, lessen the present friction.

Although the Congress has recognised the principle of Linguistic Provinces it has not attempted (or rather it could not) to demarcate the provincial boundaries, as this could be undertaken only by a boundary commission appointed under the authority of a national government: for the same reason the Congress has allowed parallel Congress Committees to function in sever bi-lingual areas. Such Congress Committees have functioned in utmost harmony in the past, but owing to several factors friction has been developing in recent years which can be allayed only by the Congress enunciating definite policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities and by announcing that the fixing of provincial boundaries will be undertaken at the earliest opportunity by a national boundary commission commanding the confidence of all, before which every one would be free to present their respective cases. To allay the apprehensions regarding the Orissa-Andhra boundary question, Dr Pattabhi Sitaramayya and Sri Hare Krishna Mehtab (now Premier of Orissa) issued a joint statement some time ago wherein they said that it is possible that some portions might have unjustly been excluded from the present Province of Orissa, that, similarly, some portions might have been unjustly included, and that the whole question would have to be settled by a boundary commission. Although the statement enunciated a general principle and nothing more, and although no reasonable person could have taken exception to it, a section of Oriyas unfortunately went to the extent of assaulting Dr. Pattabhi and party when he visited Berhampore in connection with the recent Central Assembly elections. They seem to have felt that while the boundary question may be reopened with a view to enlarge the resent boundaries of Orissa, the question whether some portions had been unjustly included should not be gone into. The unreasonableness of such an attitude and the nervousness to refer the boundary question as a whole to an impartial tribunal need no comment. The Oriyas claim that certain tracts in Bihar, Madras and other Provinces have yet to be included in Orissa, but when the Andhras of certain tracts now included in Orissa express dissatisfaction with the present boundaries from their viewpoint, they are found fault with and even described as traitors to the Province of Orissa. The absurdity of such a contention will be patent if it is pointed out that the Oriya inhabitants of certain tracts in Bihar and Madras who plead for the inclusion of those areas in Orissa could, on the above analogy, be described as no less traitors to Bihar and Madras! But, neither in Bihar nor in Madras such an outcry been heard against Oriyas seeking inclusion in Orissa.

It should be remembered, in this connection, that boundaries can be fixed on certain just and recognised principles but it may not be possible to satisfy every one. It should also be remembered that the Indian population so intermixed that, wherever ultimately the boundaries might be drawn, there are bound to be bi-lingual areas in the border districts of almost every province. This, really cannot be helped, and once the boundaries are finally fixed no more controversies should be allowed. But if the people can be made to feel that provincial boundaries would prove hardly any more barriers than district boundaries, and that they can be equally happy on whichever side of a provincial boundary they might find their permanent habitation, much of the present apprehensions regarding boundaries is sure to disappear. Indeed, if people were to feel that their habitation on this or that side of a provincial boundary would make such a huge difference in their lives, there is every danger of interested parties trying to influence decisions of the boundary commission both by unfair means and by agitation. In such an atmosphere, the work of the boundary commission is sure to be hampered and it might be difficult to arrive at just and impartial decisions. It will be seen, then, that from the view-point of the requisite, peaceful atmosphere for the boundary commission to carry on its work as well as the view-point of permanent, harmonious relations among the various language groups, the enunciation and implementation of a wise, just and uniform policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities in existing Provinces, coupled with an assurance that the same policy would continue towards the Linguistic Minorities which are bound to exist in each of the Provinces even after re-formation of the Provinces on a linguistic basis, is an urgent necessity.

This problem figured prominently, it may be noted, for the first time during the regime of the last Congress Ministry with regard to the status of Bengalees in Bihar. The Bengalees in Bihar, except in contiguous districts like Purulia (which are bi-lingual areas and where the Bengali population is indigenous) are largely professional people who have made Bihar their home by settling down there. Being an enterprising people who availed themselves fully of opportunities for higher education, the Bengalees in Bihar had come to occupy a conspicuous position in government and quasi-government services in Bihar. The grievance of the Biharees was that, although they were by far the majority section of the Province, they were proportionately less represented in the services and other public offices. The best way to remedy this state of affairs was for the Biharees to take to more educational pursuits and cultivate enterprise and initiative. It would be right, of course, on the part of the Bihar Government (as it would be on the part of any provincial government) to extend all legitimate facilities to sections (whether majority or minority communities) which are less advanced and less represented in services and other public offices, with a view to bringing about a uniform development among the various sections inhabiting the Province without, however, sacrificing merit and efficiency. But such policy should not result in any unfair discrimination against any section which, by virtue of superior merit, education and enterprise, attains a comparatively advanced status. Even when equal opportunities are provided for all, some sections may show greater enterprise than other sections. To decry the more enterprising sections on that score would, in the long run, result in denying to the Province concerned the benefit of their talents. Indeed, even among people speaking the same
language, some sections, as may be evident to everyone, show greater enterprise than other sections in various fields. Would it be wise then to decry such sections? In Bombay, for instance, the Parsees by virtue of their superior enterprise have come to occupy a foremost place although they constitute one of the smallest communities. No one in Bombay, however, makes a grievance of this. Bombay (as, indeed, the country as a whole) has been fully benefited by the talent and enterprise of the Parsi community. Then, again, the Kashmirees and Bengalees have come to occupy quite an important position in the public life of the U. P. The U.P. people instead of making it a grievance have claimed them as their own and have been fully benefited by such a wise policy. If the cry that no important post should be given to non-Oriyas and that no representation should be given to non-Oriyas either in the personnel selected to the Constituent Assembly from Orissa, or to similar important public offices, were to be followed by all the Provinces, where then would it lead the country?

If such a policy had been followed in the U.P. neither Pandit Nehru nor Pandit Kunzru nor Sir Tej Bahdur Sapru would have been thought eligible for election to the Constituent Assembly. Nor would persons like Pandit Katju, Mrs. Pandit and the late Sir C. Y. Chintamani have adorned the Ministry. If such persons were to be denied their due share of opportunity in shaping the destinies of the Province, who would have been the greater losers-the persons so denied or the people of the Province as a whole? In Bihar, too, quite a good number of Bengalees were elected to the Constituent Assembly, not with a view to give them special representation but simply on merit and qualification. In Orissa, unfortunately, even the Press and public opinion seem to have succumbed to the oft-heard cry of Orissa belonging to Oriyas alone, and that non-Oriyas should be excluded from occupying important posts or public offices. This is not mentioned by way of complaint against the selection of personnel to the Constituent Assembly from Orissa (for the elected representatives of the people have elected those whom they thought the best fitted) but only to show the trends of public opinion, which can hardly be described as healthy. In this connection it may be noted that sometime ago when an Andhra inhabitant of Orissa was appointed public Prosecutor of Ganjam, protests were made by a section of Oriyas against the post being given to a non-Oriya. One can imagine how ugly disharmonious public life and relations would become if every Province were to raise a similar cry. In Madras, which is perhaps, the most multilingual Province in India the Malayalees are about eight per cent of the total population, but they have come to occupy a proportionately greater percentage of posts, high and low, by virtue of their effort, efficiency, education and enterprise. Indeed, there are Oriyas, too, occupying important positions in Madras. But no one has felt it as a grievance. Let every Province, as has already been said, follow such a policy as to bring about a uniform development among all sections whether belonging to the majority minority sections without, however, sacrificing merit and efficiency. Let no section have cause to feel that it is discriminated against or treated on a different footing from the rest of the citizens of a Province.

It is highly regrettable that of late a tendency to view sections which have a different mother-tongue from that of the main language of a Province as ‘outsiders’ and ‘exploiters’ is noticeable. It is difficult to understand how an inhabitant of a particular tract becomes an outsider simply for the reason that his mother-tongue happens to be different from that of the main language of that particular tract, or how enterprise and initiative on the part of such a person becomes exploitation, when similar enterprise on the part of a person whose mother-tongue is the main language of the Province ceases to be exploitation, and becomes something altogether praiseworthy! As long as opportunities are equal for all and no section is given special concessions, it would be wrong to decry the enterprise of any section that helps the Province to achieve eminence in a particular sphere. The South Indian, for instance, owing to his general efficiency and educational qualifications has, made a mark, particularly in the administrative, educational, journalistic and accountancy lines. The Western Indian won similar distinction in commercial and industrial pursuits. The Bengalees, Punjabees and Maharashtrians too, have, shown marked enterprise in certain directions. If we view the country as a whole, we will realise that by a largely natural process the deficiencies in any sphere in any particular Province tend to be filled by talent from others. It should be remembered, however, that whether it be the case of Provinces or particular sections of a Province which are less advanced, generally, than the rest of the sister Provinces or sections, all legitimate assistance and encouragement should be given, consistent with the requirements of merit and efficiency, so as to bring, as far as possible, all Provinces and sections to a uniform level of advancement. It should not be forgotten that if a limb is deficient the whole body is weakened; but, on the contrary, it should also be remembered that any attempts to weaken the body also ultimately weaken each limb. Provincialism like nationalism should be a worthy aspiration to achieve cultural harmony, find fullest expression, and attain a healthy all-round progress so as to contribute one’s best to humanity, but it should not be allowance to degenerate into mere spit or callousness towards any. With the introduction of Hindi or Hindustani as the Lingua Franca and the fostering of greater inter-provincial cultural contacts, it may be possible at no distant date for the present-day unfortunate tendencies to come to be viewed only as a feature of the past. Both in the interest of permanent harmonious relations as well as to facilitate to work of the boundary commission, as has already been pointed out, enunciation and implementation of a wise, just and uniform policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities is an urgent necessity.

Reverting to the Bihari-Bengali controversy during the last Congress regime, it is interesting to note that the Congress for the first time definitely laid down its policy with regard to this problem in the Bardoli resolution of January 13, 1939. But, unfortunately, this policy was not implemented on an all-India basis, with the result that even among the Congress Provinces the policy with regard to Linguistic Minorities utterly lacks any uniformity. Thus, for instance, in Orissa while every Oriya, irrespective of the fact that he is an inhabitant of the Province or not, is eligible for service and admission into Colleges, no non-Oriya is so eligible unless he produces a domicile certificate, the obtaining of which quite often involves unnecessary hardship and too great delay. The principle underlying this system seems to imply that Orissa belongs to Oriyas alone, wherever they might have settled, and that all non-Oriyas are there by sufferance. Such a system, as far as the present writer is aware, has not been introduced in any other Congress Province.

It has to be seriously considered whether it would be desirable to view any Province (even after re-formation on a linguistic basis) as the exclusive ‘homeland’ of the people speaking the main language of the Province. History provides us no conclusive proof, on the basis of definite boundaries, for any Province to be viewed as the exclusive ‘homeland’ of a people speaking a particular language. Oriya kings, as every one knows, ruled over tracts inhabited by non-Oriyas, and, similarly, Andhra kings have ruled over tracts inhabited by non-Andhras. In fact, this has been the case with almost every Province, and history provides us with no continuous and conclusive proof with regard to provincial boundaries. It is wise, therefore, to remember that the principle of Linguistic Provinces has comparatively little to do with history, and is essentially one to be recognised for reasons of administrative convenience and cultural homogeneity. Unless this is realised by everyone, the bi-lingual areas in the border districts of each of the Provinces, instead of becoming cementing forces, might develop into spots of friction.

Then, again, although the principle that the medium of instruction should be one’s own mother-tongue up to at least the high school stage has received general recognition, in Orissa the Andhras of Ganjam and Koraput are left with no other option than to receive instruction in all non-language subjects either through English or Oriya. When the present Ganjam and Koraput districts were in Madras, both the Andhras and Oriyas of these districts were treated on the same footing along with the rest of the citizens the Madras Presidency, both in the matter of admission into colleges and services and with regard to the medium of instruction. Why should the Andhras of these two districts be subjected to a different treatment in Orissa when, for no fault of theirs, they happen to find themselves on a particular side of a provincial boundary? Is it not strange that in two neighbouring Provinces with Congress Governments the policy should be so very divergent?

It should not be forgotten that Orissa having been formed primarily with a view to bring, as far as possible, all Oriya-speaking tracts under one homogeneous administrative unit, it is but natural that Oriya should be reocognised as the main language of the Province and every permanent inhabitant, in his own interest, would have to learn Oriya sooner or later. This would be true of every Province formed on a linguistic basis. Indeed, the Andhras who have settled in the interior tracts of Orissa feel equally at home both with regard to Oriya and Andhra languages. So, too, have the Andhras and Gujeratis settled in the interior districts of Tamilnad adopted Tamil for all purposes of business and social intercourse. But this is a natural process and development. The Andhras of Ganjam and Koraput, however, belong to a bi-lingual area, which is contiguous to Andhra districts, and it could be hardly just or fair to leave them no other option than to receive education either through the medium of Oriya or of English. Nor should it be forgotten that if the Oriya inhabitants of the border districts in Madras or other Provinces are shown any unfair discrimination, it requires to be immediately brought to light and rectified. The instance of Andhras in Orissa is given only by way of illustration of the problem which, quite possibly, might exist in one shape or other and, to a greater or lesser degree, in many other Provinces.

As this problem is largely confined to Provinces, which have popular Congress Governments, it is to be earnestly hoped that with the approval of the Congress Working Committee, the Congress Governments would soon formulate a wise, just and uniform policy so as to solve satisfactorily this problem. How in the absence of a clear and definite policy, even responsible public opinion tends to become narrow may be indicated by the majority recommendations of the Domicile Committee appointed some time ago by the then Orissa Government. The majority report, although not given effect to, recommended the extension of domicile even to cover trade and franchise! It may be repeated that the problem of Linguistic Minorities is not confined to non-Oriyas in Orissa alone, but equally affects the Oriyas inhabiting other Provinces and, in fact, all the Linguistic Minorities of all the Provinces. Indeed, this has a bearing not only on the British Indian Provinces but also on the Indian States.

In this connection, attention may be drawn to the statement of Pandit Nehru in an interview at Bombay on August 13, 1946 which was reported in The Hindu of August 15, wherein the Congress President emphasised that the general Congress policy was to give complete freedom to a group to develop its own language, even though it may be situated in another language area.

It is earnestly hoped that not only requisite attention will be given by the Congress government to this urgent problem but that it will receive the attention of both the Experts Committee appointed by the Congress in connection with the Constituent Assembly and the Advisory Committee to be set up by the Constituent Assembly as provided in Sections 19 and 20 of the proposals for the Constituent Assembly, to report upon the Fundamental Rights of citizens, safeguards required to protect minority interests (the term ‘minorities’ however, requires to be clearly defined) and schemes for the administration of tribal and excluded areas.

Tentatively, the following suggestions may be considered:

(1)   Whether it would not be desirable completely to do away with the domicile system and devise in its place some simple rules so as to give preference to those who have sufficient permanent interest in the Province concerned.

(2)   To make it incumbent on the part of every provincial Government to extend facilities to impart education through the medium of the mother-tongue at least up to the high school stage wherever there are sufficient numbers in a school to warrant the opening of new sections: or, wherever there are sufficient numbers, to warrant the opening of a school; or wherever persons whose mother-tongue is not the main language of the Province are not less than twenty per cent (which number may be taken to be reasonable) of the total number of pupils of a school or place. Where the number is less, even if the Government may not be expected to extend facilities, the pupils should be allowed to answer examination papers through the medium of their mother-tongue.

(3)   While a working knowledge of the main language of a Province may be made a condition precedent for government or quasi-government appointments, it should also be considered whether it would not be desirable to give preference in bi-lingual areas of border districts to those who possess a working knowledge of both the languages of a bi-lingual district.