American Imperialism

"We have our domestic problems incident to the expanding life of a free people, but there is no imperialistic sentiment among us to cast even a shadow across the path of our progress. We covet no territory; we seek no conquest; the liberty we cherished for ourselves we desire for others, and we assert no right for ourselves that we do not accord to others."

Thus spoke Charles Evans Hughes, the great Pan-American Statesman of the United States at Rio de Janeiro in 1922. The tall talk indulged in by Hughes is highly amusing. The purpose of this article is to examine how far his statement is correct and true. I do not propose to discuss now the domestic problems of the United States–the Negro lynchings, the Ku Klux Klan, land grabbing, the civilized atrocities perpetrated by Trusts and Rail-Road Companies, the way education is controlled by monied interests, the methods of corruption practised in the government of the country, the crime wave, the unemployment question, the "Yellow" journalism, in short, the system of Plutocracy prevalent–all these the reflex action of the conquest of other peoples and their Government against their will. I propose to examine in this article the colonial policy of the United States, especially how the Philippines was forcibly annexed, how the United States set aside the principles laid down in her Declaration of Independence and pursued the same imperialistic policy that Great Britain has adopted in Egypt, India, South Africa and elsewhere.

I

The empires of old–Assyria, Carthage, Egypt, Rome and Spain–were founded at an intolerable sacrifice. The French Empire, which received a shock at the Battle of Waterloo, was built at a huge price. The British Empire has been established after a tremendously heavy competition with Spain, France, Russia, Holland, Germany, the United States and other lesser powers. So terrible has been the experience of empire-building to some of these Nations that the life-blood of the people and the resources of the country were devoured and the Empire emerged safely only to be swallowed by the first mighty enemy that it faced. But no such cruel fate has encountered the United States.

The United States has followed the path of Imperialism with unexampled facility in a quiet manner. At the outbreak of the Revolution in 1776, the thirteen Original Colonies had a territory of 3,69,000 square miles, In 1782, as a result of negotiations, the Colonies secured the North-West territory and the area South of the Ohio river; thus in 1800 the total area of the United States was 8,92,135 sq. miles. In 1803 Jefferson purchased Lousiana at a cost of 15 millions of dollars. Florida was purchased from Spain in 1819 for 5 millions of dollars. The Oregon country was secured by treaty in 1846. New Mexico and California were ceded by Spain on a payment of 15 millions of dollars. In 1853 the Gadsen purchase added 30,000 sq. miles of territory to the Colonies. This completes the territorial possessions of the United States on the mainland (with the exception of Alaska) making a continental area of 3,026,798 sq. miles. Between 1776 and 1853, the area of the United States was increased more than tenfold. These vast additions were made with a trifling outlay; it was only in the Mexican war that the United States spent 100 millions of dollars, and more than 13,000 men were killed. This was the first stage –the National expansion–in the development of the United States, and

there was no intention that these additions to the original territory should be treated as colonial possessions in the ordinary sense of the term. Each acquisition was intended for the purpose of settlement of the growing population and eventual statehood, and the principles for the Government of these territories were proclaimed in the North-West Ordinance of 1787.

The second period of expansion began with purchase of Alaska from Russia in 1868. As a result of the War of 1898 the United States "received" the Philippines, Cuba and Porto Rico from Spain, Hawaii was annexed by President Mckinley during the war-fever of 1898, In the Pacific Ocean, the Guano Islands were occupied quietly and their present status is indefinite, Samoa Island is maintained chiefly as a Naval base. In the Caribbean sea besides the Canal zone and the Virgin islands, the United States has, in addition, an undefined responsibility in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, Recently Nicaragua was threatened and annexed. Thus we see the Colonial possessions of the United States cover an area of 1,19,333 sq. miles with a population of 11,718,652.

In addition to all these, the commercial-and-financial-peaceful-penetration of the United States into Latin-America is significant. Under the thick veneer of the Munroe Doctrine, the foreign policy of the individual states in Latin-America, whether they wish it or not, is subject to veto by the United States and this eventually deprives them "of control over their own internal affairs by placing the management of their economic activities under the direction of business interests centering in the United States," So ‘without coveting’ other's territory, without ‘seeking’ any conquest, with a merciful God ing them and with a manifest ‘destiny’ playing in their favour, the United States has built its Empire, as Aladdin had his palaces in a night. If this is not Imperialism, what else is?

II

Perhaps nowhere in American history is there a record so dirty, so black, as that which describes the United States ‘dealings with the Philippines, Before the seizure of the Islands, President McKinley, in a message to the Congress, said :-

"I speak not of forcible annexation for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morals, would be criminal aggression." (Italics mine).

But it was just that which the United States practiced towards the Philippines. How the United States stood by its "code of morals", and how she conquered and reduced to subjection an unwilling people has been graphically described by, R. F. Pettigrew in his inmitable manner. Pettigrew was formerly the United States Senator from South Dakota and I quote below what he said in full: -

"When we decided to attack Spain, when Dewey was ordered to sail from Hong Kong and to destroy the Spanish fleet, a Rebellion was going on in the Philippine Islands, the inhabitants of those islands were trying to throw off the Spanish yoke. Knowing that at Singapore there was a man, the most capable among the Filipinos, who had led a former revolt, our officers in the East induced this man to go to Manila and organise the insurgent forces. Agnivaldo arrived on the 17th day of May, 1898. He immediately organised the insurgent forces. He purchased arms in Hong Kong. Admiral Dewey furnished him with arms taken from the Spanish forces and he attacked the Spanish garrisons all over the Province of Cavite and secured arms from his prisoners. He pursued this course during the summer of 1898, until he had captured the entire island of Luzon except two Spanish garrisons–very small ones–and before winter he captured those. Dewey, in his report, says his progress was wonderful. He took 9,000 prisoners. After having captured the entire island, he set up a Government, a peaceful Government, a Government suitable to those people, a Government which protected life and property throughout the entire area of that country. He also captured the Southern islands, the Island of Panay, of Cebu and Negros, and organised Governments there.

He assembled an army of 30,000 men and surrounded Manila. His army was intrenched. He invested the city on the land side, while our navy blockaded the port on the ocean side. We acted in absolute concert with each other, consulted together, and, when Manila was finally taken, our troops landed, asking the insurgents to give up about a quarter of a mile of their trenches. They marched out and allowed our troops to occupy a portion of their works. They believed that they were to act in concert with us in the attack on Manila. When the attack was ordered their troops marched into the city along with ours. They took the principal suburb of Manila. We took and occupied the walled city. When they came to the walled city, which contained less than one-fifth of the population of the city of Manila, they found our bayonets turned against them They were told that they could not enter. They had lost thousands of lives in their contest with Spain; they were in possession to that entire country, and yet, although in the assault upon the city they had lost more men than we did, they were denied admittance to the city, and they yielded and occupied the suburbs for sometime.

Finally, we requested that they retire from the suburbs and they retired. Agnivaldo asked that he might be permitted to retire slowly, as it was difficult to govern his people and convince them that it was right that they should surrender possession of territory which they had conquered and for which many of their comrades had laid down their lives. He also asked that, in case we made a treaty with Spain, the territory which he had conquered should be restored to him; and this we refused. So we did not conquer the Islands from Spain, for Spain had been conquered and driven out by the Government of Agnivaldo. We had simply helped to take the city of Manila. Therefore, we took no title by conquest from Spain, for,at the time of making the treaty with Spain, we had not conquered any territory from her.

We did not acquire title by purchase, because title by purchase required delivery of possession and, as Spain was not in possession, she could not and did not deliver the Islands to us. By what right are we there? By no right in morals or law; by no right that can be defended before God or man. We are there as conquerors: we are there as armed banditti that would enter your premises in day time, and we have no more right to be there than the bandit has to enter and despoil your home." (Italics mine). ¹

Little by little, all the territories conquered by Agnivaldo were occupied by the United States and on February 4, 1899, the Philippine islands were annexed. President McKinley stated that "the Philippines were entrusted to our hands by the Providence of God" and one of his fellow Imperialists–Senator Beveridge of Indiana–went a step further when he stated in the Senate in 1900: -

"The Philippines are ours for ever. . . . And just beyond that Philippines are China's illimitable markets. We will not retreat from either. We will not repudiate our duty to the Archipelago. We will not abandon our opportunity in the Orient. We will not renounce our part in the mission of our Race, trustee, under God, of the civilisation of the world." ²

Thus we see the United States, with a very fine "code of morals," destroyed the independence of an ally and occupied her territory forcibly. This ‘criminal aggression’ the United States committed as was desired by her big business interests for their enrichment.

III

The Philippine policy of the United States may be divided into three periods with reference to the development of Self-Government in the Islands. The first began in 1899 and ended in 1913 when American Government passed from the Republican to the Democratic Party. The second was the period of the Democratic tenure of power from 1913 to 1921. The third was inaugurated by President Harding (and strengthened by Calvin Coolidge) when he appointed Major-General Leonard Wood as Governor-General of the Philippines.

During the first of the three periods a definite policy was set forth and carried out. Secretary Taft declared: -

"Shortly stated, the National policy is to govern the Philippine islands for the benefit and welfare and uplifting of the people of the Islands and gradually to extend to them, as they shall show themselves fit to exercise, a greater and greater measure of popular Self-Government. What should be emphasised in the statement of our National Policy is that we wish to prepare the Filipinos for popular Self-Government. This is plain from Mr. McKinley's letter of instructions and all of his utterances. It was not at all within his purpose or that of the Congress, which made his letter part of the law of the land, that we were merely to await the organisation of Philippine oligarchy or aristocracy competent to administer the Government and then turn the islands over to it . . . Another logical deduction from the main proposition is that when the Filipino people, as a whole, show themselves reasonably fit to conduct a popular Self-Government, maintaining law and order and offering equal protection of the laws and civil rights to rich and poor, and desire complete independence of the United States, they shall be given it."

During the first fourteen years of American sovereignty in the Philippines, the Republican Government, basing its conviction on the incapacity of the Philippine people for Self-Government, began spoon-feeding the Filipinos in administrative matters. The Filipinos accepted as much Self-Government as they could obtain and utilized the powers obtained to gain an ever greater control over their own affairs. With the co-operation of the sympathetic Americans they modernised their national life quickly. In 1907, when the Philippine Assembly was established, it became the centre of national opposition to American domination. During the last three years of the Republican regime, in this period, the Assembly refused to pass any appropriation bill, thereby causing a serious deadlock in the administration.

IV

In the election of 1912 the Democrats came into power and they proposed a different solution of the problem.

President Wilson sent Francis Burton Harrison as Governor-General of the Philippines and on the very day of his arrival at Manila he read the President's message to the

Filipinos. The President declared: -

"We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the advance of the United States, but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the Islands and as a preparation for that Independence."

At last in 1916 the famous Jones Act was passed by the Congress and it indicated a turning-point in modern Philippine history. The Jones Act conferred a wide autonomy on a constitution similar to the United States. The Governor-General's powers were considerably increased with a right of veto on the Acts of the Filipino Congress and all relations with foreign countries were to be conducted as before through the State Department at Washington.

Under the Wilson-Harrison regime the best and the quickest way to teach Self-Government was adopted, that is, to allow the Filipinos to govern themselves. The Filipinos were given a majority on the Philippine Commission and thus complete control of the Legislature was given a way. Almost all Americans in office were replaced by Filipinos, and the Governor-General exercised the powers of his office in consultation with the influential Filipino leaders. In short, Harrison completely handed over the Government of the Islands to the people themselves.

All this would have gone on well had it not been for the fact that in the election of 1920 the Republicans returned to power and one of their first acts was to send the Wood- Forbes Commission to report on the progress and condition of the Islands. This body condemned the Harrison regime thoroughly, declared that the Filipinisation of administration resulted in ‘wholesale’ corruption and inefficiency and concluded stating that an infinitesimal section of the Filipinos really desired independence at all. This led to the resignation of Harrison and to the appointment of General Wood, one of the authors of the Report, as Governor-General of the Islands.

V

The appointment of General Wood and his arbitrary acts led to the resignation of the Filipino members of the Council of State in July 1923. General Wood applied himself vigorously to the work of reducing the autonomy enjoyed by the Filipinos during the term of his predecessor in office. He sought "to get the Government out of business" by transferring the operation of the Manila Rail Road to an American Corporation. He wanted to close up, or change the character of, the Philippine National Bank. He tried to sell or lease the Government Sugar Centrals ("on the best terms possible"), and he did his best to terminate the other business enterprises undertaken by the State prior to 1921. In all these vital matters, he wanted to pursue a path detrimental to the Philippine national interests, but he failed partly in some, and wholly in others.

President Harding died in the meanwhile and Calvin Coolidge succeeded him at the White House. He supported General Wood in his activities and in 1925 he issued a statement stating at length the Philippine policy of his administration. The Coolidge statement, in the words of a writer in the Atlantic Monthly, is

"an expression of the Philippine policy established by McKinley, Root, Roosevelt, and Taft, written into Republican platforms for a quarter of a century and translated into deeds when the Republican Party has controlled the Government. Every phase of that policy is there: a frank determination to brook no unlawful challenge of American sovereignty over the Islands, a recognition that a large and substantial element of the Filipino people regard the indefinite continuance of the American tie as a blessing; the intention not to leave the Philippines without having fully discharged America's obligations to the Filipino people and to civilisation by giving to them an opportunity to establish themselves as a Nation; the establishment in the Philippines of a permanently stable Government based upon the fundamental ideas of the democratic-republican state; the support of worthy American officials in the Philippines and the encouragement of Filipinos to co-operate with them; the extension of Self-Government to the Filipino people as rapidly as they are able to exercise it for their own good; the grant of Independence if the Filipino people desire it when, in the opinion of the American Government, the Philippines are able to meet the responsibilities of an Independent Nation."

To the claim of the Filipinos for Independence, President Coolidge answered that he stood by the Republican platform of 1920 and further added "frankly, it is not felt that that time has come."

VI

What is the form of Government prevalent in the Philippines today? It consists of a Governor-General, (who is the chief Executive), a Legislature of two Houses elective in character, and a judiciary, the Supreme Court of which is appointed by the President of the United States. The Supreme Court in the U. S. A. has reserved the right to review or set aside the decisions of the Filipino Supreme Court in certain types of cases. Besides the Governor- General and the Justices of the Supreme Court, the President of the U. S. A. appoints a few other officials. All laws enacted by the Philippine Legislature should be reported to the Congress of the United States "which reserves the Power .and authority to annul them." The Philippines are represented in the Congress of the United States by two Resident Commissioners. The Philippine Government frames its own Tariffs, but no tariff laws become effective until they receive the approval of the President of the United States. "Otherwise, the trade relations between the Philippines and the United States are controlled exclusively by the Congress of the United States." In Tariff matters, as Culbertson observes: -

"Congress has enacted legislation providing that no export duties shall be levied or controlled on exports from the Philippines. Congress has also provided for the free admission of the products of the United States into the Philippines and free admission into the United States of Philippine products not containing foreign materials to the value of more than 20 per cent. of their total value" ³

A close examination of the system of administration prevalent demonstrates clearly that Uncle Sam is an adept in the art of taking away with his left hand what he gives with his right in a generous manner. The American Government in the Islands is nothing else but Militarism, pure and simple, garbed under the attractive clothing of Republicanism.

VII

What is the object of the United States in tightening her grip on the Philippines? This is easily answered in one word–exploitation. It is the search for markets, the search for trade, it is the search for opportunities of foreign investments.

The United States wants to assimilate the lands and the wealth of the Filipinos–not the people: they are not in need of them. If the people work, the United States will exploit their labour and resources: if it is otherwise the people will be brushed aside and others who obey will be imported from some country for work.

The economic motive of the United States is quite apparent and a study of her Philippine Tariff policy demonstrates clearly her intention of exploiting the material resources of the Islands in her selfish interest. In an act to provide Revenue for the Philippine Islands in 1901, Section 2 provided that:

"all articles, the growth and product of the Philippine Islands, admitted into the Ports of the United States free of duty, under the provisions of this Act and coming directly from the said Islands to the United States for use and consumption therein, shall be hereafter exempt from any export duties imposed in the Philippine Islands."

From this insidious provision Manila hemp was affected very much and the Philippine Treasury lost more than one million of dollars from 1902 to 1912 to the advantage of the American manufacturing interests.

Cotton goods are imported from the United States to the Philippines. The Report of .the Philippine Commission in 1907 says there was an actual increase of nearly 400 per cent in the value of cotton goods imported in one year (1906-1907) the rise being from 2, 78, 796 dollars for 1906, to 1, 056, 328 dollars for 1907. In 1909 virtual free trade was established between both the countries. Free entry was granted to all Philippine products, but rice. In the case of sugar and tobacco, the limits of free importation were restricted to a certain amount annually. These limitations, too, were removed in 1913 and finally the United States adopted the closed-door policy in the Islands. Thus the United States has assimilated the Philippines commercially to all intents and purposes, proving the truth of the dictum that trade follows the flag.

The chief economic value of the Philippines to the United States lies in the recent discovery of the rubber potentialities of the Islands. Formerly the Filipinos reaped the advantages entrenched behind the tariff walls of the United States against foreign competition. Now the situation has altered and one cannot be blind to the fact that the powerful Rubber Syndicates and Trusts will oppose the claim of the Filipinos for independence. For several years the United States has been suffering from the British monopoly in rubber and now that there is a chance to break that monopoly and possess freedom it is too much to expect from the ordinary American businessman that he should throw away his advantages for the sake of the Filipinos. The United States will not get out of the Philippines so long as there is scope to enjoy economic advantages, and the moment there is no such satisfaction of material selfishness, the great ‘code of morals’ will come into play and the dramatic evacuation of the Islands will take place as in Santa Domingo in 1924.

VIII

Starting as a Republic with a stand on the Declaration "that all men are created free and equal and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights" the United States has embarked upon the course of empire-building in the New World. The imperial realities the United States cloaks under Republican names and traditions. "Moral reasons compel us to stay in the Philippines," "Manifest destiny," "military necessity," "we, under God's direction, owe a duty to mankind by administering the Philippines in the interests of the natives of the soil"–these and a host of such pious expressions used by politicians and statesmen of the United States are merely sentimental stuff, grandiloquent nonsense, hypocrisy, and cant. Here is what Lord Morley says in connection with England's imperialistic policy: -

"First, you push on into territories where you have no business to be and where you promised not to go; secondly, your intrusion provokes resentment, and in these wild countries, resentment means resistance; thirdly, you instantly cry out that the people are rebellious and that their act is rebellion (this in spite of your own assurance that you have no intention of setting up a permanent sovereignty over them); fourthly, you send a force to stamp out the rebellion and, fifthly, having, spread bloodshed, confusion and anarchy, you declare, with eyes uplifted to the heavens, that moral reasons force you to stay, for if you were to leave, this territory would be left in a condition, which no civilised power could contemplate with equanimity or composure. These are the five stages in the forward ‘Rake's progress’."

Oh! how literally true it is in the case of the United States also!

No Republic, nay no Nation, can have an Empire. Republican or National institutions are certain to be corrupted when Imperialism raises its head. In his Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World, Creasy is right when he points out frankly: -

"There has never been a Republic yet in history that acquired dominion over another nation that did not rule it selfishly and oppressively. There is no single exception to this rule, either in ancient or modern times. Carthage, Rome, Venice, Genoa, Florence, Pisa, Holland and Republican France, all tyrannised over every province and subject-state where they gained authority."

The writing on the Wall is clear. All Empires are bound to go. And they shall go.

1 R.F. Pettigrew in Imperial Washington, PP. 327-330.

2 Congressional record. Jan.9, 1900, P. 704.

3 International Economic Policies by Culbertson, Page 247.