Indian Political Scene

The country is passing through a very critical period of time ever since independence and is confronted with several, serious political, economic, cultural and security problems which would probably be unfolding a variety of far-­reaching consequences for the country on both the national and the international fronts in the years to come. The recently completed elections to the thirteenth Lok Sabha (which were in fact foisted on the nation by a section of unscrupulous, irresponsible and self-centered politicians) have brought into light a number of politicians and constitutional problems that have a bearing on the successful working of our democratic system. Though the Election Commission has declared its total satisfaction at its attempt in conducting the polls successfully, it is common knowledge that the Commission has become the target of bitter criticism for various acts of commission and omission on its part. Nirvachan Sadan’s objections to the new telecom policy and the debate over the model “code of conduct” would serve as examples of the confusion caused by it during the course of conducting elections. Electoral violence, inspite of the large number of military contingents being extensively deployed across the country by the Commission, has become the most seriously discussed issue and deserves to be tackled on a priority basis to protect our democracy from being hijacked by criminal and anti-social elements. The unusually large number of booths in which re­elections were ordered by the Commission also proves the point beyond any doubt.

Political parties in fact, have begun to pose a serious threat to our democratic system for many decades now. Parties that are regarded as totally indispensable to the working of any democratic system for that matter - appear to have become a threat to our democracy. The manner in which political parties emerge, appear, disappear, split again and again - at such an amazing speed that one would wonder whether the system working in India could be marked as democratic at all. On the top of all that, the bewildering variety of irrational, illogical and most opportunistic alliances and counter-alliances that materialize all of a sudden over night prove more, the power-hungry nature of the politicians than their desire to serve the nation. A brutal reflection of ideological bankruptcy is the ultimate reality that is more evidently found in the working cultures of these political formations than any real service - oriented substance. Bereft of ideological commitments, these alliances in fact carry within a dangerous and potential threat that which continues to frustrate all attempts at the promotion of a stable government at the centre.

However, considering political realities to be what they are ought to be, the performance of the National Democratic Alliance (which has as many as twenty four partners) has granted a great sense of relief to the entire nation as it could attain a comfortable working majority in the thirteenth Lok Sabha. The result in favour of the BJP led National Democratic Alliance has made the job of the President much easier than what it was on earlier occasions after 1996 and 1998 elections. The job of the Prime Minister was found to be tough, as he had to go in for an unusually large sized cabinet to keep all the constituents satisfied. Anyway, the BJP led National Democratic Alliance could emerge victorious mainly due to reasons such as: a) that the BJP was not only prepared to enter into alliances with every regional party but was also ready to share power with them: b) that the BJP’s willingness to share power was proved by Common Manifesto that it brought out; c) that the BJP was prepared to sacrifice its original Agenda on Article 370, Ram Janma Bhoomi and the Common Civil Code: and d) last but not the least, that it could project its Prime Ministerial candidate without any delay and inhibitions to the nation at a very early date.

In addition to the above factors, the two most significant issues of “Kargil” and “Nuclear Experiments” also have contributed in a large measure to its victory and to the extent there is going to be a shift in the working dynamics of the Government of India in the coming years, compared to what it has been.

In contrast to all this, it is rather pitiable that the Congress (I) lost all available opportunities of entering into electoral alliances with certain parties. The rift in the party was an important factor. Infighting has higher visibility. Many other significant reasons for the failure of the Congress (I) in bettering its score could be: a) that its electoral alliances with parties like AIADMK, RJD, the Ajit Singh group in Western UP (apart from its keenness on a tie-up with the BSP) were all ill-considered moves: b) that its association with the Left Parties could not grant to it much substance in terms of real political gains; c) that the politically bankrupt left parties extending support to the Congress (I) did not carry conviction with the people; d) that the party suffered from a deep crisis of confidence in its cadres; e) that the party could not name its prime ministerial candidate; and that the party preferred to adopt a “high and mighty” attitude unlike the BJP led NDA.

As a commentator observed “The campaigns of mutual slander unleashed by the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress (I) have left a bad taste at a time when the electorate had expected a meaningful issue - based campaign.” By granting a decisive result, the general elections have saved the President from facing a complex political situation as during early times when no party / alliance could emerge clearly victorious. To that extent it has made the job of the President easier though not the Prime Minister’s formation of the Union Council of Ministers has proved itself to be a Herculean task for the Prime Minister as every segment of the National Democratic Alliance was there to claim its pound of flesh excepting the Telugu Desam Party. Though the National Democratic Alliance has the definite advantage of numbers and is thus better placed in the Lok Sabha than its immediate predecessor - it certainly has to put up with the size and the unwieldy character of the Alliance in fact, the rumblings in the NDA were very much evident with the Janata Dal (U) and Shiromani Akali Dal taking conflicting postures on the formation of the Ministry. And thus, the Alliance carries within a high potential for trouble that could arise out of clash of personalities, ambitions, ego conflicts and temperamental incongruities. The BJP itself suffers from certain internal contradictions as the Hindutva elements appear to be very much sore with the party cadre over all the compromises that it has made over the core issues.

Having gone through the arduous task of Ministry making the National Democratic Alliance, under the Leadership of Vajpayee has presented a pleasing but challenging agenda for a proud, prosperous India - through the Presidential address to the joint sitting of the Two Houses of Parliament. The Agenda though appears as an “amalgam of lofty objectives” in fact touches upon the most significant and immediate issues that need to be addressed on a priority basis to put the nation on the path of progress. Some of those issues are: a) thirty three percent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies; b) a development bank for women entrepreneurs; c) creation of new states such as - Uttaranchal, Vananchal and Chattisgarh; d) comprehensive electoral reforms; e) legislation for setting up of Lok Pal to combat corruption at high places etc. A promise has also been offered on a move for a comprehensive review of the constitution by a panel of experts. But as commented upon very appropriately by a commentator, though the move to review the constitution cannot be regarded as sacrilegious or dismissed presumptuously - it requires to be tackled very diligently. According to the commentator - ­“There can be nothing fundamentally wrong about taking a good look at the framework in the light of the experience of its working for the past 50 years or even about the stated intention of fine-tuning it to meet the ‘challenges of the next century’. But such an exercise in the very nature of it, calls for a wide-ranging national debate and consensus right from the selection of experts to serve on the panel and drawing of the broad contours of the proposed review”. On the economic front - the preparedness of the government to go ahead with the “second generation reforms” - is a sound decision. It is good that the Leader of the Oppositions promised its support.

With respect to the international situation emerging of late due to the military coup in Pakistan, India should take its defence preparedness seriously and protect its territory and the precious lives of its soldiers from any reckless adventure in addition to cross border terrorism. It is a tragedy that in Pakistan its civilian leaders have failed miserably in strengthening its democratic institutions and as a result it has fallen a victim to the military dictators. The military take over by Gen. Pervez Musharraf has ‘grim consequences’ for India. Pakistani Chief Executive Officer’s declaration of de-escalation from the international borders should not be trusted. Withdrawal from various areas as agreed to between the two countries in the wake of the “kargil” episode has itself not yet been fulfilled by Pakistan. Though America wants India to resume a dialogue with Pakistan, the fact that it has not taken any firm stand against military take­over in Pakistan and that it does not see beyond Bin Laden Osama and Afghanistan on terrorism promoted by Pakistan, should not be ignored. The Government of India would do well to follow an approach of cautious optimism towards Pakistan while at the same time strengthen its relations with the United States, Russia and China as well. It also needs to strengthen its relations with the ASEAN countries - especially Japan, South Korea and Indonesia, now that a new democratic government has been in place there.

In the context of the CTBT being rejected by the American Senate; India should continue to wait and see as the Pakistani administration has already declared its intention not to sign the Treaty- However, India should prevail upon the United States in making strategic/defence compulsions of India on one hand and its commitment to global non­discriminatory disarmament on the other.

Besides, India should cultivate a new and more dynamic approach in its relations with the Gulf countries by taking its diplomacy beyond Pakistani syndrome. Its economic compulsions demand an approach that would cover more areas of the globe by way of capturing their markets.