Indian National Congress: First Presidential Address

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

First Session: Bombay, 1885
Presidential Address by

[Woomes Chunder Bonnerjee of Bengal, one of the first four Indian barristers and one of the foremost luminaries in his day, was the first President of the Congress. The following extract is reproduced from the Congress Presidential Speeches published by the A.I.C.C., New Delhi. –Editor]

The President-elect, in rising to acknowledge the honour done him, said he might well be proud of being thus called on to preside over the first National Assembly ever yet convened in India. Looking round he saw the representatives of all the important centres of the Bombay Presidency Karachi, Ahmedabad, Surat, Poona, Bombay itself and other less populous, though still important, towns, almost every district, in the Madras Presidency was represented, as well as the towns of Madras, Salem, Coimbatore and others. Of Bengal, his friends and himself might to a certain extent be accepted as representatives since although, owing to a series of misfortunes, deaths, illnesses and the like, of which the meeting were already aware, Bengal was very inadequately represented so far as the members actually present were concerned, though as the delegated exponents of educated native thought in Bengal, they might claim a consideration to which their numerical strength would hardly entitle them. Then, there were the representatives of Lahore, Lucknow, Agra, Allahabad, Benares, each representing Political Associations collectively of very widespread influence. Besides these represent­atives, who would take an actual part in the proceedings, he rejoiced to see present, as it were as amicus curiae, several of the most distinguished native officials of this country, whose presence would materially enhance the weight, and the dignity of the proceedings. It was not merely provinces that were represented, almost all the Political Associations in the Empire were represented by one or more of the gentlemen present, while as regards the press, the proprietors, editors or delegates of the Mirror, the Hindu, the Indian Spectator, the Tribune, and others showed con­clusively the universality of the feelings which had culminated in the great and memorable gathering. Surely never had so important and comprehensive an assemblage occurred within historical times on the soil of India. He claimed for it an entirely representative character. It was true that, judged from the standard of the House of Commons, they were not representatives of the people of India in the sense the members of the House were represent­atives of the constituencies. But if community of sentiments, community of feelings and community of wants enabled anyone to speak on behalf of others, then assuredly they might justly claim to be the representatives of the people of India. It might be said that they were self-elected, but that was not so. The news that this Congress would be held had been known throughout the year in the different Provinces of India and they all knew that everywhere the news had been received with great satisfaction by the people at large, and though no formal elections had been held, the representatives had been selected by all the different associations and bodies, and he only wished that all thus selected had been able to attend, instead of their having now to lament the absence of many valued co-adjurors, whose attendance had been unhappily barred by various unfortunate circumstances

Aims and Objects of the Congress

And now it seemed a fitting occasion for answering a question that had continually been asked in the world outside during the past few weeks, viz., what the objects and aims of this great National Congress really were. He would not pretend to reply to this question exhaustively. The ensuring proceedings would, he believed, do this more effectively than any single speaker could hope to do but might say briefly that the objects of the Congress could for the most part be classed under the following heads:

a) The promotion of personal intimacy and friendship amongst all the more earnest workers in our country’s cause in the different parts of the Empire.

b) The eradication, by direct friendly personal intercourse, of all possible race, creed, or provincial prejudices amongst all lovers of our country, and the fuller development  and consolidation of those sentiments of national unity that had their origin in their beloved lord Ripon's ever memorable reign.

c) The authoritative record, after this had been carefully elicited, by the fullest discussion of the matured opinions of the educated classes in India on some of the more important and pressing of the social questions of the day.

d) The determination of the lines upon, and methods by which, during the next twelve months, it is desirable for native politicians to labour in the public interest.

Surely there was nothing in these objects to which any sensible and unprejudiced man could possibly take exception, and yet on more than one occasion remarks had been made by gentlemen, who should have been wiser, condemning the proposed Congress as if it were a nest of conspirators and disloyalists. Let him say once for all, and in this he knew well after the long informal discussion that they had all amongst themselves on the previous day, that he was only expressing the sentimems of every gentleman present, that there were no more thoroughly loyal and consistent well-wishers of the British Government than were himself and the friends around him. In meeting to discuss in an orderly and peaceable manner questions of vital importance affecting their well-being, they were following the only course by which the Constitution of England enable them to represent their views to the ruling authority. Much had been done by Great Britain for the benefit of India, and the whole country was truly grateful to her for it. She had given them order, she had given railways, and, above all, she had given them the inestimable blessing of Western education. But a great deal still remained to be done. The more progress the people made in education and material prosperity, the greater would be the insight into political matters and the keener their desire for political advancement. He thought that their desire to be governed according to the ideas of Government prevalent in Europe was in no way incompati­ble with their thorough loyalty to the British Government. All that they desired was, that the basis of the Government should be widened and that the people should have their proper and legitimate share in it. The discussion that would take place in this Congress would, he believed, be as advantageous to the fuling authorities as, he was sure, it would be to the people at large.

RESOLUTIONS

I. Resolved – That this Congress earnestly recommends that the promised inquiry into the working of Indian Administration, here and in England, should be entrusted to a Royal Commission, the people of India being adequately represented thereon, and evidence taken both in India and in England.
Proposed by G. Subramania Iyer (Madras);
seconded by P. M. Mehta (Bombay); and
supported by Narendranath Sen ( Calcutta).

II. Resolved – That this Congress considers the abolition of the Council of the Secretary of State for India, as at present constituted, the necessary preliminary to all other reforms.

Proposed by S. H. Chiplonkar (Poona);
seconded by P. Ananda Charlu ( Madras) ; and
supported by J. Ghosal (Allahabad).

III. Resolved – That this Congress considers the reform and expansion of the Supreme and existing Local Legislative Councils, by the admission of a considerable proportion of elected members and the creation of similar Councils for the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, and also for the Punjab essential; and holds that all Budgets should be referred to these Councils for con­sideration, their members being, moreover, empowered to interpellate the Executive in regard to all branches of the admini­stration; and that a Standing Committee of the House of Commons should be constituted to receive and consider any formal protests that may be recorded by majorities of such Councils against the exercise by the Executive of the power, which would be vested in it, of overruling the decisions of such majorities.

Proposed by the Hon’ble K. T. Telang, C.LE (Bombay);
seconded by the Hon’ble S. Subramania Iyer (Madras); and
supported by the Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji (Bombay)­

IV. Resolved – That in the opinion of this Congress the competi­tive examinations now held in England, for first appointments in various civil departments of the public service, should henceforth, in accordance with the views of the India Office Committee of 1860, “be held simultaneously, one in England and one in India, both being as far as practicable identical in their nature, and those who compete in both countries being finally classified in one list according to merit”, and that the successful candidates in India should be sent to England for further study, and subjected there to such further examinations as may seem needful. Further, that all other first appointments (excluding peonships and the like), should be filled by competitive examinations held in India under conditions calculated to secure such intellectual, moral and physical qualifications as may be decided by Government to be necessary. Lastly, that the maximum age of candidates for entrance into the Government Civil Service be raised to not less than 23 years.

Proposed by the Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji (Bombay);
seconded by Viraraghavachariar (Madras); and
supported by D. S. White (Madras).

V. Resolved – That in the opinion of this Congress the proposed increase in the military expenditure of the Empire is unnecessary, and regard being had to the revenues of the Empire and the existing circumstances of the country, excessive.

Proposed by Rangaiah Nayudu (Madras);
seconded by Dinsha Edulji Wacha (Bombay);
and supported by Dayaram Jethmul (Karachi).

VI. Resolved – That in the opinion of this Congress, if the in­creased demands for military expenditure are not to be, as they ought to be, met by retrenchment, they ought to be met, firstly, by the re-imposition of the Customs duties; and secondly, by the extension of the licence tax to those classes of the community, official and non-official, at present exempted from it, care being taken that in the case of all classes a sufficiently high taxable minimum be maintained. And, further, that this Congress is of opinion that Great Britain should extend an imperial guarantee to the Indian debt.

Proposed by J. U. Yajnik (Bombay);
seconded by S. A Swaminatha Iyer (Tanjore); and
supported by Rao Saheb S. Venkata Subbarayudu Pantulu                                                       (Masulipatam).

VII. Resolved – That this Congress deprecates the annexation of Upper Burmah, and considers that if the Government unfortu­nately decide on annexation, the entire country of Burmah should be separated from the Indian Viceroyalty and constituted a Crown Colony, as distinct in all matters from the Government of this country as is Ceylon.

Proposed by P. M. Mehta (Bombay);
seconded by Rao Bahadur Krishanji Laxman Nulkar (Poona).

VIII. Resolved – That the resolutions passed by this Congress be communicated to the Political Associations in each province, and that these Associations be requested, with the help of similar bodies and other agencies within their respective provinces to adopt such measures as they may consider calculated to advance the settlement of the various questions dealt with in these resolutions.

Proposed by Murlidhar (Ambala);
seconded by H. H. Dhruba (Surat).

IX. Resolved – That the Indian National Congress reassemble next year in Calcutta, and sit on Tuesday, the 28th of December 1886, and the next succeeding days.

Proposed by A. O. Hume (Bengal);
seconded by the Hon’ble S. Subramania Iyer (Madras).