The Rejuvenation of the Princes' Chamber

BY SARDAR RAO BAHADUR M. V. KIBE,

(Deputy Prime Minister, Indore, (Retired))

Son of a novelist, statesman, and himself a writer of novels Lord Lytton, with the approval of another novelist-statesman, Disraeli, brought into existence a title called the Councillor of the Empress and conferred it on some leading Rulers of Indian States. Among Their Highnesses on whom this honour was conferred was Maharaja Tukojirao Holkar II of Indore; and being himself a remarkable ruler, he intervened with his opinion effectively on two occasions when the Paramount Power had controversies with two Indian States, Mysore and Baroda. But Councillorships were not continued.

Again when difficulties due to the awakening of the subjects in British India arose, Lord Minto claimed the Rulers as his colleagues in the governance of India. His was the vision which envisaged a Federation. The World War of 1914-18 found Lord Hardinge at the head of affairs in India. His training as a diplomat gave him an insight into the probabilities of winning the Princes to his side, and he convened a meeting of them, from which arose the Chamber. Subsequent developments raised the status of the Princes, although the inevitable levelling process, by giving them all a status of equality, which, status of equality is a fact in the eyes of the Paramount Power whatever its own relations with them individually may be, caused heart-burning among the Princes. The status of equality in the Chamber that was established was claimed by the former tributaries of the bigger Princes, some of whom, realising the circumstances, put up with it; but the more conservative among them were not so pliable or, it may be, so accommodating, and their sympathies were alienated from the new institution. They kept aloof, and owing to the changed policy of the British Government after the War, the Chamber became only a debating society and lost its value and even the power of growth. Finally, Lord Reading brushed aside all aspirations of the Princes in the direction of greater power.

Some of them had hoped to give the Chamber something akin to the status of the League of Nations that had come into existence in post-war Europe. This perhaps frightened the Paramount Power. It had been playing with the rights and status of Indian Princes as suited it on occasions. The latest phase is that, as against the nationalists in India, it puts forth the Indian States as sovereignties, although the view of Lord Reading that they are not so as against the Paramount Power has not been changed. In fact Lord Reading’s view has been strengthened by the broad declaration of the Butler Committee that paramountcy cannot be defined.

This had led to the leading Indian Princes attending the first Round Table Conference to declare their adherence to the Federation proposed for India. As the intention of the British Government with regard to the Federation was disclosed in subsequent so-called Round Table Conferences, the Princes began to ask for a complete picture; and even when it is now before them some of them are sure to be separatist. How the camp will be eventually divided, it is difficult to say at present, but it appears that in spite of persuasion, and even pressure, unanimity will not be secured. Already the British Government has begun to feel doubtful, having regard to the terms of Treaties of some States, how far it can call upon them to join the Federation.

But what good after all will the Federation do? It will rope together the States that will join in specified matters within the jurisdiction of the Federal Legislatures, and of the Crown Representative in certain contingencies–which will finally bring the Princes into the administrative system of the Indian Empire. Hitherto their sovereignty was restricted by the fact that the States’ external policies were in the control of the Paramount Power, and also by the Paramount Power’s professed claim of having the duty and the right to prevent misgovernment inside the territories of the States by enforcing suitable measures in their administration. The latter claim was in supercession of the terms of the Treaties, but was based on a moral and a political ground. The moral ground was that if the subjects of the misruled States caused trouble by migration into, or otherwise in, the surrounding or neighbouring territory, whether British or Indian, it was their duty to examine the nature of the cause of discontent in the State. The political ground was that since treaties made it obligatory on the British Government to protect the person and privileges of the ruling Prince, the treaties also made it obligatory upon the Paramount Power to see whether he was acting justly or not. These principles have been proclaimed and acted upon in several cases and on several occasions in the relations between the so-called independent States in the other parts of the World. The matter has become further complicated from the point of view of the Paramount Power by the establishment of autonomous responsible Government in the British Indian Provinces.

However, it is obvious that the attempt of the Princes to shake off the yoke of paramountcy has failed. The only thing for them is now to be able to acquire the power possessed by numbers. It is the only power which a democracy, though hidden behind a limited monarchy, recognises. Even if there cannot be federation among themselves they can form groups, care however being taken so as to not allow them to become communal or even territorial. As will be the case with their representation in the Federal Chamber, their interests must be based on economic and political considerations alone. Such a development alone will counteract the vigour of paramountcy.

Such a consummation can only be brought about by adhereing to the proposal made by His late Highness, Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwar of Baroda, whose recent demise is a great blow to the cause of the Indian Princes. This proposal he had made in his letter to His late Highness, Maharaja Shahu of Kolhapur in November, 1918. He wrote in it that the States should be autonomous in internal affairs; the agenda of the Chamber should be drawn up by them; its office-bearers should be appointed by them; the Political Department may be questioned by them as regards its activities in respect of the States; matters of dispute between them and the Paramount Power should be referred to a Federal Court; in matters of legislation in Indian States there may be co-operation with the British Indian Central Legislature, and if there should be difference of opinion there a joint meeting of the Legislatures might be held.

Some of the points in the proposal of the late Maharaja were adopted in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, while some others are made unnecessary by the Federation proposals in the Government of India Act of 1935. The Princes too tried to run a parallel office for the Chamber, but the Political Department never let go its hold on it, mainly because the Princes were disunited and mis-managed monetary affairs.

But the Chamber can still be revived on the lines suggested by the late Maharaja of Baroda.

Moreover, the present condition of the League of Nations ought to be taken into consideration. The growth of nationalism has been fatal to the full growth of the League. Yet it has been doing steady and useful work in matters of a technical and humanitarian nature, in which the States of the world, which had held aloof from the beginning, are co-operating. There is ample scope for such activities on the part of the Chamber, Indeed, had it taken these up previously, it would not have been reduced to its present plight. In these matters even the autonomous Provinces in British India will join hands, not to speak of the Federal Government when it comes into existence. In fact the initiative is passing into other hands. Will the Princes take note of this development? All their well-wishers hope that they will take note, at any rate before it is not too late, by rejuvenating the Chamber of Princes.