The Corporative State

BY G. PARTHASARATHI ¹

The Italian political system is usually described as corporative, but before we proceed to analyse its basic principles, it is necessary to give its historical beginnings. For, unlike other political philosophies, the theory of Italian Fascism developed only after its actual establishment in power. Mussolini himself says that in 1922, when he carried through his coup d'etat, he had "no special doctrinal attitude" in his mind. He was able to capture power without disclosing his aims or developing a new philosophy. Displaying a determination to do something, he did not divulge what he would do, except that he would destroy what he called the "anarchy of democracy and replace it with discipline and order." Italian Fascism was, thus, the first mass movement in Europe which was openly anti-Liberal and anti- Socialist in character. The success of this movement was due to the conditions that prevailed after the War of 1914 to 1918, which had plunged Italy into a political and economic crisis. Besides, the country was in a disillusioned and depressed mood, because the people had realised only part of their nationalist ambitions. Italy had emerged from the War without colonies; the Adriatic Sea, ‘Mare Nostrum,’ was in other hands. In addition to the discontent over the Versailles Treaty was a dislocation of the entire economic and financial structure of the country. The socialist parties were carrying on an intense agitation, and there was a wave of strikes.

This was an ideal situation for Mussolini, for he demanded united action against the internal enemy of anarchy and revolution, and the external enemy of exploitation, namely the Western Democracies of Britain and France. He very properly exposed the impotence of a weak liberal democracy. This was not difficult in Italy where party politics were corrupt and leadership ineffective. Mussolini argued that, if democracy checks the arbitrary exercise of executive power, it also prevents any substantial good being done to the people. He argued that an ineffective government might be all right for the wealthy Western nations or pluto-democracies, as he calls them, who merely wanted to keep what they had; but a poor nation, like Italy, could not afford the luxury of democracy. Italy, he claimed, needed leadership and discipline such as a liberal democracy could not provide. Otherwise, he prophesied, anarchy would soon follow. This threat of revolution rallied the middle classes and the rich to his cause. The industrialists were delighted, the Liberal politicians uncertain and the peasants apathetic. In such circumstances, it was not difficult for a resolute man at the head of a political army to win power. His appeal to nationalist pride and an Imperial future found resounding echoes in a people, who believed that they had been treated badly. The nationalist sections envisaged a glorious future, and through Mussolini hoped to attain it. Had he not stated that Fascism believes "neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace"?

The Fascist theory is anti-democratic in character. As Mussolini himself put it, "Fascism combats the whole complex system of democratic ideology, and repudiates it, whether in its theoretical premises or in its practical application. Fascism denies that the majority, by the simple fact that it is a majority, can direct human society; it denies that numbers alone can govern by means of a periodical consultation, and it affirms the immutable, beneficial, and fruitful inequality of mankind, which can never be permanently levelled through the mere operation of a mechanical process such as universal suffrage." Mussolini in another place says, "The foundation of Fascism is the conception of the State, its character, its duty and its aim. Fascism conceives of the State as an absolute, in comparison with which all individuals or groups are relative, only to be conceived of in their relation to the State. The conception of the Liberal State is not that of a directing force, guiding the play and development, both material and spiritual, of a collective body, but merely a force, limited to the function of recording results; on the other hand, the Fascist State is itself conscious and has itself a will, a personality–thus it may be called the ‘ethical’ State."

Thus the idea of the sovereignty of the Nation-State is the very kernel of Fascist social and political theory. The nation becomes transformed into a "corpus mysticum,"–an un- broken chain of generations, armed with a mission which is realised in the course of the historical process. The duty of the individual is to elevate himself to the heights of the national consciousness and to lose completely his own identity in it. He has individual rights, only in so far as they do not conflict with the needs of the sovereign State. This theory, it will be seen, is the negation of the democratic conception of freedom and liberty.

Another tenet of Mussolini’s philosophy is that the actual administration of the State must be entrusted to a limited number of persons constituting an organic unity. This is an adaptation of George Sorel’s philosophy of history, which sharply emphasises the significance of the elite as the embodiment of the genius of a people, an institution or class. Domination by a small group of "leaders" is justified in Italy, because it is said that the action of the ‘dynamic’ State must be, in contrast to that of the parliamentary system, to quote the Duce, "quick, sure, unanimous, conscious, responsible." Thus even when Fascism tries to harness its strength by drawing in the democratic forces, by way of plebiscites, they are only held to choose the elite.

These Fascist ideas found expression in the structure of the Italian State. The main constitutional results of Fascism have been to replace the democratic government by the rule of a single party or in actual practice by the Duce; and to nullify most of the personal rights which characterise popular government. There is a legislature, the Chamber of Deputies, but it is elective only in name. The electoral plan, which effectively cancels all contact between the Chamber and the voters, is based on the "Corporative System," which now regulates the industry of the country. By this system, all associations of producers in the country are grouped together into associations according to their professions, for example, associations of rail-road men, miners, industrialists, teachers. Each of these Associations has a committee, and these committees elect 800 persons, which is double the number of the Deputies in the Chamber; certain non-industrial units nominate a further 200. From these 1,000 nominees, the Grand Council of Fascism, which will be described later, selects 400, but the Council has the right to nominate members outside the list. The 400 names thus selected are submitted to the electors, who can vote ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ only, for the list as a whole. To secure even more thorough obedience, the Grand Council can remove any Deputy, even after he is elected.

All power is centred in the "Chief of the Government," i.e., Mussolini. No measure can come before the Parliament without his consent. The Duce has unbounded authority over the economic and social framework of the country. He controls the armed forces; he can dismiss judges and magistrates who are suspected of views contrary to those of the Government. All Government posts are occupied by Fascists. No possible focus of opposition survives. The Senate still exists, but it may only debate such matters as the Chief permits. Overshadowing the Senate and the Chamber is the Grand Council of Fascism, consisting mainly of high officials of the Fascist Party, who are nominated by the Chief and meet only at his summons. Subject to his veto, it supervises the whole discipline of the Fascist Party; and as that Party is the only one recognised by the State, the Chief through the Grand Council controls the life of the country.

The Fascist Party has played a great part in the rise of Mussolini and his continuance in power. The Fascist squads, with their black shirts and banners, and their assumption that theirs was the obligation to restore law and order, were the incarnation of the new spirit, which challenged the weakness of democracy and once more claimed that politics was based on organised force. Now the Party has its ramifications in every village and town, and is all powerful.

In the Fascist State, there is no charter of personal liberty. All political cases come, not before the ordinary courts, but before tribunals composed of Fascist officials. Juries have been displaced by official "assessors." No lawyer or journalist or doctor may practice without the consent of the local Fascist Committee. No meetings may be held without the consent of the police or the prefect. All newspapers criticising the Government are seized and it is a crime punishable with three years’ imprisonment to express ideas contrary to those of the Government.

In Italy the State has the right to regulate the entire life of the people. It is significant that the State administration allies itself with private enterprise and the preservation of the capitalist order, for private enterprise is declared to be the "most practicable and feasible means for serving national interests"; and Capitalism is considered the best "method of production." The State, however, has the right to intervene in the process of production whenever private initiative is unequal to the task at hand, or when political interests are at stake. The most thoroughgoing interventionism is, however, in regard to the freedom of labour. Workers have no legal status in respect of their wages, unless they join a Fascist "syndicate" or association, and no free trade unions are allowed. Efforts are made to counteract the economic and political effects of class-conflict, by emphasising the solidarity of capital and labour in the production process, by means of education and propaganda. Still, of course, the clash of interests is there; but since all strikes and lock-outs are outlawed, such disputes are to be settled only by arbitration-groups or, in the last resort, by what are called "State Labour Magistrates," that is, officials appointed by the State for the purpose, Wages according to the labour constitution should be determined by three considerations–not always easy to establish–namely, the necessities of life, the potentiality of production, and the profits of labour. The important point is whether these joint employer-employee organisations do exert control over production, for, theoretically, their powers are great. If they do, then the Italian Corporative State can be described as a kind of planned capitalism, with State intervention in the ground.

I have given in brief outline the central ideas and institutions of Fascism, but since the evolution is by no means yet complete, it is difficult to give a more precise picture of the Corporative State, It is not yet a set body of doctrines. In 1919, Mussolini wrote: "We have destroyed every known creed, spat upon every dogma, rejected every paradise, flouted every charlatan–white, black or red–who deals in miraculous drugs for restoring happiness to the human race. We put no faith in any system, nostrum, saint or apostle; still less, do we believe in happiness, salvation or the promised land."

1 By courtesy All-India Radio.