The Princes and the Federation

(Member, The Indian Legislative Assembly)

I have great pleasure in contributing an article on "The Princes and the Federation" to Triveni. I have very high appreciation of the good work carried on in the field of journalism by Triveni.

The subject of my article is "The Princes and the Federation." I have spoken and written expressing my attitude of clear hostility to the proposed Indian Federation. I want to repeat that my hostility is not to Indian Federation as such. Indeed, I believe in it. I believe it is inevitable. It is bound to come; but not this Federation. I will not repeat those arguments.

I want to make an appeal, if I may, to the Indian Princes not to join the Federation. The Indian Princes and their representatives at the Round Table Conference sessions made it perfectly clear more than once, that they had no use for a Federation in which there was no element of responsibility. At least that was the argument put forward, and although the element of responsibility in the proposed Federation at the Centre is very exiguous, still there is some element of responsibility.

Apart from this argument, however, the Indian Princes must now realise what they gain and what they lose by acceding to this Federation. Thank God, they have absolute discretion in the matter! They do not come into the Federation, unless they agree to accede, on terms which they want to be put into the Instruments of Accession. Indeed, the Government of India Act provides, in so many words, for such terms to be incorporated in the Instrument of Accession. The Rulers of Indian States have got to consider, in all its full implications, the question of joining or not joining the Federation.

The first point for them to consider is whether they are likely to strengthen themselves in the affections of their people by joining this Federation. I suggest they will not, unless there is full and real responsibility at the Centre. The Rulers of the States are expected to nominate their representatives to the Federal Legislature. Of course, it is open to the Rulers of Indian States to provide for election. direct or indirect, wholly or partially. Even if they do so, the representatives whom they send will be in a difficult and delicate position. So far as the State itself is concerned, the people of the State through their representatives, unless they are free to join any political Party, will feel "cribbed, cabinned and confined" in the Federal Legislature. The representatives may like to vote, for example, with the Congress Party. The Rulers may even like it. But the Political and Foreign Department, the special responsibility of the Viceroy to the Crown, will most probably intervene where their interests are likely to come into conflict with Indian interests. Under those circumstances, whatever the representatives of the Princes do, they will be between the devil and the deep sea. If they vote with the Congress they will inherit the wrath of the Foreign and Political Department. Some of them know what the extent of that wrath can be. If, on the other hand, they vote with the Government on all matters and against Indian interests, they will incur the wrath of the people of British India and also the disappointment of their own people. Is it worth while for them to get into this Federation?

From their own point of view, whatever reservation they may make, either because of the Government of India Act or in the Instrument of Accession, for their sovereignty and dynastic rights, there can be no question whatever that the result of their accession to the Federation will be that they will be more and more under the control of the Foreign and Political Department. Is it worth their while? Let them remember that, in spite of all that they have said and done, the Butler Committee’s dictum, that "paramountcy must remain paramount" still holds the field, and the recent treatment given to many of the Rulers must convince them that this doctrine is not a mere political doctrine, but is the rule of law of the British Government in their dealings with the Indian States.

I also want the Rulers of Indian States to realise the reasons why the British Government want them so badly in the Federal Legislature. I mean no offence to them, but any political student must understand that the British Government want the Princes to act, through their representatives, as a check on the patriotism and the independence of the Federal Legislature. Is this a game at which they are willing to play their part?

Apart from all these, what are the particular material advantages, which the Rulers of Indian States get by acceding to this Federation? I am not now talking of empty titles like the ‘Prince of Berar’ given to the heir-apparent to H. E. H. the Nizam of Hyderabad. It may be that Mysore may get Bangalore. Is it a good price? Is it not likely to be a liability? As for the tributes which are being paid by the various States, it is doubtful if they can be abolished completely. Even if they be, is it worth while for them to surrender their rights? The Maritime States, I believe, unless they get their full share from British India, are likely to lose more than gain by accession to this Federation.

It is for the Princes now, before they make up their minds to join the Federation, to consult their own people, by taking the opinion of their Legislature, or in some other manner. I do not think the Princes should agree to take part in a democratic Legislature, which is bound to be ultimately sovereign sooner or later, except with the consent of their people. Otherwise, if they take the responsibility on themselves of deciding this question in consultation only with the Viceroy arid the Political Department, they are making the mistake of their lives.

I also want the Princes to take note of the fact that the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League are both alike strongly opposed to this Federation. Practically all the eleven self-governing Provinces of British India are against this Federation. The seven Congress Ministries are decidedly against the Federation. The Sind Legislature has voted against the Federation. The Premiers of Bengal and the Punjab have definitely joined the Muslim League under the leadership of Mr. Jinnah, who is a sworn enemy of the Federation. Assam is sure to follow suit. Let the Princes pause and consider with whom they are federating. Are they federating with the Governors of Provinces, or with the Governor-General of India? If they want to federate with the people of British India, they must take the opinion of the Provincial Governments, ex hypothesi representative of and responsible to the Provincial Legislatures. If the Provincial Legislatures and the Provincial Ministries are against this Federation–it is admitted they are–the Princes are not federating with the most important federating units.

I do not blame the Princes. They have not been told exactly the extent and the strength of feeling in the Indian Provinces. It is now up to the Prime Ministers and their Cabinets, and the Legislatures of the eleven self-governing Provinces to approach the Princes directly and warn them of the consequences of rushing headlong into the Federation, pointing out to them that they are not going to be willing partners. If they do so, I think the Princes will respond.

Let me say that the Indian National Congress as such under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, has no evil designs on Indian Rulers. No doubt, there is a school of thought in the Indian National Congress which believes that these Indian Princes are autocratic survivors of a by-gone age, and should no longer be allowed to exist. But that is not the prevailing view of the Indian National Congress. The Congress wants to leave the Indian States alone. It has specifically passed a resolution that while it is in favour of the establishment of Responsible Government in the Indian States, it will take no direct part or lot in the struggle for the attainment of that status, but that the struggle should be carried on by the people of the States themselves. Mahatma Gandhi’s recent articles on the Mysore Resolution of the All India Congress Committee must convince the Indian princes that they have friends in the Indian National Congress and a friend in Mahatma Gandhi.

The more far seeing amongst the Princes must also realise that the Indian National Congress will be soon ruling this country. Is it worth their while to incur the wrath or at least the displeasure of the Congress by flying in the teeth of the expressed opinion of the Indian National Congress? They must pause and consider many times.

Then again, I want them to examine this Federation with the help of political scientists or students of political science. This Federation is anaemic, unheard of in history, and unworkable in practice. The Governor-General’s powers are so wide, and the Reserved Subjects are so many, that I have no hesitation in saying that the so-called responsibility is a misnomer. Defence, which is a very important subject, is taken out of the purview of the Legislature. The Federal Railway Authority is an imperium in imperio. The Reserve Bank controls currency and exchange. The representatives to the Federal Lower House will be elected by pocket boroughs and possibly rotten boroughs, by the members of the Provincial Lower House voting in communal compartments on the principle of proportional representation by the single transferable vote. The Upper House, elected directly no doubt on a narrow franchise; will have co-eval financial powers with the Lower House. Already the Wheeler Report is being acted upon, strengthening the heaven-born Civil Service at the Centre. Under these circumstances, I suggest to the Princes that they will be walking into a den of Slaves and not into a Heaven of Freedom by joining this Federation.

The purpose of this article will have been achieved if, as a result of reading this article, or is being brought to their notice, the Princes will hesitate to join the Federation. They have a great opportunity of serving their Motherland. If now they say that they will not come into the Federation, the British Government have no option but to come to terms with the Indian National Congress. If the British Government does not do so, Mahatma Gandhi is there. We shall evolve a scheme, which will satisfy all interests concerned, including those of the Indian Princes. I fully trust and hope that the Indian Princes will rise to the occasion and save India from this ugly monster of a Federation, and serve their Motherland. I appeal to them to do so.