Exploring Early Buddhist–Christian (Jingjiao 景教)...

[Full title: Exploring Early Buddhist–Christian (Jingjiao 景教) Dialogues in Text and Image: A Cultural Hermeneutic Approach]

Academic Editor: Shiying Zhang Received: 22 February 2025 Revised: 6 April 2025 Accepted: 9 April 2025 Published: 28 April 2025 Citation: Jun, Wang, and Michael Cavayero. 2025. Exploring Early Buddhist–Christian ( Jingjiao 景教 ) Dialogues in Text and Image: A Cultural Hermeneutic Approach Religions 16: 565. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/rel 16050565 Copyright: © 2025 by the authors Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https://creativecommonsorg/ licenses/by/4.0/) Article Exploring Early Buddhist–Christian ( Jingjiao 景教 ) Dialogues in Text and Image: A Cultural Hermeneutic Approach Wang Jun 1, † and Michael Cavayero 2, * , † 1 School of Humanities and Foreign Languages, China Jiliang University, Hangzhou 310018, China; wangjun 12@pku.org.cn 2 School of Arts, and Research Center for Aesthetics and Aesthetic Education, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China * Correspondence: michaelcavayero@pku.edu.cn † These authors contributed equally to this work Abstract: The dialogue between Christianity and Buddhism began during the Tang dy‑ nasty (618–907) when East Syrian Christian missionaries from Persia arrived in China in 635. At this time, Buddhism was prospering under the Tang Empire, and the “Church of the East” was established, known as the “Brilliant (or Radiant) Teaching” ( Jingjiao 景教 ) Historical records and archaeological evidence indicate that the Jingjiao church employed the method of “matching concepts” ( geyi 格義 ). This methodology, initially utilized in the early stages of Buddhism’s dissemination from India and Central Asia to China for the translation of Buddhist texts, was similarly applied to the translation of Christian texts and concepts. These translation efforts and dissemination activities represent the earliest documented encounters between Christianity and Buddhism in premodern times. Further‑ more, recent archaeological discoveries reveal that the dialogue between the two religions in China transpired through textual and visual representations (iconography) in the form of “borrowing pictures”. This study investigates these interactions across disciplines, ex‑ ploring the evidence of early cultural exchange between Buddhism and Christianity while reviewing the motivations behind the missionaries’ translation and dissemination activ‑ ities. It addresses pivotal questions regarding these early dialogues by examining the proselytization strategies employed and analyzing the reasons why imperial authorities sanctioned Christian activities and facilitated their propagation during the Tang dynasty Keywords: Buddhism; Jingjiao church; Geyi ; cultural hermeneutics; borrowing pictures 1. Introduction The Jingjiao ( 景教 ) Church emerged as a significant religious community during the Tang dynasty (618–907) and marks the earliest historically documented presence of Chris‑ tianity in China. Anglophone scholars often describe it as the “Luminous Religion”, though it is also referred to by several names, such as Nestorianism, East Syriac Chris‑ tianity, the East Syrian Church, and the Church of the East. 1 The scholar Max Deeg ( 2006 a ) advocates for the translations “Brilliant Teaching” or “Radiant Teaching”, emphasizing the religion’s connections to solar imagery and symbolism 2 The Tang huiyao 唐會要 ( Institutional History of the Tang Dynasty , c . 961) documents that East Syrian Christian missionaries reached China from Persia in 635 during the Tang dynasty. 3 It is probable that these Christian missionaries were seeking refuge from the tur‑ moil and rapidly deteriorating conditions in Iran. 4 They were received with great honor by Tang emperors, such as Emperor Taizong ( 唐太宗 , fl . 599–649, r . 626–649) and Emperor Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 https://doi.org/10.3390/rel 16050565

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 2 of 35 Gaozong ( 唐高宗 , fl . 628–683, r . 649–683), and their teachings, referred to as “ Jingjiao ” (lit. the “Teachings of light”), thrived for some period. 5 However, during the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism ( 會昌滅佛 , between 843 and 845) under Emperor Wuzong ( 武宗 , 814–846) 6 , the Jingjiao Church was banned 7 and reportedly vanished from public aware‑ ness for nearly a millennium 8 The discovery of the renowned inscription on the Xi’ an stele, 9 known as the Da Qin Jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景教流行中國碑 (the “Stele of the Promulgation/Diffusion of the ‘Radiant Teaching’ of Da Qin [Rome] 10 in China [the Middle Kingdom]”), frequently referred to as the “Nestorian stele”, the “Nestorian tablet”, the “Nestorian Monument in China”, or simply the “Xi’ an Inscription/Stele” (hereafter referred to as “ Jingjiao bei ” 景 教碑 , JJB ), revitalized interest in this tradition. The stele, dating to the second year of the Jianzhong era ( 建中 , 781) 11 , was unearthed between 1623 and 1625 during the Ming 明 dy‑ nasty (1368–1644) in proximity to Xi’ an 西安 , China. This significant discovery prompted a resurgence of early historical examinations (Pelliot INS 1996; Saeki 1916 ; L. Tang 2002 ; Godwin 2018 ; Nicolini‑Zani 2023 ) 12 A considerable amount of scholarly attention has been directed toward elucidating the relationship between Buddhism and Jingjiao , resulting in numerous comparative stud‑ ies. Initiated by the pioneering scholarship of Japanese scholar and Anglican (Peter) Yoshirō Saeki ( 佐伯好郎 , 1871–1965) in his work Keikyō no Kenkyū ( Saeki 1935 ) 13 , various Japanese scholars have investigated the early interactions between Buddhism and Jingjiao in China 14 More recently, Naoya Hamada ( 2007 ) conducted an analysis of the “Discourse on ‘One God’ [i.e., Monotheism]” ( yi shen lun 一神論 ), juxtaposing it with the teachings of Buddhist Pure Land ( 淨土 ), illuminating the shared exegetical practices between early Christianity and Buddhism in China ( Hamada 2007 , pp. 61–75) Zhu Qianzhi established the foundational framework for “Nestorian” ( Jingjiao ) stud‑ ies in Mainland China ( Q. Zhu [1993] 1997–1998 ). Subsequently, scholars such as Yang Xi‑ aochun ( X. Yang 2004 , pp. 11–20) and Yin Xiaoping (X Yin 2024 , pp. 1–19) have published comprehensive review articles that catalog major research pertaining to Jingjiao in China over the past four decades. These reviews provide an extensive survey of monographs and articles by Chinese scholars, accentuating significant studies on scripture translations, doctrines, and iconography. Additionally, they explore the extent to which Christianity during the Tang era drew inspiration from and borrowed elements of Buddhism in its early missionary endeavors The distinguished German scholar of comparative religion, Hans Joachim Klimkeit (1939–1999), published an extensive study in 1999 and 2003 concerning the dissemination of ancient Christianity in Central and East Asia ( Klimkeit 2003 ; Gilman and Klimkeit 1999 ). More recently, Matteo Nicolini‑Zani has undertaken an examination of the texts and his‑ tory of the Jingjiao Church in China, as evidenced in his publications from 2022 and 2023 Both scholars, to varying degrees, investigate the relationship between Buddhism and Jingjiao ( Nicolini‑Zani 2022 , 2023 ). Additionally, Deeg has made significant contributions to the field through numerous studies that analyze the influence of Buddhism and Daoism on the theological concepts of Jingjiao during the Tang dynasty ( Deeg 2006 a , 2006 b , 2007 , 2009 , 2020 a , 2020 b ). In his compilation of essays, Chen Huaiyu has included four discussions addressing the relationship between Buddhism and Jingjiao ( H. Chen 2012 ). These discussions jux‑ tapose the “Hymn in Praise of the Three Majesties (i.e., the Holy Trinity) of the Brilliant Teaching (of Da Qin), through which Salvation is Obtained” ( Da Qin Jingjiao san wei meng du zan 大秦景教三威蒙度讚 , also referred to as the Latin Gloria in Excelsis Deo ) with the Dasheng bensheng xindi guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經 (Skt. * Mahāyānamūlagāta‑ hr ˙ idayabhūmi‑ dhyāna‑ sūtra, or Xindi guan jing ) from a comparative linguistics perspective. 15 Furthermore,

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 3 of 35 Bai Yu has conducted a comparison in 2023 of the verbatim language and “shared imagery” present in the Xindi guan jing with the Zhixuan anle jing 志玄安樂經 (“ Sūtra /Book on As‑ piring to [Attain] Profound Bliss”), highlighting noteworthy intertextuality and potential collaboration between Jingjiao missionaries and influential Buddhist translators ( Bai 2023 ). These scholarly endeavors underscore a sustained interest in the comparative study of Christianity centered on Jingjiao and Buddhism. 16 Despite these notable contributions, some areas continue to be inadequately explored Specifically, there has been a lack of comprehensive systematic analysis regarding the con‑ tent of the translations produced by the Jingjiao Church and the doctrinal themes empha‑ sized following its arrival in the Tang Empire. Moreover, although scholars have scruti‑ nized the concepts of “syncretism” and “loan words”, 17 the historical practice of geyi ( 格 義 )—the hermeneutical method of “matching meanings” or “categorizing concepts”—has yet to be thoroughly investigated for its relevance to the translation of early Christian texts in contrast with Buddhist writings Furthermore, the motivations for Christian involvement in Buddhist translation activi‑ ties and the initial cultural interactions between Buddhists and Christians during the Tang dynasty have garnered limited attention or have been overshadowed by other scholarly pursuits. 18 Thus, the hermeneutical studies of the Jingjiao texts conducted to date have led to various explanations and translations of their contents, resulting in divergent interpre‑ tations of Tang Christianity as a whole ( Nicolini‑Zani 2023 , p. 12; Wickeri 2004 , pp. 46–52) This study addresses these gaps by examining the early dialogues between Buddhism and Christianity. It analyzes the missionary strategies employed by the Jingjiao Church and ex‑ plores the factors that facilitated the acceptance of its teachings by the Tang imperial court, contributing to their spread during this period. 19 2. The Phenomenon of Geyi in Jingjiao Translations The Jingjiao monks, led by the first missionary Bishop A‑lo‑pen (Aluoben 阿羅本 , also rendered 阿羅夲 , du.) 20 , aligned themselves closely with imperial authority. They ac‑ tively translated scriptures and contributed significantly to the Jingjiao “missionary strat‑ egy” 21 Their localized missionary methods incorporated Buddhist terms and ideas and employed the practice of geyi ( 格義 ), “matching meanings” or “matching concepts”, to adapt their teachings to the social, political, and artistic context of the time ( Foster 1939 , p. 112; X. Huang 1996 , p. 84; Malek 2002 , p. 36) The concept of geyi has been interpreted differently over centuries ( Kantor 2010 , pp. 283–307, esp. pp. 284, 285). Its earliest definition is found in the “Clarification of Doubts” ( Yuyi lun 喻疑論 , c . 428?) ( Zürcher [1959] 2007 , p. 328, note 56), which states the following: At the end of the Han [dynasty] and the beginning of the Wei [dynasty], the chan‑ cellor of Guangling and the chancellor of Pengcheng ‘joined the Order’ and were both able to maintain the great light (of the Doctrine). Inspired by their actions, worthy [intellectuals of the time] began to take an interest in [discussing and] lec‑ turing on Buddhism. Thus, using ‘matching meanings’ ( 格義 ), they ‘broadened the scope’ [of the teachings], and, by ‘pairing explanations’ ( 配説 ), made them indirect and circuitous 漢末魏初 , 廣陵 , 彭城二相出家 , 並能任持大照 , 尋味之賢 , 始有講次 而恢之以格義 , 迂之以配説 22 In the biography of the monk and translator Zhu Faya ( 竺法雅 , du., fl c . 4 th cen‑ tury) in the Biographies of Eminent Monks ( Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 ), Huijiao ( 慧皎 , 497–554) elaborates on this method:

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 4 of 35 [Zhu Faya] took the ‘numerical categories’ ( shishu 事數 ) of the sūtras and matched these with (terms from) non‑Buddhist works (secular literature), as a method to make [his disciples] understand. This was called “matching meanings” ( geyi ) 以經中事數 , 擬配外書 , 爲生解之例 , 謂之格義 23 Modern interpretations of geyi have varied ( Zürcher [1959] 2007 , p. 184; Lai 1979 , pp. 238–57; Sharf 2002 , pp. 5, 10–11, 97–98; Mair 2012 , pp. 29–59). The Chinese histo‑ rian Tang Yongtong ( 湯用彤 , 1893–1964) identified geyi as the first method employed by Chinese scholars to integrate Indian Buddhist concepts with Chinese thought ( Y. Tang [1938] 2010 , pp. 191–94 [1937, p. 171 ff, 1938, pp. 234–38]; 1968 ). Philosopher Feng Youlan ( 馮友蘭 , 1895–1990) expanded this concept, describing geyi as a universal method of “in‑ terpreting ancient concepts with current ones”, “interpreting Chinese concepts in terms of Western thought”, and employing any approach aimed at bridging different cultural systems. ( Y. Feng 1989 , p. 155). In this broader context, geyi serves as a universal frame‑ work for explanation and commentary, functioning as a form of cultural hermeneutics 24 In 2007, Liu Zhenning presented statistical analyses concerning the utilization of Buddhist vocabulary within the Jingjiao texts. Liu posits that both Jingjiao and Buddhism occupied a similar status as representations of “the Other”, originating from “foreign western terri‑ tories”, which cultivated mutual empathy between the two. The earlier Buddhist strategy of geyi , as it was initially transmitted, provided Jingjiao with a referential framework vital for its persistence ( Z. Liu 2007 a , 2007 b ). In addition to the JJB , several other Jingjiao documents have been discovered 25 Among these, the Sūtra of Hearing the Messiah ( Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 ) 26 is con‑ sidered the earliest 27 It was first identified by the Japanese Buddhologist Junjirō Takakusu (J. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 , 1866–1945) in 1922 and verified to date back to between 635 and 638, corresponding to the ninth and twelfth years of the Zhenguan 貞觀 era 28 Consequently, it is plausible that Alopen and his team translated this text The Yishen lun 一神論 ( Discourse on the “One God” ) is believed to have been translated in 641, as it contains the following statement: “[From then, when] He (Christ) took on the body of the five aggregates ( wuyin 五蔭 ), it has not been more than six hundred and forty‑one years” ( 彌詩訶 ) 向五蔭身 , 六百四十一年不過已 29 This translation, too, is likely to have been carried out by Alopen and his team. Scholars like Wushu Lin ( 2000 , 2021 ) have conducted detailed analyses of these manuscripts and generally agree that they were copied and transmitted by later generations from earlier Jingjiao (Nestorian) texts. The original manuscripts are believed to represent some of the earliest translations of Jingjiao scriptures ( Lin 2000 , p. 81; 2021 ). As noted earlier, the method of geyi , initially used during the early dissemination of Buddhism in China, was also employed in these texts. The Xuting Mishisuo jing adopted the Buddhist concept of “retribution” (Ch guobao 果報 , Skt vipāka; phalavipāka ) to artic‑ ulate God’s (Ch tianzun 天尊 , “the Heaven‑Honored One”) omnipresence, omniscience, and His role in “reward and judgment” ( 天尊常在靜度快樂之處 果報無處不到 ). 30 Further‑ more, the text incorporated concepts such as “serving and obeying the Lord (God)” (trans‑ lated as shi tianzun 事天尊 , shou tianzun fajiao 受天尊法教 , i.e., “accepting the doctrines of the Heaven‑Honored One”), “serving and honoring one’s parents” ( xiaoyang fumu 孝養父 母 ; xu pa fumu 須怕父母 ; zhicheng fumu 祗承父母 ; shi fumu buque 事父母不闕 ), and serving “The August Ruler” (i.e., the Emperor) ( □ 聖上 ) 31 , aligning its teachings with mainstream Confucian values. 32 The Xuting Mishi suo jing also reinterprets the concept of the “original sin” of living beings and their “transgressions of the precepts (connected to God)” ( fanni yu Zun 返逆於 尊 ) through the lens of Buddhist karmic retribution . Those with bad karma cannot approach God ( 何因 ? 众生在于罪中 …) 33 . The text emphasizes that good merit and positive condi‑

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 5 of 35 tions (Ch shan 善 , Skt kuśala ; Ch fu 福 , Skt pun ˙ ya; Ch yuan 緣 Skt pratyaya ), as well as “attaining the way to Heaven” (Ch de tiandao 得天道 ) at “the final moment of death” (Ch lin mingzhong zhi shi 臨命終之時 , Skt cyuti‑kāla ; maran ˙ a‑kāla‑samaya ), are fundamental to “beholding God” ( 得見天尊 ) and understanding the hierarchical respect for the emperor This assertion further bridges Christian theology with prevailing Confucian and Buddhist ideologies 34 In the Yishen lun , the terms wuyin shen 五蔭身 (“ wuyin body” or “five skandha body”) and hunpo 魂 魄 (the “ethereal” [ hun ] and “corporeal” [ po ] aspects of the soul) are em‑ ployed to parallel the Christian concepts of “body” and “soul”, respectively 35 Addition‑ ally, the term si se 四色 (“four manifest forms [or Skt rūpa ]”) is used to describe the mate‑ rial world 36 Hamada ( 2005 , 2007 ) has conducted an in‑depth study of Buddhist thought in the Yishen lun , emphasizing its adaptation of the Buddhist concept of shen shi 神 識 (“spirit‑cum‑consciousness” or “sentient consciousness”, Skt vijñānanā ) ( Hamada 2005 , pp. 244–57; 2007 , pp. 61–75). In Christianity, shen shi traditionally signifies “divine guid‑ ance from God”; however, in the Yishen lun , this concept is expanded to encompass the Buddhist notion of “eternal abiding” ( changzhu bumie 常住不滅 ). Huang Xianian ( X. Huang 1996 , pp. 83–90; 2000 , pp. 446–60) has also examined the influence of Buddhist doctrines on Jingjiao texts. In his research, Huang underscores the extensive use of Buddhist termi‑ nology in Jingjiao scriptures, particularly noting how the Xuting Mishisuo jing incorporates Buddhist moral and ethical principles to explain humanity’s inability to enter heaven due to the accumulation of excessive negative karma. He also investigates the Yishen lun ’s use of hun and po ( 魂魄 ) to articulate the Christian conception of the soul ( linghun guan 靈魂觀 ) It is conceivable that during the initial spread of Jingjiao , the (perhaps) Persian Bishop Alopen had not been in the Tang Empire for long and was, therefore, not yet proficient in Chinese. As a result, the early scriptures were likely translated in collaboration with individuals skilled in Chinese. 37 Although the specifics of the early translation process for Jingjiao scriptures are not preserved in existing records, Buddhism, which faced a similar situation upon its introduction to China, can serve as a useful reference, given the detailed accounts of its early translation activities According to the Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 ( Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the [ Chinese ] Tripit ˙ aka, compiled c . 515, hereafter CSZJJ ), the oldest surviving catalog of Buddhist translations, and the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 ( Biographies of Eminent Monks , com‑ piled between 519 and 520), foreign Buddhist monks and missionaries who first arrived in China beginning in the mid‑2 nd century from various regions, including Western and Eastern Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, and Southeast Asia, often had limited pro‑ ficiency in literary Chinese. As a result, they tended to employ collaborative translation methods. For instance, during the Eastern (Later) Han dynasty ( 東漢 , 25 BCE–220 CE), the Parthian Buddhist lay practitioner ( upāsaka ) and translator An Xuan ( 安玄 , fl . 131–231, who arrived in Luoyang 洛陽 in 181) worked alongside the first‑known Chinese monk, śraman ˙ a Yan Fotiao ( 嚴佛調 , also recorded as Yan Foutiao 嚴浮調 , du.), to translate the Fa jing jing 法鏡經 (Skt Ugraparipr ˙ cchā‑ sūtra, ‘ Dharma Mirror Sūtra’) ( Zürcher 1991 ; Harrison 1987 ; Nattier 2008 , p. 92) Although little is known about their lives, the early bibliographer Sengyou 僧祐 ( c 435/45–518) provides specific details about their translation methods. He reports that An Xuan “orally translated the Indic language text” ( 口譯梵文 ), while Yan Fotiao “wrote it down” ( 筆受 ) 38 The Buddhist scholar Jan Nattier ( 2008 ) observes that, while it is common to think of translation teams as comprising a foreign monk and his lay assistants, this case was the opposite: a foreign lay practitioner ( upāsaka ) who was sufficiently fluent in spoken Chinese and the source language (likely a Prākrit vernacular) provided an oral Chinese translation

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 6 of 35 of the scripture, paired with a Chinese monk whose literary education enabled him to render the translation into polished prose ( Nattier 2008 , p. 90) An Xuan is also noted for his active involvement in monastic life and Dharma practice ( 常以法事爲己務 ). He frequently engaged in doctrinal discussions with Chinese monks, and such discussions not only deepened his understanding of Chinese but also gradually enhanced his ability to expound the sūtras ( 漸練漢言 , 志宣經典 ) 39 Another example is the Khotanese (Kustana) monk Moks ˙ ala 無叉羅 (var 無羅叉 , Ch Wuluocha, du.), who brought Indic scriptures to China but was unable to teach them due to his lack of Chinese proficiency. At that time, an Indian‑born upāsikā named Zhu Shulan 竺叔蘭 (du.), who had fled to Henan 河南 with his father, had already become Sinicized and was deeply devoted to Buddhist Dharma. Having studied multiple languages, he was proficient in both Sanskrit and Chinese. Zhu Shulan assisted Moks ˙ ala in translating the Pañcavim ˙ śati‑sāhasrikā‑prajñāpāramitā‑ sūtra ( Fangguang bore boluomi jing 放光般若波羅 蜜經 , “ The Sūtra of the Emission of Rays ”) into Chinese in 291. 40 The oral translation was transcribed by two Chinese laymen, while prominent devotees and donors from Cangyuan ( 倉垣 ) actively encouraged and supported the project. As Erik Zürcher notes, this scripture “perhaps more than any other would come to play a dominant role in the formation of Chinese Buddhist thought” ( Zürcher [1959] 2007 , pp. 63–65) Furthermore, these translation efforts were sometimes backed by official imperial pa‑ tronage. During the Tang dynasty, beginning with the inauguration of the Xianqing 顯 慶 era (656–661) under Emperor Gaozong 高宗 , eminent monks convened at prominent translation centers such as Ximing Monastery 西明寺 and other major imperial monas‑ teries in Chang’an 長 安 to undertake large‑scale, state‑sponsored translation projects ( Zhan 2023–2024 ). Ximing Monastery became a renowned center for translation, where scholars worked on some of the earliest Esoteric Buddhist texts, including dhāran ˙ ī scrip‑ tures and other selections based on Emperor Gaozong’s decree 41 These records demonstrate that collaborative translation of Buddhist scriptures had long been conducted with imperial support—a practice dating back as early as the Liang 梁 dynasty ( c . 502–557) 42 . Given this precedent, it is reasonable to surmise that during Alopen’s early years in China, when he was not yet proficient in Chinese, he must have relied on native scholars and translators fluent in both Chinese and foreign languages to assist in his translation work It was through a combination of imperial support and a synthesis of Confucianism and Buddhism that Alopen was able to gain the favor of the rulers and secure a degree of freedom for the development of the Jingjiao Church in China. This strategy continued to be employed until the Late Tang, as evidenced by the Zhixuan anle jing 志玄安樂經 (“ Sū‑ tra /Book on Aspiring to [Attain] Profound Bliss”) 43 and the Da Qin Jingjiao sanwei mengdu zan 大秦景教三威蒙度贊 (“Hymn in Praise of the Three Majesties of the Brilliant Teach‑ ing, through which Salvation is Obtained”), both translated by the team led by the cleric Jingjing/“Adam” ( 景淨 ) 44 Tang Xiaofeng ( 唐曉峰 ) notes that the most distinctive feature of Jingjing’s translations of Jingjiao scriptures mirrors those of Alopen—namely, their re‑ liance on Buddhist concepts, structures, and even Buddhist ideas to articulate Christian doctrines and teachings ( X. Tang 2021 , pp. 16–22). Zhu Donghua notes that in translating the Zun jing , Jingjing used the Buddhist term “ nirmān ˙ a‑kāya ” (Ch yingshen 應身 ), which refers to the Buddha’s “response to the [potential] good in all living beings” ( 眾生機感 ), to describe the “received body” of the Messiah. This term emphasizes the Messiah’s response to the spiritual potential in all living beings ( D. Zhu 2013 , pp. 220–35; 2015 , p. 210 and note 22; 2016 , p. 423, 426–28; 2025 , p. 103) As “bishop” ( 法主 ) of the Church, Jingjing, also employed geyi ( 格義 ) as a method for introducing Christian doctrine ( Takakusu 1896 , pp. 589–91; Duan 2003 , p. 436;

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 7 of 35 Q. Zhu 2014 , p. 141; Lou 2002 ). He collaborated with the Buddhist monk from Kāpiśī ( 罽賓 ) Prajña (Banruo/re 般若 , 733/34?–810?, arrived in Chang’an in 782) ( Forte 1996 c , pp. 442–43, note 31) to translate seven fascicles ( juan 卷 ) of the Buddhist text Dasheng liqu liu boluomiduo jing 大乘理趣六波羅蜜多經 (Skt Mahāyāna‑naya‑s ˙ at ˙ ‑pāramitā‑ sūtra, “ Sūtra of the Purport of the Mahāyāna and Six Perfections”) in the second year of the Zhenyuan 貞元 era (786), from an Iranian (or Sogdian) (or perhaps another Central Asian‑language, i.e., huben 胡 本 ) 45 language into Chinese The monk Yuanzhao ( 圓照 , c . 613–696, fl . 794–800) of Ximing Monastery ( 西明寺 ) famously recorded this event in the Da Tang Zhenyuan Xu Kaiyuan shi jiao lu 大唐貞元續開 元釋教錄 (Fascicle 1) in 794, observing the following: Prajña was not proficient in the Syriac language and did not understand the Tang (i.e., Chinese, 唐言 ) language; Jingjing did not understand Sanskrit ( fanwen 梵文 ) and was unfamiliar with Buddhist doctrine ( shijiao 釋教 ). Although he assistedPrajña in translating the scripture, he failed to grasp lit. half of the jewels (of the Buddhist teaching) (i.e., its essence) … Furthermore, the monks of the Da Qin Monastery live differently from Buddhist monks (in a jialan ). Jingjing should spread the teachings of the Messiah ( mishihe jiao ), while the śraman ˙ a and Sakya‑ son (i.e., Buddhist monks) should propagate the Buddhist sūtras . Thus, (His Majesty wished) a clear distinction between the two traditions should be main‑ tained so that people do not conflate the different paths. True and false teachings (should) remain different as the Jing and the Wei Rivers flow separately 時爲般若 , 不嫻胡語 , 復未解唐言 ; 景淨不識梵文 , 復未明釋教 雖稱傳譯 , 未獲半珠 ; 圖竊虛名 , 匪位副理 … 且夫釋氏伽藍 , 大秦寺 , 居止既別 , 行法全乖 景淨應傳彌師 訶教 ; 沙門釋子 , 弘闡佛經 欲使教法區分 , 人無濫涉 ; 正鄧異類 , 徑渭殊流 46 The records above indicate that imperial authorities, even if not in the initial stages, actively administered and controlled the translation process ( Sun 2019 , pp. 62–69; Q. Zhu 2014 ). Similarly, early Christian missionaries likely recognized the necessity of learning and adapting to the already established linguistic and ritual frameworks of Buddhism —a flourishing foreign tradition in China at the time 47 —to gain favor and support from the imperial power. 48 The text notes that Jingjing had to engage with Buddhist concepts to articulate Christian teachings, a process metaphorically described as putting on “Bud‑ dhist clothes”. ( Takakusu 1896 , pp. 589–91; Deeg 2006 a , pp. 97–98; 2006 b , pp. 121–23; 2009 , p. 144; 2023 , pp. 125–27; H. Chen 2006 a , pp. 93–113) Despite its eventual failure, this collaborative translation effort functioned as a form of cultural dialogue and integration, enabling different religious traditions to observe the partial acceptance and absorption of their doctrines within a shared framework. At the same time, this passage highlights the inherent tensions in cross‑religious translation and the perceived need to assimilate while maintaining clear doctrinal distinctions between Buddhism and Jingjiao Christianity in Tang China 49 Scholars such as Deeg ( 2006 b ) have identified key factors that distinguish Jingjiao texts from their Buddhist predecessors in China (1) First, in contrast to early Buddhist texts that were translated from known Sanskrit or Central Asian origins, the existing Jingjiao texts were not derived from any identifiable “Syriac” original or other Christian texts in alternative languages, such as Iranian 50 Instead, these texts were crafted to introduce the basics of Christianity to a Chinese‑ speaking audience, the specifics of which—such as size; composition; and social, eth‑ nic, or religious background—are still unknown. It remains uncertain how many readers engaged with these texts and whether the audience was exclusively Chinese believers or included Iranian Christians, possibly even second or third‑generation

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 8 of 35 Chinese Iranians after the fall of the Persian dynasty. Nevertheless, given that Chi‑ nese served as a lingua franca , it is plausible that the texts were intended for a broader audience (2) Second, the absence of a Syriac, Iranian, or other Christian source text has significant implications for interpretation. While Buddhist scriptures can often be elucidated by referencing the extensive corpus of Sino‑Buddhist terminology and its Indian or Tibetan counterparts, Tang‑period Jingjiao texts frequently leave us without clear in‑ dications of their underlying content, terminology, or doctrinal references as they existed in known Syriac‑Christian languages from the Near East or Central Asia (3) Finally, rather than directly incorporating Syriac or Iranian Christian theological vo‑ cabulary, Jingjiao texts rely heavily on the established terminological frameworks of Buddhism, Daoism, and Ruism (commonly called Confucianism). Consequently, the meaning of individual words and phrases—their syntactical structures and com‑ pound formations—is often difficult to ascertain. At that time, Abrahamic and Greek concepts were not present in Chinese. Therefore, in many instances, only by situating these terms within the broader religious lexicon of Tang China, from which they were derived, can their intended meanings be fully understood 51 3. The Borrowing of Concepts from Iconic Buddhist Images After the Spread of the Jingjiao Church to China The cultural hermeneutics in early dialogues between Buddhism and Christianity ex‑ tend beyond textual sources and are also evident in visual materials. Some scholars refer to this phenomenon as “borrowing images” ( Li 2023 , pp. 116–21), suggesting that before the Buddhist visual tradition was firmly established, images used in the decoration of monas‑ teries and stūpas were primarily drawn from longstanding cognitive traditions, ancient objects, and decorative patterns. Working in collaboration with monks, artisans incorpo‑ rated these borrowed motifs into Buddhist monuments. Over time, as monks repeatedly explained these images to viewers, they gradually evolved into distinctive symbols of Bud‑ dhist iconography In the same way that Buddhist scholars have distinguished between “visual Bud‑ dhism” and “textual Buddhism” in Buddhist studies, a corresponding category of “visual Christianity” can be identified in the remains of Jingjiao in Tang China. According to the edict inscribed on the Jingjiao bei ( 景教碑 ), when Christian missionaries arrived in China, they were said to have brought “texts and images from afar as offerings to the supreme capital” ( 遠將經像 , 來獻上京 ) 52 . However, the extent to which images played a role in their early missionary efforts remains unclear In Chinese Buddhism, visual representations—whether through teaching with im‑ ages or image worship—were essential tools for disseminating doctrine and philosophy This visual emphasis was so pronounced that Buddhism was initially known in China as the “Religion of Images” ( Xiangjiao 像教 ) ( Greene 2018 , pp. 455–84) Nevertheless, archaeological evidence reveals that Jingjiao iconography, both along the Silk Roads and after its integration into Tang China, was deeply influenced by Bud‑ dhism’s rich visual traditions One notable example is the use of the cross intertwined with a lotus flower ( padma ) motif, seen in both the Jingjiao bei ( 景教碑 ) (Figure 1 ) and the Tang Christian Octagonal Pil‑ lar ( Jingchuang 經幢 ) from Luoyang bearing a more complete version of the text‑inscription named Daqin Jingjiao xuanyuan zhiben jing ( 大秦景教宣元至本經 ) [The Sūtra of Proclama‑ tion of the Highest Origin of Origins of the Radiant Teaching from Da Qin] 53 , which was erected between 814 and 815 CE and unearthed in 2006 54 (Figure 2 ). This motif, which

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 9 of 35 first emerged during the Mid‑Tang period ( 中唐 ) 55 and persisted in later centuries 56 , is generally regarded as a borrowing from Buddhist visual culture. 57 Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 36 which fi rst emerged during the Mid-Tang period ( 中唐 ) 55 and persisted in later centuries 56 , is generally regarded as a borrowing from Buddhist visual culture 57 Figure 1. (Detail) Da Qin jing jiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景 教 流行中國碑 [Stele of the Di ff usion of the Radiant Teaching of Da Qin (Rome) in China (the Middle Kingdom)], 781, detail of the title and the cross carved on the upper part, rubbing. Photo: Peking University Library Collection 北京 大學圖書館 ; Xi’an Beilin Museum 西安碑林博物館 . Figure 1. (Detail) Da Qin jing jiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景教流行中國碑 [Stele of the Diffusion of the Radiant Teaching of Da Qin (Rome) in China (the Middle Kingdom)], 781, detail of the title and the cross carved on the upper part, rubbing. Photo: Peking University Library Collection 北京大學 圖書館 ; Xi’an Beilin Museum 西安碑林博物館 A key artifact demonstrating this synthesis is the Gilt Copper Nestorian ( sic ) Plaque ( 景教金銅額 , Kaikado No. 59), dated to the 8 th–9 th‑century Tang dynasty. The plaque depicts a cross pattée slightly indented with arms narrowing toward the center, supported by an open, multi‑petaled lotus blossom atop a three‑tiered flared base, flanked by two descending male and female flying figures (possibly apsaras , Ch 飛天 feitian ) 58 , each hold‑ ing the lotus with both hands (Figure 3 ). Like the Octagonal Pillar, this plaque is one of the earliest surviving examples of the “cross‑lotus” motif, confirming its integration into Jingjiao iconography during the Tang dynasty 59

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 10 of 35 Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 36 ( b ) ( a ) VII VI V III II I Figure 2. Octagonal pillar (front and back). China, Luoyang, dated 829, Luoyang Museum 洛陽博 物館 . Photo: authors. Rubbings of upper relief carvings of the square images’ of ( a ) front’, Sides I, II, III ; ( b ) back’, Sides V, VI, VII. After Ge (2009), Pl. 11 ( 圖板十一 ) and Pl. 12 ( 圖板十二 ), labeled as “ 經幢正/反面上部浮雕 ”. A key artifact demonstrating this synthesis is the Gilt Copper Nestorian ( sic ) Plaque ( 景 教 金銅額 , Kaikado No. 59), dated to the 8 th–9 th-century Tang dynasty. The plaque depicts a cross pa tt ée slightly indented with arms narrowing toward the center, supported by an open, multi-petaled lotus blossom atop a three-tiered fl ared base, fl anked by two descending male and female fl ying fi gures (possibly apsaras , Ch. 飛天 feitian ) 58 , each holding the lotus with both hands (Figure 3). Like the Octagonal Pillar, this plaque is one of the earliest surviving examples of the “cross-lotus” motif, con fi rming its integration into Jingjiao iconography during the Tang dynasty. 59 Figure 2. Octagonal pillar (front and back). China, Luoyang, dated 829, Luoyang Museum 洛陽博 物館 . Photo: authors. Rubbings of ‘upper relief carvings of the square images’ of ( a ) ‘front’, Sides I, II, III ; ( b ) ‘back’, Sides V, VI, VII. After Ge ( 2009 ), Pl. 11 ( 圖板十一 ) and Pl. 12 ( 圖板十二 ), labeled as “ 經幢正 / 反面上部浮雕 ” Scholars have offered varying interpretations of this motif. Ruji Niu ( 2008 ) identifies the “cross‑lotus” motif/pattern ( 十字蓮花 ) as a distinctive symbol of the Jingjiao Church ( Niu 2008 , 2017 ; Parry 2010 , pp. 113–25; Halbertsma 2008 , p. 160), while Chongxin Yao ( 2017 ) argues that the visual impact of this design within the church often surpassed that of its religious texts, even influencing Jingjiao architecture. Drawing from the Buddhist tradition of creating “thrones” or pedestals ( 座 ) for deities in religious art 60 , Jingjiao incor‑ porated the lotus seat into its sculptural works—at least until the late 8 th century—placing the lotus beneath the cross ( Chongxin Yao 2017 , pp. 215–62). In the Buddhist tradition, Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are frequently depicted seated on a lotus throne, symboliz‑ ing their birth and transformation from the lotus, a motif deeply embedded in Buddhist iconography. In this Jingjiao context, the aniconic cross replaces the traditional image of a Bodhisattva. ( Klimkeit 1993 , pp. 477–84). In contrast, Jian’guang Chen et al. ( 2010 ) and Hongyan Mu ( 2019 ) assert that the lotus motif present in Jingjiao ornamentation does not have a direct correlation with Buddhism. They contend that the appropriation of symbols

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 11 of 35 among religions transpired significantly later, that Christian artifacts adorned with a lotus‑ like motif predated interactions with Buddhism during the Tang dynasty, and that these motifs were most likely inherited from Persian traditions 61 However, the cross patterns in the Christian examples they cite seem to resemble “palm‑leaf” designs rather than the upturned lotus ( 仰蓮 ) commonly found in Jingjiao artifacts Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 36 Figure 3. Gilt Copper Nestorian Plaque 景 教 金銅額 , height of 16.5 cm (6 1/2 in), width of 14.5 cm (5 3/4 in), Tang dynasty, 8 th – 9 th century, showcasing cross pa tt ée supported by an open lotus and three-tiered fl aring base. Photo is courtesy of the River of Stars exhibition Archives, 2017, Item No. 59, © Kaikado Gallery 懷 古 堂 , Pepeekeo, HI, h tt ps://www.kaikodo.com/exhibit/river-ofstars/page/8/ (accessed on 16 February 2025). Scholars have o ff ered varying interpretations of this motif. Ruji Niu (2008) identi fi es the “cross-lotus” motif/pa tt ern ( 十字蓮花 ) as a distinctive symbol of the Jingjiao Church (Niu 2008, 2017; Parry 2010, pp. 113 – 25; Halbertsma 2008, p. 160), while Chongxin Yao (2017) argues that the visual impact of this design within the church often surpassed that of its religious texts, even in fl uencing Jingjiao architecture. Drawing from the Buddhist tradition of creating “thrones” or pedestals ( 座 ) for deities in religious art 60 , Jingjiao incorporated the lotus seat into its sculptural works — at least until the late 8 th century — placing the lotus beneath the cross (Yao 2017, pp. 215 – 62). In the Buddhist tradition, Buddhas and Bodhisa tt vas are frequently depicted seated on a lotus throne, symbolizing their birth and transformation from the lotus, a motif deeply embedded in Buddhist iconography. In this Jingjiao context, the aniconic cross replaces the traditional image of a Bodhisa tt va. (Klimkeit 1993, pp. 477 – 84). In contrast, Jian’guang Chen et al. (2010) and Hongyan Mu (2019) assert that the lotus motif present in Jingjiao ornamentation does not have a direct correlation with Buddhism. They contend that the appropriation of symbols among religions transpired signi fi cantly later, that Christian artifacts adorned with a lotus-like motif predated interactions with Buddhism during the Tang dynasty, and that these motifs were most likely inherited from Persian traditions 61 However, the cross pa tt erns in the Christian examples they cite seem to resemble “palm-leaf” designs rather than the upturned lotus ( 仰蓮 ) commonly found in Jingjiao artifacts. Moreover, most examples of the “cross-lotus” motif have been discovered in China, with very few — if any — cases found in other regions. Those discovered outside China are typically dated to much later, after the 11 th century. This evidence suggests that the Jingjiao Church likely adopted the “cross-lotus” motif/pa tt ern during its dissemination in China as a deliberate strategy (Halbertsma 2008, pp. 160 – 61), to align itself with local Buddhist iconography and enhance its visual appeal to Chinese audiences. Secondly, regarding the representation of divine fi gures, the fragmentary large silk painting, dated to the 9 th-century Tang dynasty 62 , was discovered in Cave 17 of the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang ( 敦 煌 莫 高 窟 ) by the Hungarian-born British archaeologist and Figure 3. Gilt Copper Nestorian Plaque 景教金銅額 , height of 16.5 cm (6 1/2 in), width of 14.5 cm (5 3/4 in), Tang dynasty, 8 th–9 th century, showcasing cross pattée supported by an open lotus and three‑tiered flaring base. Photo is courtesy of the River of Stars exhibition Archives, 2017, Item No. 59, © Kaikado Gallery 懷古堂 , Pepeekeo, HI, https://www.kaikodo.com/exhibit/river‑of‑stars/page/8/ (accessed on 16 February 2025) Moreover, most examples of the “cross‑lotus” motif have been discovered in China, with very few—if any—cases found in other regions. Those discovered outside China are typically dated to much later, after the 11 th century. This evidence suggests that the Jingjiao Church likely adopted the “cross‑lotus” motif/pattern during its dissemination in China as a deliberate strategy ( Halbertsma 2008 , pp. 160–61), to align itself with local Buddhist iconography and enhance its visual appeal to Chinese audiences Secondly, regarding the representation of divine figures, the fragmentary large silk painting, dated to the 9 th‑century Tang dynasty 62 , was discovered in Cave 17 of the Mo‑ gao Caves at Dunhuang ( 敦煌莫高窟 ) by the Hungarian‑born British archaeologist and geographer Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943) between 1906 and 1908. It is now housed in the British Museum’s Asian Department (Registration No. 1919,0101,0.48) (Figure 4 ) 63 .

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 12 of 35 Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 36 geographer Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943) between 1906 and 1908. It is now housed in the British Museum’s Asian Department (Registration No. 1919,0101,0.48) (Figure 4) 63 . Figure 4. Fragmentary silk painting of standing (Christian) fi gure, Tang dynasty, c . 9 th century, excavated by Sir Auriel Stein from Cave No. 17, Dunhuang in 1908 64 . British Museum ( No. 1919,0101,0.48 ) © The Trustees of the British Museum. This nearly life-sized painting depicts a Christian holy fi gure (or possibly a saint?) standing in a three-quarter view, bearing a striking resemblance to a Buddhist bodhisa tt va. In their early descriptions, Stein and British Sinologist Arthur Waley (1889– 1966) observed its close similarity to K ṣ itigarbha ( 地 藏 ). Stein classi fi ed it as an “unidenti fi ed bodhisa tt va”, while Waley noted its possible misidenti fi cation in the Dunhuang caves (Waley 1925, pp. 4–5; 1931, pp. 81–82; Stein 1921, pp. 1050–51). Stein’s original notes describe the fi gure as follows: [The] Bodhisa tt va, approaching life-size, is standing slightly to [the] L[eft] with [its] head turned still further towards [the] same side; [The fi gure’s] R[ight] arm [is] raised from [the] elbow, and [its] hand held out palm uppermost, thumb and second fi nger joined; [the] L[eft] hand at [its] breast, [is] mostly broken away, but holding [a] long brown sta ff which [is] rested on [its] shoulder. This may have been [a] begging-sta ff , and [the] deity in that case might be K ṣ itigarbha. [the] Dress and treatment of [the] fi g[ure] are in some points unique, though [the] general style is Chinese Buddhist’ […] [the] Face [is] long and comparatively thin, fi nely drawn, with [a] high forehead, straight eye[s], [a] slightly aquiline nose, and [a] fi rm well-made mouth and chin. [the] Eye[s] blue ([the] only instance of this in the Collection); [the] fl esh yellowish pink outlined with dark red except [the] line of [the] eyelash[es], [the] corner of [the] nostril, and [the] dividing line of [the] lips, which are black. On [the] lip[s] and chin [the] moustache and beard seem to be painted in dark red Figure 4. Fragmentary silk painting of standing (Christian) figure, Tang dynasty, c . 9 th century, exca‑ vated by Sir Auriel Stein from Cave No. 17, Dunhuang in 1908 64 . British Museum ( No. 1919,0101,0.48 ) © The Trustees of the British Museum This nearly life‑sized painting depicts a Christian holy figure (or possibly a saint?) standing in a three‑quarter view, bearing a striking resemblance to a Buddhist bodhisattva. In their early descriptions, Stein and British Sinologist Arthur Waley (1889–1966) observed its close similarity to Ks ˙ itigarbha ( 地藏 ). Stein classified it as an “unidentified bodhisattva”, while Waley noted its possible misidentification in the Dunhuang caves ( Waley 1925 , pp. 4–5; 1931 , pp. 81–82; Stein 1921 , pp. 1050–51). Stein’s original notes describe the fig‑ ure as follows: [The] Bodhisattva, approaching life‑size, is standing slightly to [the] L[eft] with [its] head turned still further towards [the] same side; [The figure’s] R[ight] arm [is] raised from [the] elbow, and [its] hand held out palm uppermost, thumb and second finger joined; [the] L[eft] hand at [its] breast, [is] mostly broken away, but holding [a] long brown staff which [is] rested on [its] shoulder. This may have been [a] begging‑staff, and [the] deity in that case might be Ks ˙ itigarbha. [the] Dress and treatment of [the] fig[ure] are in some points unique, though [the] general style is ‘Chinese Buddhist’ […] [the] Face [is] long and comparatively thin, finely drawn, with [a] high forehead, straight eye[s], [a] slightly aquiline nose, and [a] firm well‑made mouth and chin [the] Eye[s] blue ([the] only instance of this in the Collection); [the] flesh yellowish pink outlined with dark red except [the] line of [the] eyelash[es], [the] corner of [the] nostril, and [the] dividing line of [the] lips, which are black. On [the] lip[s] and chin [the] moustache and beard seem to be painted in dark red (?), but this part is much discoloured. Details of [the] tiara and [the] top of [the] head are also much obscured, but [the] hair seems to be done in two low blue‑black masses

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 13 of 35 dividing to [the] R[ight] and L[eft] behind [the] two wing‑shaped ornaments on [the] tiara. [The] Latter has none of [the] usual jewels or streamers, but consists chiefly of these wing orn[ament]s with lotus orn[aments] (?) at their base, and a ‘Maltese cross’ standing up in [the] middle. Behind [the] latter is seen [the] dark brown centre of [a] halo; it is oval, and consists of this brown field surrounded by rings of white, crimson, green, and an outer border of [a] creeping flame. No hair is visible below, but a line of red and yellow scrolled circles appears over [the] R[ight] shoulder (perhaps [the] hair [is] miscoloured) […] [The] Jewellery comprises only [a] heavy necklace and bracelet, both [of which are] yellow [and] outlined with red. Small red flowers [are] scattered in [the] background. [The] Painting [is] much dimmed and discoloured, especially down [the] broken side 65 In addition to Stein’s description, a Japanese artist, Mr. Furuyama, who reportedly saw the painting shortly after it was brought to England, created a restoration sketch in 1908. Furuyama’s sketch, included in Saeki’s Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Figure 5 ), remains the most detailed visual reference available 66 Despite the painting’s fragmentary state, it is now widely regarded as a Christian image 67 However, the fusion of Tang‑period Buddhist and Christian elements is evident in the figure’s posture, hand gestures, and the prominent cross pattée in the headdress, which rests on a lotus base (or possibly a throne [?] 68 ), as well as in the cross motifs on the collar and the pectoral cross These details closely correspond to cross patterns on the Jingjiao Monument and the Lu‑ oyang pillar (see above) As Stein and Waley noted, and as depicted in the Furuyama sketch, the figure appears to hold the staff of a processional cross in its left hand 69 Meanwhile, its right hand is held open, with the thumb touching the tip of the second finger. The index and little fingers are extended, while the ring finger curves slightly inward, with the hand pointing upward 70 This gesture, known as Vitarka‑mudrā in Buddhist iconography, commonly seen in Central Asian Buddhist wall paintings at Dunhuang 71 , symbolizes the “transmission of Buddhist teaching”. In Buddhist practice, mudrās communicate the specific nature and function of deities to practitioners, serving as divine manifestations. ( Yan 2009 , pp. 385–89; Ui 1986 , p. 480). These hand gestures are also used by monks during spiritual exercises and ritual meditations, believed to generate forces that invoke the deity. The Buddha’s gesture, with three extended fingers, symbolizes the “Three Jewels” ( triratna ) of Buddhism—the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sam ˙ gha—as the foundation of religious practice In this figure’s mudrā , the thumb and index finger of both hands touch to form a cir‑ cle, like a representation of the Wheel of Dharma ( dharma‑cakra ) in Buddhist iconography Notably, a similar hand gesture appears in Judeo‑Christian art, particularly in icons of Je‑ sus Christ and other holy figures. In Christianity, the Sign of Blessing involves folding the ring and little fingers toward the palm while keeping the index and middle fingers upright The thumb is typically held erect but can sometimes fold toward the ring finger ( Sittl 1890 , p. 304). Scholars note that Christian culture inherited an abstract vocabulary of gestures from antiquity, with many likely borrowed from Greek and Roman traditions of oratory and rhetoric ( Schmitt 1990 , p. 34). The hand gestures found in Orthodox Christian icons are closely linked to this heritage and are often used as a sign of benediction. In contrast, Buddhist hand gestures from China likely developed later than their Orthodox Christian counterparts ( L. Tang 2020 ).

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 14 of 35 Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 36 Figure 5. Schematic reconstruction of the painting by Mr. Furuyama, from c . 1908 (image: after Saeki [1937] 1951, p. 408). Another example, like the Stein silk painting displaying a comparable hand gesture, is noted by Tang Li in the 13 th-century icon of Christ Pantocrator from the Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos, Greece, a tt ributed to an unknown Byzantine master (Figure 6) (L. Tang 2020) 72 . Tang (idem, p. 249) observes that although such an image postdates the silk painting from Dunhuang, it may yet signify the continuity of an ancient tradition of Christian imagery. Furthermore, it is probable that many earlier icons were lost during the Iconoclastic Controversy in the Byzantine Empire during the 8 th and 9 th centuries. However, it remains unclear how standardized such hand gestures were more than half a millennium earlier during the Tang dynasty. Like the case of Jingjiao textual evidence, which shows that collaboration and appropriation were used to produce those texts, the Buddhist elements in the silk painting likely stem from the fact that the artist was trained in painting Buddhist imagery at Dunhuang and might have even studied under Chinese artists. When tasked with depicting a Christian fi gure, the painter may have naturally employed techniques and styles commonly used for Buddhist fi gures— methods familiar to him. Consequently, the resulting silk painting combines a hybrid of Buddhist and Christian artistic elements and re fl ects the cross-cultural nature of early Christianity in Xinjiang, Dunhuang, Turfan, and other sites in the Northwestern regions of China. Regarding the representations on religious objects and artifacts, the stone pillar discovered in Luoyang, adapted from the Buddhist dh ā ra ṇ ī /s ū tra pillar ( 經幢 ), features male and female fl ying fi gures often interpreted as “angels” fl anking the cross. Their graceful, fl owing forms likely draw inspiration from Buddhist apsar ās (Ch. feitian 飛天 or celestial beings, feixian 飛仙 ), yet they display distinctly Sinicized a tt ributes 73 Figure 5. Schematic reconstruction of the painting by Mr. Furuyama, from c . 1908 (image: after Saeki [1937] 1951 , p. 408) Another example, like the Stein silk painting displaying a comparable hand ges‑ ture, is noted by Tang Li in the 13 th‑century icon of Christ Pantocrator from the Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos, Greece, attributed to an unknown Byzantine master (Figure 6 ) ( L. Tang 2020 ) 72 Tang (idem, p. 249) observes that although such an image postdates the silk painting from Dunhuang, it may yet signify the continuity of an ancient tradition of Christian im‑ agery. Furthermore, it is probable that many earlier icons were lost during the Iconoclastic Controversy in the Byzantine Empire during the 8 th and 9 th centuries However, it remains unclear how standardized such hand gestures were more than half a millennium earlier during the Tang dynasty. Like the case of Jingjiao textual evidence, which shows that collaboration and appropriation were used to produce those texts, the Buddhist elements in the silk painting likely stem from the fact that the artist was trained in painting Buddhist imagery at Dunhuang and might have even studied under Chinese artists. When tasked with depicting a Christian figure, the painter may have naturally em‑ ployed techniques and styles commonly used for Buddhist figures—methods familiar to him. Consequently, the resulting silk painting combines a hybrid of Buddhist and Chris‑ tian artistic elements and reflects the cross‑cultural nature of early Christianity in Xinjiang, Dunhuang, Turfan, and other sites in the Northwestern regions of China Regarding the representations on religious objects and artifacts, the stone pillar dis‑ covered in Luoyang, adapted from the Buddhist dhāran ˙ ī /s ūtra pillar ( 經幢 ), features male and female flying figures often interpreted as “angels” flanking the cross. Their graceful, flowing forms likely draw inspiration from Buddhist apsarās (Ch feitian 飛天 or celestial beings, feixian 飛仙 ), yet they display distinctly Sinicized attributes 73

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 15 of 35 Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 36 Figure 6. ( Left ) Christ Pantocrator Icon, Greece, Egg tempera and gold leaf on wood panel, Vatopedi Monastery, Mount Athos, Greece, a tt ributed to an unknown Byzantine artist, 13 th century. ( Right ) Detail of hand gesture (image source: Vatopedi Monastery). According to the archaeological report on the Jingjiao monastery ruins from the Tang and Song dynasties west of modern Turfan (Turpan) City ( 吐 魯 番 ) in Xinjiang Autonomous Region ( 新疆 ), numerous nearby Buddhist sites show structural similarities to Buddhist monasteries in Central Asia (Ren and Meng 2024, pp. 45–55). Wang Jing (J. Wang 2024) and Chen Jichun (J. Chen 2008) examined a fragmentary mural unearthed from the Jingjiao monastery/church in the ancient city of Gaochang ( 高昌 ) (Le Coq [1928] 1985), Turpan, and now preserved in Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin. This mural depicts a “Palm Sunday” ceremony with a deacon and three worshippers conducted by the Jingjiao Church (J. Wang 2024, pp. 84–85; Parry 2016, p. 28 and Figure 3). The Jingjiao murals from Gaochang, portraying variations of this scene, exhibit distinct Tang-period Chinese painting features, such as fl at compositions emphasizing central fi gures through density and rhythmic spatial arrangements and a use of suggestive, expressive xieyi ( 寫意 ) brushwork. Moreover, the a tt ire of the women depicted resembles Tang dynasty Shinu tu 仕女圖 (paintings of court ladies) (J. Wang 2024). It is plausible that the Buddhist art of the Tang dynasty in fl uenced the paintings associated with Jingjiao at Dunhuang and Turfan. The incorporation of Buddhist imagery in these Jingjiao artifacts suggests that contemporary Christians intentionally adopted localized Buddhist iconography and aesthetics when collaborating with artisans. Chinese converts may have executed some of these paintings, though insu ffi cient evidence exists to con fi rm this. Nevertheless, such cultural adaptation was likely aimed at enhancing the accessibility of Jingjiao teachings among local adherents rather than providing an exact theological representation. Iconographically and stylistically, this phenomenon re fl ects a characteristic of “borrowing pictures”. 4. Dialogues with Buddhism Accelerated the Localization of the Jingjiao Church Alopen’s missionary strategy consisted of two key steps: translation and doctrinal explanation, both aimed at Emperor Taizong. He worked closely with two high-ranking ministers, the eminent statesmen Fang Xuanling ( 房玄齡 , 579–648) and Zheng Weixuan ( 魏徵宣 , 580–643), who acted as translators. This suggests that Alopen had a substantial connection with the court that allowed for e ff ective communication with the emperor 74 Once Taizong grasped the key teachings of the Jingjiao Church, he “speci fi cally ordered that they be promulgated” ( 特 令 傳 授 ) 75 . This incident highlights the signi fi cance of presenting the translated scriptures to Emperor Taizong during their interactions. The Jingjiao Stele ( Jingjiao bei 景 教 碑 ): Figure 6. ( Left ) Christ Pantocrator Icon, Greece, Egg tempera and gold leaf on wood panel, Vatopedi Monastery, Mount Athos, Greece, attributed to an unknown Byzantine artist, 13 th century. ( Right ) Detail of hand gesture (image source: Vatopedi Monastery) According to the archaeological report on the Jingjiao monastery ruins from the Tang and Song dynasties west of modern Turfan (Turpan) City ( 吐魯番 ) in Xinjiang Autonomous Region ( 新疆 ), numerous nearby Buddhist sites show structural similarities to Buddhist monasteries in Central Asia ( Ren and Meng 2024 , pp. 45–55). Wang Jing ( J. Wang 2024 ) and Chen Jichun ( J. Chen 2008 ) examined a fragmentary mural unearthed from the Jingjiao monastery/church in the ancient city of Gaochang ( 高昌 ) ( Le Coq [1928] 1985 ), Turpan, and now preserved in Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin. This mural depicts a “Palm Sun‑ day” ceremony with a deacon and three worshippers conducted by the Jingjiao Church ( J. Wang 2024 , pp. 84–85; Parry 2016 , p. 28 and Figure 3). The Jingjiao murals from Gaochang, portraying variations of this scene, exhibit distinct Tang‑period Chinese painting features, such as flat compositions emphasizing central figures through density and rhythmic spa‑ tial arrangements and a use of suggestive, expressive xieyi ( 寫意 ) brushwork. Moreover, the attire of the women depicted resembles Tang dynasty Shinu tu 仕女圖 (paintings of court ladies) ( J. Wang 2024 ). It is plausible that the Buddhist art of the Tang dynasty influenced the paintings as‑ sociated with Jingjiao at Dunhuang and Turfan. The incorporation of Buddhist imagery in these Jingjiao artifacts suggests that contemporary Christians intentionally adopted lo‑ calized Buddhist iconography and aesthetics when collaborating with artisans. Chinese converts may have executed some of these paintings, though insufficient evidence exists to confirm this. Nevertheless, such cultural adaptation was likely aimed at enhancing the accessibility of Jingjiao teachings among local adherents rather than providing an exact theological representation. Iconographically and stylistically, this phenomenon reflects a characteristic of “borrowing pictures” 4. Dialogues with Buddhism Accelerated the Localization of the Jingjiao Church Alopen’s missionary strategy consisted of two key steps: translation and doctrinal explanation, both aimed at Emperor Taizong. He worked closely with two high‑ranking ministers, the eminent statesmen Fang Xuanling ( 房玄齡 , 579–648) and Zheng Weixuan ( 魏徵宣 , 580–643), who acted as translators. This suggests that Alopen had a substantial connection with the court that allowed for effective communication with the emperor 74 Once Taizong grasped the key teachings of the Jingjiao Church, he “specifically ordered that they be promulgated” ( 特令傳授 ) 75 . This incident highlights the significance of presenting the translated scriptures to Emperor Taizong during their interactions The Jingjiao Stele ( Jingjiao bei 景教碑 ):

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 16 of 35 When Emperor Taizong’s reign (627–649 CE) began, he was wise in his relations with the people. In Da Qin, there was a ‘man of great virtue’ (a bishop), known as Aluoben [A‑lo‑pen] [XI] 76 , who detected the intent of heaven and conveyed the true scripture here. He observed how the winds blew to travel through diffi‑ culties and perils, and in the ninth year of the Zhenguan era (635 CE), he reached Chang’an. The emperor dispatched an official, Fang Xuanling, as an envoy to the western outskirts to welcome the visitor, who translated the scriptures in the ‘Academy of Scholars’ (imperial library) 77 . (The emperor) examined the doc‑ trines [inside] the forbidden gates (i.e., the palace/his apartments) and reached a profound understanding of their truth. He specially ordered that they be pro‑ mulgated 太宗文皇帝 光華啓運 , 明聖臨人 , 大秦國有上德 , 曰阿 [XI] 羅本 佔青雲 而載真經 , 望風律以馳艱險 貞觀九祀 , 至於長安 . [ 缺 / 璹 ] 帝使宰臣房公玄齡 , 㧾 / 惣 [ 總 ] 78 仗西郊 , 賓迎入內 翻經書殿 , 問道禁闈 ; 深知正真 , 特令傳授 . 79 The three years Alopen translated the scriptures (635–638) marked a pivotal period in Emperor Taizong’s reign. In 637 CE, Emperor Taizong issued an edict reflecting on life’s fleeting nature and the deep wisdom of ancient sages: Life is the great virtue of Heaven and Earth, and the lifespan is [but] a fleeting moment. Life, embodied in seven chi (one’s body), is limited to a hundred years It encompasses a unique spirit and energy inherent in [a] self‑existing nature be‑ yond external control. As the Liji ( Book of Rites ) declares, ‘When a Ruler succeeds to his state, he makes his coffin ( b ì 椑 ),’ Zhuang Zhou observes, ‘[Heaven and Earth], my life is spent in toil on it; at death I find rest in it.’ Is this not the far‑ sighted wisdom of the Sages and the profound knowledge of the wise?” 夫生者 , 天地之大德 , 壽者 , 修短之一期 生有七尺之形 , 壽以百齡爲限 , 含靈稟氣 , 莫不同焉 , 皆得之於自然 , 不可以分外企也 是以禮記雲 : ‘ 君即位而爲椑 ’ 莊周雲 : ‘ 勞我以形 , 息我以死 .’ 豈非聖人遠鑒 , 通賢深識 ? 80 The edict reflects Emperor Taizong’s profound contemplation on the eternal con‑ sciousness of the universe (Heaven and Earth), his lamentation over the fleeting nature of life, his deep attachment to the present world, and his melancholy about the irreconcil‑ able tension between these contradictions. In response to these reflections, Taizong began preparing for succession by cultivating the crown prince, delegating administrative respon‑ sibilities to him, and assigning fiefs to the imperial princes. These actions reveal that the emperor had accepted the inevitability of death yet remained deeply fearful of it The Jingjiao doctrines preached by Alopen to Emperor Taizong, especially those con‑ cerning eternal life and salvation, alleviated the emperor’s fear of death and his existen‑ tial anxieties. The miraculous accounts of the birth of the Son of God, his overcoming of worldly tribulations, and his resurrection—narrated in the Xuting Mishisuo jing —were ex‑ plained to Taizong in a manner that addressed his troubled state of mind. Alopen also emphasized the divine right of emperors in the early scriptures, declaring that God is the sole true deity. He proposed the following to Taizong: The previous life of the August Ruler (Your Majesty) was blessed by God, and the ‘Heaven‑Honored One’ (God) 81 took over the position. Is it not possible that Your Majesty is the ‘Heaven‑Honored One’ himself? 聖上前身福弘 , 天尊補任 , 亦無自乃天尊耶 ? 82 Alopen further expounded on the concept of eternal existence, stating the following: Your Majesty is the emperor, and all living beings follow your progress and be‑ havior. If anyone fails to respect the August Ruler’s will or disobeys your orders, that person is a rebel among all living beings.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 17 of 35 屬自作 □ 聖上 83 , 一切眾生皆取 □ 聖上進止 如有人不取聖上 , 驅使不伏 , 其人在於 眾生 , 即是叛逆 . 84 He went on to provide a theological justification for the emperor’s past actions, saying the following: Your Majesty is a god born into this world. Although your parents are still alive, all beings possess wisdom and plans. You should revere both the Heaven‑ Honored One (God) and the August Ruler, as well as honor your parents. To accept the doctrine of the Heaven‑Honored One means to uphold the precepts. [According to] what the Heaven‑Honored One accepts, and if one embraces the Honored teaching, one must first renounce reverence to the gods and the buddhas worshipped by other living beings, for the buddhas endure suffering. Heaven and earth were established solely through the pure power of the Heaven‑ Honored One. Therefore, Your Majesty should strive to eliminate outdated cus‑ toms and seek the divine palace through the wisdom of the buddhas. In doing so, Your Majesty will remain forever free. 85 聖上皆是神生 , 今世雖有父母見存 , 眾生有智計 ; 合怕天尊及聖上 , 並怕父母 好受 天尊法教 , 不合破戒 天尊所受 , 及受尊教 , 先遣眾生禮諸天 , 佛 , 爲佛受苦 置立天 地 , 只爲清淨威力 , 因緣 聖上唯須勤伽習俊 , 聖上宮殿 , 於諸佛求得 聖上身 , 總是 自由 . 86 The passage emphasizes the personal freedom of the emperor’s will and the belief that salvation can be achieved through the practice of merit, presenting Jingjiao teachings as the ultimate pathway. This foreign doctrine provided a justification for the existence of the Tang imperial authority and its claim to eternal legitimacy, even exonerating the violent acts committed in its name. Such a perspective resonated with local people and, to some extent, eased Emperor Taizong’s psychological suffering Emperor Taizong readily accepted these teachings and religions like Jingjiao , which offered him a form of self‑comfort in the face of life’s impermanence. This acceptance is clearly reflected in the edict he issued to establish the “Persian Monastery” ( 波斯寺 ), later renamed Da Qin Monastery ( 大秦寺 ), allowing Alopen to preach his doctrines. The edict described these teachings as follows: …mysterious and transcendent non‑action, that establish the essentials of pro‑ duction and completion, and are of help to the beings and of profit to mankind 玄妙無爲 ; 生成立要 , 濟物利人 . 87 Emperor Taizong was impressed by the mystical and non‑intrusive nature of Jingjiao teachings, which posed no threat to political stability while offering practical benefits for the state, society, and its people. Consequently, he permitted their dissemination. Seizing this opportunity, Jingjiao monks built monasteries and recruited numerous followers, pro‑ moting the superiority of their religion primarily to serve the interests of the powerful 88 5. The Historical Motivation for Christian–Buddhist Dialogue in China The profound fusion of Buddhism and Christianity occurred primarily during the Tang dynasty in China The following outlines the historical reasons behind this unique development The initial integration of Christianity and Buddhism was not a phenomenon that be‑ gan in China. For example, the discovery of the Gospel of Thomas near Nag Hammadi, Egypt, which is considered “extra‑canonical”, led early 20 th‑century scholars to speculate that Buddhist scriptures might have influenced some aspects of intertextuality 89 However, the specifics of these connections remain unverified and debated. 90

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 18 of 35 The missionary journey of Thomas in India, as described in the Acts of Thomas , can be corroborated by historical accounts. Furthermore, the Gospel of Thomas was discovered near Nag Hammadi, Egypt, and is thought to have been composed between 60 and 250 CE, a period during which many Buddhists lived in Alexandria, Egypt. In 2023, Buddha statues in the Gandhāran style unearthed at Berenike (or Baranis) in Egypt further support this claim ( Sidebotham et al. 2023 , pp. 13–28). Additionally, archaeological evidence indicates that Oxyrhynchus (Ancient Greek: Ὀ ξ ύῤῥ υγχ o ς , modern Al‑Bahnasa) was a thriving city during Roman times and a significant center of early Christianity in Egypt. Notably, three Greek fragments from the Oxyrhynchus Papyri have been identified which contain textual fragments of the Gospel of Thomas ( Grenfell and Hunt 1897 , p. 5) 5.1. The Silk Roads and the Deepening of Ancient Globalization With advancements in production technology and the rise of superpowers, the in‑ creasingly frequent trade and exchanges between the Tang dynasty and other countries played a significant role in expanding globalization. The Silk Roads, which opened dur‑ ing the Han ( 漢 ) dynasty (202 BCE–220 CE), became even more important during the Tang dynasty. 91 Through these interactions, both China and the West experienced significant so‑ cial changes, impacting the lives of their participants. Beyond merchants, missionaries also traveled along the Silk Roads, bringing with them religious traditions such as Buddhism, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism. These diverse cultural and religious influ‑ ences collided and merged within a relatively short period of time In the early Tang dynasty, many Hu ( 胡 ) merchants, particularly Sogdians, immi‑ grated to China. Due to the strategic location of Sogdian merchants and their cultural tradi‑ tion of commerce, they became key intermediaries in land trade between India, Persia, and Ancient China. The Sogdians practiced a variety of religious beliefs, including Buddhism and Christianity. Evidence from unearthed images and donor inscriptions shows that they could support the diverse religions they practiced, contributing materially to their spread 5.2. The Cultural Gene of “Neutrality” in Chinese Civilization The large‑scale presence and development of foreign religions in China is a unique phenomenon among ancient civilizations, highlighting the characteristic of Chinese civi‑ lization that “greatness lies in the capacity (to accept or embrace)” ( 有容乃大 ) ( Q. Liu 2023 , pp. 92–93). Taking Buddhism as an example, prior to the Tang dynasty, Chinese Buddhists drew on Indian Buddhist thoughts and theories, interpreting and annotating the scriptures according to their own understanding, which led to the formation of various schools The period from the Sui ( 隋 , 581–619) and Tang (618–907) dynasties to the Wu Zhou ( 武周 , 690–705) period under Empress Wu Zetian ( 武則天 , r . 683–705) marked a critical pe‑ riod of the imperial Sinicization of Indian Buddhism. Chinese Buddhist thought evolved to incorporate both “Mahāyāna” and “Hīnayāna” traditions, blending the concepts of “empti‑ ness” (Ch kong 空 , Skt śūnyatā ) and “existence” (Ch you 有 ) and giving rise to distinct Buddhist “sects” (Ch zong 宗 ) The success of the Jingjiao church in China can be attributed not only to the imperial support it received under Alopen’s leadership, which included active translation of scrip‑ tures and a gradual missionary strategy, but also to the church’s localized approach. By integrating Confucianism, Buddhism, and the teachings of Zhuangzi ( 莊子 ) and Laozi ( 老 子 ), Jingjiao resonated with the social and cultural environment of the time. The localiza‑ tion of both Buddhism and Christianity in China demonstrates the inclusiveness of Chinese civilization. Additionally, there may be a political component as well. The church served as an important conduit between Western and Eastern Asia. Christianity introduced new

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 19 of 35 technologies into China, including medicine and seemingly astronomy/astrology. From the standpoint of leadership and diplomacy, it represented a valuable institution 92 6. Conclusions In conclusion, upon the arrival of the Jingjiao Church in China, Alopen and his fellow Jingjiao monk–missionaries established their presence by appealing to the Tang emperor’s quest for “eternal life”. With backing from influential individuals, they successfully in‑ tegrated into the region. When Jingjiao first emerged, Buddhism had reached its peak development. However, regarding identity, the prevailing foreign cultural landscape di‑ minished Jingjiao ’s “discourse power”. As a result, missionaries implemented a localized approach known as geyi , which combined Christian teachings with Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist concepts through collaborative translation and oral preaching, helping to effec‑ tively disseminate their beliefs. Techniques such as “matching concepts” and “borrowing images” play crucial roles in cultural hermeneutics, wherein missionaries engaged with local cultures and adapted to their environment. Nevertheless, Buddhism itself was also viewed as an “outsider”, and this approach had drawbacks for the spread of Jingjiao ( Z. Liu 2009 ). By incorporating Buddhist language and imagery, Jingjiao inadvertently created cognitive biases that affected recipients’ understanding of their teachings. Consequently, during the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism, Jingjiao faced a devastating setback and nearly ceased its propagation in the Central Plains As Christianity was embraced in India and China, it gradually became more self‑ aware and independent while continuing its process of localization. The cases discussed above suggest that interreligious dialogue can foster exchange and integration. Analyzing missionary strategies within the context of historical Buddhist and Christian interactions provides insight into why Christianity gained acceptance among imperial authorities and spread in terms of material and religious culture during the Tang dynasty Author Contributions: Conceptualization, W.J. and MC.; methodology, W.J. and MC.; material preparation and data, W.J. and MC.; writing—original draft preparation, W.J. and MC.; writing —review and editing, MC and W.J.; funding acquisition, W.J. and MC. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript Funding: This research was funded by the National Social Science Fund of China (General Program Fund) 國家社會科學基金一般項目 “Research on the Manuscripts and Iconography of the ‘Dhar‑ maguptaka’ from the Western Regions” “ 法 藏 部 ” 西 域 寫 本 與 圖 像 研 究 (Project No: 21 BZJ 021); and The UNESCO Silk Roads Youth Research Grant Project, “Fountainhead of the Mind: The Bud‑ dhist Origins of Early Critical Painting Theory Terms in Medieval Chinese Art Along the Silk Roads” (funded: 2023–2024) Data Availability Statement: No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article Acknowledgments: This article is indebted to the help of several scholars and colleagues, including Imre Galambos (University of Cambridge/Zhejiang University 浙江大學 ), Ven. Hongxiang 弘祥 , and Jeffrey Kotyk (Max Planck Institute for the History of Science). Finally, the authors thank the four anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and contributions to the revised analyses. Nonetheless, all mistakes remain the sole responsibility of the authors Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 20 of 35 Abbreviations The following abbreviations are used in this manuscript: T Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大藏經 [Buddhist Canon Compiled during the Taishō Era (1912–1926)]. 100 vols Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭 et al., eds. Tōkyō: Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai 大 正一切經刊行會 , 1924–1934. Digitized in CBETA ( https://cbetaonline.dila.edu.tw/zh/ , accessed on 16 February 2025) and SAT Daizōkyō Text Database ( http://21 dzk.lu‑Tōkyō.ac.jp/SAT/satdb 2015.php , accessed on 16 Febru‑ ary 2025) X Xinbian xu zangjing 新編卍字續藏經 [Man Extended Buddhist Canon]. 150 vols. Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi 新 文豐出版公司 , Taibei 臺北 , 1968–1970. Reprint of Nakano Tatsue 中野達慧 , et al., comps. Dai Nihon zoku zōkyō 大日本續藏經 [Extended Buddhist Canon of Great Japan], 120 cases. Kyoto: Zōkyō shoin 藏經書院 , 1905–1912 Digitized in CBETA ( https://cbetaonline.dila.edu.tw/zh/ , accessed on 16 February 2025) B Da zangjing bubian 大藏經補編 [Supplement to the Dazangjing]. Huayu chuban she 華宇出版社 , Taibei 臺北 , 1985. Ed. Lan Jifu 藍吉富 Eccles and Lieu Trans. Project Eccles, L. and S. Lieu. 2023 Da Qin jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景教流行中國碑 “Stele on the Diffusion of Christianity (the Luminous Religion) from Da Qin (Rome) into China (the Middle Kingdom)”, “The Nestorian Monument”. Ongoing Project (last updated: 5 November 2023) Tonkō hikyū Tonkō hikyū: keikyō kyōten yonshu 敦煌秘笈 : 景教経典四種 [Dunhuang Secret Scrolls: Four Jingjiao Scriptures] Takeda kagaku shinkō zaidan kyōu shooku hen 武田科学振興財団杏雨書屋編 . Osaka 大阪 : Takeda kagakushinkō zaidan 武田科学振興財団 , 2020 Pelliot INS 1996 Paul Pelliot, L’inscription nestorienne de Si‑Ngan‑Fou, edited with supplements by Antonino Forte. Epigraph‑ ical Series 2 (Kyoto: Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale; Paris: Coll è ge de France, Institut des Hautes É tudes Chinoises, 1996). ( Pelliot 1996 ) JJB Jingjiaobei 景教碑 = Da Qin jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景教流行中國碑 [Stele of the Promulgation of the ‘Radiant Teaching’ of Da Qin in China, 781], in Pelliot INS (1996, pp. 497–503) [I–XXXII] Indicates lines of JJB , following Pelliot INS (1996, pp. 497–503) HCC Handbook of Christianity in China, Volume One: 635–1800 . Edited by Standaert, Nicolas (Leiden: Brill, 2001) P. 3847 Pelliot chinois No. 3847, conserved at the Biblioth è que Nationale de France in Paris Kyo‑U LiKyōu Shooku 杏雨書屋 Library in Osaka, Japan Skt Sanskrit Ch Chinese J Japanese EMC Early Middle Chinese (following Pulleyblank 1991 ) LMC Late Middle Chinese (following Pulleyblank 1991 ) j. juan 卷 du Date unknown * Reconstructed Notes 1 See ( Brock and Coakley 2011 , pp. 99–100) Jingjiao ( 景教 ) is a term coined during the time of the clergyman Jingjing ( 景淨 ), known as ‘Adh à m’ (Adam, fl . 8 th to early 9 th century), whose formal titles included priest, chorespiscopus, and papas of China” in Syriac ( Hunter 2009 , p. 73) and who was a key figure in the creation of the JJB . The term was adopted by Christians in 745 (lunar month 9 of the 4 th year of the Tianbao reign 天寶四載九月 ) possibly to prevent confusion with other ‘Persian’ groups in China, notably Zoroastrians and Manichaeans, or to distinguish Christianity’s origins (cf Tang huiyao , j . 49. 10–11; Forte 1996 b , pp. 353–56; Kotyk 2024 , p. 124). Often paired with the toponym “Da Qin” ( 大秦 ), it appears in the JJB inscription (see below) and other surviving texts. The labels “Nestorian” (after Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople (reigned 428–431), who had been condemned as a heretic at the Council of Ephesus in 431) and “Chinese Nestorian”, once mistakenly applied to Jingjiao , are now considered misnomers when referring to the “Church of the East” (cf Brock 1996 ; Nicolini‑Zani 2006 , p. 23; 2023 , p. 3). Syriac scholars and Sinologists now widely prefer using transliteration instead (cf Malek and Hofrichter 2006 , pp. 12, 15–16; Takahashi 2008 ; Deeg 2006 a , 2006 b ). For a detailed analysis of the term “Jingjiao 景教 ”, see ( Ferreira 2014 , pp. 210–11; L. Tang 2002 , p. 130; Baum and Winkler 2006 , pp. 228–57; Deeg 2006 a , p. 92, note 4) 2 Deeg ( 2006 a , pp. 91–92, note 6; 2023 , p. 124). In Chinese, the word jing 景 , which is a cognate of ying 英 (meaning “bright/ brilliant”) and ying 影 (meaning “shadow/emanation”), can refer to the “iridescent emanation” by which the gods illuminate the interior of a religious adept’s (Daoist) body (cf Kaltenmark 1969 ). Other scholars have suggested that jing ( 景 ) might also be a

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 21 of 35 “calque” (or loan translation) for a word meaning “fear”, given that in Central Asia, Christians were historically known by the Middle Persian term tarsāg or New Persian tarsā , literally meaning “a (God) fearer” or “shaker”, which implied a “religion of fear/awe” (see Lieu 2013 ). The character 景 in the title is also written in a variant form with the top radical showing a “ 口 ” rather than a “ 日 ” 3 “In the seventh month of the 12 th year of the Zhenguan era (638 CE), the emperor said: ‘The Way has not a constant name, the Saints have not a constant mode; they establish the teaching to suit the region, that all living may be mysteriously save. The Persian monk Alopen, bringing texts and teachings from afar, has come to offer them to the ‘supreme capital.’ If we scrutinize their doctrinal purport, it is mysterious and transcendent non‑action; it establishes the essentials of production and completion As they are of help to the beings and of profit to men, it is proper to have time (texts and teachings) circulate ‘under the sky.’ Let the responsible authorities, therefore, in the Yining Quarter of the Capital, build one monastery, and ordain twenty‑one persons” 貞觀十二年七月詔曰 : 道無常名 , 聖無常體 ; 隨方設教 , 密濟群生 波斯僧 阿羅本 , 遠將 經教 , 來獻上京 詳其教旨 , 玄妙無爲 ; 生成 立要 , 濟物利人 , 宜行天下 所司即於義寧坊 , 建 寺一所 , 度僧廿一人 Tang huiyao 唐会要 , j . 49, pp. 1011–12. Translation based on Pelliot INS 1996. For other translations, see ( Legge 1888 ; Saeki 1911 , 1916 ; Eccles and Lieu 2023 ). In addition to this recording, Du Huan 杜環 , a war captive who was taken to Iraq c . 751, refers to Christianity as “the Law of Daqin” ( 大秦法 ). This account suggests that by the mid‑eighth century, Christianity was also being recorded both officially at the state level and informally by the populace in connection with Daqin, See ( Kotyk 2024 , p. 125) 4 The initial decades during which Zoroastrianism and Christianity established themselves in China coincided with the conquests of Iran and the displacement of certain members of their royalty to China. Throughout the years, it is probable that reports would have emerged alongside the arrival of refugees and firsthand witnesses. Nonetheless, motivations such as seeking refuge from exile are not explicitly documented in the official Chinese diplomatic records. (Cf Kotyk 2024 , pp. 105–7; Nicolini‑Zani 2022 , p. 9; Thompson 2009 ) 5 cf. (Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 175, 251–52, 497–503 ( JJB lines X–XI), esp. p. 499 (lines XII–XIII); Forte 1996 b , p. 357; Drake 1936–1937 , p. 305) 6 Cf. Edict of Emperor Wuzong 武宗 (issued Huichang 5, 8 th month: 845) recorded in the “Basic Annals of Wuzong” 武宗本紀 in the Jiu Tang shu , j. 18, pp. 604–6. For an investigation on the suppression, see ( Weinstein 1987 , pp. 114–36). Various scenes of burning or banning Buddhist scriptures are depicted in Ennin’s 圓仁 (794–864) diary. See ( Ru Tang qiufa xunli xing ji 入唐求法巡 禮行記 , p. 158; Reischauer 1955 , pp. 332–33, 382, 388, 390) 7 While most historians interpret the imperial edict as primarily targeting Buddhism, the persecution that followed had severe consequences for Christianity. More than three thousand Jingjiao and Zoroastrian priests were forced to return to “lay” status, with many of their monasteries/churches likely having been destroyed. The Muslim scholar al‑Nadim (d. 998) reports that in 987, a Christian monk made a journey to see what had happened to the Christians in China but could not find any. On the suppression’s impact on non‑Buddhist communities, cf. ( Weinstein 1987 , pp. 89–93, 120–21, 133–34; Deeg 2006 a , pp. 105–7; 2018 b , pp. 50–55) 8 The authors extend their gratitude to the anonymous reviewer for highlighting that, “there exists considerable interest (implying skepticism) among Chinese scholars regarding the so‑called ‘hiatus’” attributed to the Jingjiao church following the Tang dynasty 9 Now the oldest known Christian relic in China, the stele inscription includes the original text of an edict issued by Emperor Taizong, dated to the 7 th month of the 12 th year of the Zhenguan 貞觀 era (=15 August to 12 September, 638): “ [XII] … 道無常 名 , 聖無常體 ; 随方設教 , 密濟群生 大秦國大德 [* 波斯僧 ] 阿羅本 , 遠將 經像 , 來獻上京 詳其教旨 , 玄妙無爲 ; 觀其元宗 , 生成立 要 詞無繁説 理有忘筌 ; [XIII] 濟物利人 , 宜行天下 所司即於京義寜坊 造 大秦 [* 波斯 ] 寺一所 度僧廿一人 . [ [XII] …The Way has not a constant name, the Saints have not a constant mode; they establish the teaching to suit the region, that all living may be mysteriously saved. The Da Qin (*Persian) monk Aluoben, bringing texts and images from afar, has come to offer them at the ‘supreme capital.’ If we scrutinize their doctrinal purport, it is mysterious and transcendent non‑action; if we look at their fundamental principle, it establishes the essentials of production and completion; the words have no superfluous speech, the concepts have ‘the forgetting of the net.’ [XIII] As they are of help to beings and of profit to men, it is proper to have them (texts and images) circulate ‘under the sky.’ Let the responsible authorities, therefore, in the Yining Quarter of the Capital, build one Da Qin (*Persian) Monastery, and ordain as monks twenty‑one persons.]” Concerning the edict’s reconstruction and explanation, cf Forte ( 1996 b , p. 349–57), with reconstruction marked (*) (see also Pelliot’s original notes in Pelliot INS 1996, esp. p. 175, and note below on the version of the edict recorded in the Tang huiyao 唐会要 , j. 49) 10 Da Qin ( 大秦 ) is the Chinese term used in the JJB (781) to refer to the country from which East Syriac Christianity originated In Chinese historical sources, it denotes the Eastern Roman (or Byzantine) Empire, see ( Saeki 1916 , pp. 181–84; Takahashi 2019 , p. 625; Pulleyblank 1999 , pp. 71–79). However, according to Forte ( 1996 b , p. 357), an imperial edict issued in 745 ordered all “Bosi” ( 波斯 , i.e., “Persian”) monasteries and literature to be referred to as Da Qin ; thus, the appearance of Da Qin in contemporary Jingjiao literature may have originally denoted “from Persia” (cf. the reconstructed 638 edict above). Scholar Nakata Mie suggests that the term “Bosi” as in bosi seng 波斯僧 indicated the Tocharian ( Tuhuoluo 吐火羅 ) region at the time since the Persian Sasanian Empire had already fallen in the mid‑seventh century. She thus proposes that some Christian missionaries probably came from

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 22 of 35 the Tocharian region; see ( Nakata 2011 , p. 176). From the Christian perspective, Da Qin might have referred to Byzantium or the Levant, the eastern part of the Mediterranean in this case (see Kotyk 2024 , p. 106) 11 The stele is datable by its Chinese and Syriac colophones to Sunday, 4 February of the year 781 (Western calendar), the second year of the era Jianzhong 建中 , first month (Taicu yue 太蔟月 ), seventh day Da yaosenwen(‑ri) 大耀森文 ( 日 ), (cf. Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 308–9) 12 See (Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 5–57, 58–94, 147–66; Saeki 1916 , pp. 2–4, 53–61; L. Tang 2002 , pp. 17–25; Nicolini‑Zani 2023 , p. 1, 6–7, notes 19 and 20). For a comprehensive list of recent research, see also Morris and Cheng ( 2020 ) and ( Wu 2015 a , 2015 b ). 13 Saeki ( 1935 ); see also ( Saeki 1916 , pp. 71–75, 118–61; 1936 ; [1937] 1951 ). 14 For a summary of the research undertaken by Japanese scholars, see ( J. Zhang 1969 ; Deeg 2009 , p. 143) 15 ( H. Chen 2012 ). Chen’s study pointed out the parallelism in syntactic structure and terminology between the sūtra and the Trinitarian hymn, showing, among other things, that Christians used Buddhist literary models to transmit their teachings 16 See also ( Matsumoto 1938 ; Gong 1958 , 1960 a , 1960 b ; X. Luo 1966 ; Weng 1996 ; H. Chen 2006 a , 2006 b , 2015 ). For a more recent study, see ( H. Chen 2006 a , pp. 93–113) 17 See ( Pelliot 1931 , p 370; Foster 1939 , p. 112; L. Tang 2002 , pp. 141–43; Deeg 2009 , pp. 140–42; Zürcher 1980 , pp. 84–147; Duan 2003 , pp. 434–40) 18 See ( Deeg 2004 , pp. 155–56; 2006 a ; 2006 b , p. 120; Nicolini‑Zani 2023 , pp. 12–17; Wickeri 2004 , p. 49). Deeg sharply critiques early Western interpretations of Jingjiao texts, highlighting their biases toward Christian theological ideologies and significant lack of familiarity with classical Chinese and the religious terminology of the Tang period, leading to numerous misreadings. He further contends that most of these scholars demonstrate a superficial understanding of the religious vocabulary of Buddhism and Daoism, both of which had a clear and profound influence on the Sino‑Christian terminology of the time ( Deeg 2004 , p. 156) For examples of so‑called “Christianized” readings, see discussions by ( Saeki 1916 , pp. 71–75, 118–61; Moule 1930 ; L. Tang 2002 ); for “Daoist–Christian” ideas, see ( Palmer 2001 , pp. 129–41). See also the records in the Datang zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan shijiao lu 大唐貞元續開元釋教錄 T 55, no. 2156, p. 756 a 18‑28 and the Zhenyuan xinding Shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目錄 T 55, no. 2157, p. 892 a 8‑16 (discussed below); and by ( Takakusu 1896 , pp. 589–91; Deeg 2006 a , pp. 97–98; 2009 , p. 144; 2023 , pp. 125–27; H. Chen 2006 a , pp. 93–113) 19 For further discussion, see ( L. Tang 2002 , pp. 20–24, 105–6; Y. Zhang 2018 ; Deeg 2023 ; Forte 1996 b , pp. 353–54) 20 Haneda and Saeki suggest “A‑lo‑pen/Aluoben 阿羅本 ” ( Pulleyblank 1991 , pp. 23, 32, 203: EMC/LMC = * Religions 2025 , 16 , x FOR PEER REVIEW 22 of 36 10 Da Qin ( 大秦 ) is the Chinese term used in the JJB (781) to refer to the country from which East Syriac Christianity originated. In Chinese historical sources, it denotes the Eastern Roman (or Byzantine) Empire, see (Saeki 1916, pp. 181–84; Takahashi 2019, p. 625; Pulleyblank 1999, pp. 71–79). However, according to Forte (1996 b, p. 357), an imperial edict issued in 745 ordered all “Bosi” ( 波斯 , i.e., “Persian”) monasteries and literature to be referred to as Da Qin ; thus, the appearance of Da Qin in contemporary Jingjiao literature may have originally denoted “from Persia” (cf. the reconstructed 638 edict above). Scholar Nakata Mie suggests that the term “Bosi” as in bosi seng 波斯僧 indicated the Tocharian ( Tuhuoluo 吐火羅 ) region at the time since the Persian Sasanian Empire had already fallen in the mid-seventh century. She thus proposes that some Christian missionaries probably came from the Tocharian region; see (Nakata 2011, p. 176). From the Christian perspective, Da Qin might have referred to Byzantium or the Levant, the eastern part of the Mediterranean in this case (see Kotyk 2024, p. 106). 11 The stele is datable by its Chinese and Syriac colophones to Sunday, 4 February of the year 781 (Western calendar), the second year of the era Jianzhong 建中 , fi rst month (Taicu yue 太蔟月 ), seventh day Da yaosenwen(-ri) 大耀森文 ( 日 ), (cf. Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 308–9). 12 See (Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 5–57, 58–94, 147–66; Saeki 1916, pp. 2–4, 53–61; L. Tang 2002, pp. 17–25; Nicolini-Zani 2023, p. 1, 6–7, notes 19 and 20). For a comprehensive list of recent research, see also Morris and Cheng (2020) and (Wu 2015 a, 2015 b). 13 Saeki (1935); see also (Saeki 1916, pp. 71–75, 118–61; 1936; [1937] 1951). 14 For a summary of the research undertaken by Japanese scholars, see (J. Zhang 1969; Deeg 2009, p. 143). 15 (H. Chen 2012). Chen’s study pointed out the parallelism in syntactic structure and terminology between the s ū tra and the Trinitarian hymn, showing, among other things, that Christians used Buddhist literary models to transmit their teachings. 16 See also (Matsumoto 1938; Gong 1958, 1960 a, 1960 b; X. Luo 1966; Weng 1996; H. Chen 2006 a, 2006 b, 2015). For a more recent study, see (H. Chen 2006 a, pp. 93–113). 17 See (Pelliot 1931, p 370; Foster 1939, p. 112; L. Tang 2002, pp. 141–43; Deeg 2009, pp. 140–42; Zürcher 1980, pp. 84–147; Duan 2003, pp. 434–40). 18 See (Deeg 2004, pp. 155–56; 2006 a; 2006 b, p. 120; Nicolini-Zani 2023, pp. 12–17; Wickeri 2004, p. 49). Deeg sharply critiques early Western interpretations of Jingjiao texts, highlighting their biases toward Christian theological ideologies and signi fi cant lack of familiarity with classical Chinese and the religious terminology of the Tang period, leading to numerous misreadings. He further contends that most of these scholars demonstrate a super fi cial understanding of the religious vocabulary of Buddhism and Daoism, both of which had a clear and profound in fl uence on the Sino-Christian terminology of the time (Deeg 2004, p. 156). For examples of so-called “Christianized” readings, see discussions by (Saeki 1916, pp. 71–75, 118–61; Moule 1930; L. Tang 2002); for “Daoist–Christian” ideas, see (Palmer 2001, pp. 129–41). See also the records in the Datang zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan shijiao lu 大唐貞元續開元釋 教 錄 T 55, no. 2156, p. 756 a 18-28 and the Zhenyuan xinding Shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋 教 目錄 T 55, no. 2157, p. 892 a 8-16 (discussed below); and by (Takakusu 1896, pp. 589–91; Deeg 2006 a, pp. 97–98; 2009, p. 144; 2023, pp. 125–27; H. Chen 2006 a, pp. 93–113). 19 For further discussion, see (L. Tang 2002, pp. 20–24, 105–6; Y. Zhang 2018; Deeg 2023; Forte 1996 b, pp. 353–54). 20 Haneda and Saeki suggest “A-lo-pen/Aluoben 阿羅本 ” (Pullyblank 1991, pp. 23, 32, 203: EMC/LMC = * ʔ a - la - p ə n ’ /*pun ’ / *A-lapwonX) could be a Chinese transcription of “Abraham”. See (Saeki [1937] 1951, p. 85, note (10); 1935, pp. 510, 597; Pelliot INS 1996, p. 379). The name Alouben is likely a Chinese phonetic rendering of a foreign name. 夲 is an older variant of 本 , cf. (Takahashi 2008, p. 639; Deeg 2004, p. 160; 2018 a, p. 239; 2009, pp. 147–49) posits a Middle Iranian origin (* A ḍ ( ḍ ) ā b ā n = Ardabān). For the Chinese text of the inscription discussing Aluoben, see (Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 376, 497–503), JJB lines X–XI. Eccles and Lieu note, “[it] perhaps represents the Syriac name Yahballaha, Gift of God’” (See Eccles and Lieu 2023, p. 65, note 49). 21 The JJB in Tang huiyao 唐會要 , j. 49, pp. 1011–12. See also (Leslie 1981–1983, p. 282; Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 349–59). 22 Chu Sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 , T no. 2145, vol. 55. Translation based on Liebenthal with amendments. Cf: (Liebenthal 1956, pp. 88–99). 23 See Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 T no. 2059, vol. 50 347 a 20–22. For further discussion, see (Itō 1996, pp. 65–91; Y. Chen 1933); English translation based on Zürcher ([1959] 2007, p. 184) with amendments. 24 Comparative Philosophy also notes the value of this methodology; see (S. Chen 2024; Cheng and Bunnin 2002, p. 354; Ouyang 2016, pp. 42–43). 25 These documents include the seven manuscripts on Jingjiao discovered at Dunhuang 敦煌 in the early 20 th century (cf. Pelliot 1909, pp. 37–38; Saeki 1916, p. 65; [1937] 1951, pp. 125–319; Moule 1930, pp. 52–64), along with the stone pillar dating to the 8 th day of the twelfth month of the 9 th year of the Yuanhe 元和 era of the Tang dynasty ( c . 814/15) excavated in Luoyang 洛陽 in 2006 (see below). The Dunhuang manuscripts, sometimes referred to as the “ corpus nestorianum sinicum ” (Sánchez 2019), include the following: ‑la‑pәn’/*pun ’ / *A‑ la‑pwonX) could be a Chinese transcription of “Abraham”. See ( Saeki [1937] 1951 , p. 85, note (10); 1935 , pp. 510, 597; Pelliot INS 1996, p. 379). The name Alouben is likely a Chinese phonetic rendering of a foreign name 夲 is an older variant of 本 , cf ( Takahashi 2008 , p. 639; Deeg 2004 , p. 160; 2018 a , p. 239; 2009 , pp. 147–49) posits a Middle Iranian origin (* Ad ˙ (d ˙ )ābān = Ardabān) For the Chinese text of the inscription discussing Aluoben, see (Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 376, 497–503), JJB lines X–XI. Eccles and Lieu note, “[it] perhaps represents the Syriac name Yahballaha, ‘Gift of God’” (See Eccles and Lieu 2023 , p. 65, note 49) 21 The JJB in Tang huiyao 唐會要 , j. 49, pp. 1011–12. See also ( Leslie 1981–1983 , p. 282; Pelliot INS 1996, pp. 349–59) 22 Chu Sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 , T no. 2145, vol. 55. Translation based on Liebenthal with amendments. Cf: ( Liebenthal 1956 , pp. 88–99) 23 See Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 T no. 2059, vol. 50 347 a 20–22. For further discussion, see ( Itō 1996 , pp. 65–91; Y. Chen 1933 ); English translation based on Zürcher ( [1959] 2007 , p. 184) with amendments 24 Comparative Philosophy also notes the value of this methodology; see ( S. Chen 2024 ; Cheng and Bunnin 2002 , p. 354; Ouyang 2016 , pp. 42–43) 25 These documents include the seven manuscripts on Jingjiao discovered at Dunhuang 敦煌 in the early 20 th century (cf Pelliot 1909 , pp. 37–38; Saeki 1916 , p. 65; [1937] 1951 , pp. 125–319; Moule 1930 , pp. 52–64), along with the stone pillar dating to the 8 th day of the twelfth month of the 9 th year of the Yuanhe 元和 era of the Tang dynasty ( c . 814/15) excavated in Luoyang 洛陽 in 2006 (see below). The Dunhuang manuscripts, sometimes referred to as the “ corpus nestorianum sinicum ” ( Sánchez 2019 ), include the following: (1) Xuting mishi suo jing 序 聽 迷 詩 所 經 [ Sūtra / Book of Hearing the (Preaching) of the Messiah/ “Book of Jesus‑Messiah”] (Takakusu document/Kyo‑U Li); (2) Yishen lun 一神論 [Discourse on (Treatise of) the “One God” (Monotheism)] (including the three parts Yu di ’ er 喻第二 , Yitian lun diyi 一天論第一 , and Shizun bushi lun disan 世尊布施論第三 ) (Tomioka document/Kyo‑U Li); (3) Da Qin Jingjiao san wei meng du zan 大秦景教三威蒙度讚 [Hymn in Praise of the Three Majesties (i.e., the Holy Trinity) of the Brilliant Teaching (of Da Qin), through which Salvation is Obtained] ( P . 3847); (4) Zun jing 尊經 [ Sūtra /Book of Veneration [or “the Venerated”]/(list of) “Venerable” Books] ( P . 3847); (5) Zhixuan anle jing 志 [ 至 ] 玄安樂經 [ Sūtra /Book on Aspiring to [Attain] Profound Bliss] (Kyo‑U Li); (6) *Da Qin Jingjiao xuanyuan (zhi)ben jing [ 大秦景教 ] 宣元 [* 至 ] 本經 (Part I, Part II) [ Sūtra /Book/Primary Scripture of Proclama‑ tion of the Highest Origin of Origins of the Radiant Teaching from Da Qin/Explaining the Origins of the Da Qin Radiant Teaching] (I: Kyo‑U Li, II: unknown);

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 23 of 35 (7) *Da Qin Jingjiao dasheng tongzhen guifa zan 大秦景教大聖通真歸法讚 [Hymn of Praise for the Transfiguration of the Great Saint/Great Holy/Our Lord] (unknown) Scholars render these titles in various ways Saeki ( [1937] 1951 ) and L. Tang ( 2002 ) have published complete English trans‑ lations with annotations, while Deeg has criticized several English interpretations (cf Deeg 2004 , pp. 153–56; 2006 a , p. 93; 2006 b , pp. 116–17; 2020 b , pp. 112–16). The authenticity of these documents also remains a subject of controversy. Lin, Wushu 林悟殊 and Rong, Xinjiang 榮新江 have argued that titles (6) and (7) are modern forgeries created by book dealers ( Lin and Rong 1992 , p. 34; 1996 , p. 13; Lin 2000 , p. 81; Rong 2013 , pp. 334–37; 2014 , pp. 280–89)—a claim that H. Chen ( 1997 ) and Q. Feng ( 2007 ) also verified. The legitimacy of titles (1) and (2) has also been scrutinized. For an overview, see ( Riboud 2001 ; Nicolini‑Zani 2006 , pp. 23–44; Yin 2024 , pp. 158–62). For the purposes of this work, we refer to the titles as presented by Takahashi ( 2019 , pp. 626–29), referencing some translations by Saeki ( 1916 , [1937] 1951 ), L. Tang ( 2002 ), and Deeg ( 2006 a , 2006 b , 2009 ), with revisions 26 Reproduced in Saeki ( [1937] 1951 , pp. 13–29) Saeki ( [1937] 1951 , p. 147) suggested that Xuting 序聽 is a Chinese approximation of “Ye‑su” (Jesus); however, Deeg ( 2004 , 2006 a , 2006 b ) refutes this claim Haneda ( 1918 , 1958 , vol. 2, p. 250) argues that Mishisuo 迷詩所 is a scribal error for Mishihe 迷詩訶 or “Messiah”. For a detailed early study, see Haneda ( 1958 , pp. 240–69). See Palmer ( 2001 , pp. 159–68) for an English translation 27 Saeki ( [1937] 1951 , pp. 113–17) dates the text before 638; however, Deeg ( 2004 ) remains skeptical of dating 28 Takakusu bought the original manuscript of this text from a Chinese seller in 1922. See ( Q. Zhu [1993] 1997–1998 , p. 118; Ferreira 2014 , pp. 169–70) for a translation of the JJB , which cites the date (“the ninth year of the Zhenguan reign [i.e., 635]”) 29 See Yishen lun 一神論 , The Lord of the Universe’s Discourse on Alms‑giving, Part III ( Shizun bushi lun disan 世尊佈施論第三 ). Trans‑ lation based on ( R. Huang 2023 , p. 378), with amendments 30 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1: T 54, no. 2142, p. 1286 b 14‑15; and T 54, no. 2142. 1286 c 15–17: “There are living beings [who] have the need to think about the retribution of their own [actions, and] the Heaven‑Honoured One welcomes hard efforts [to improve]. [When he] first created the living beings, the principles for living beings were not far from the buddhas: [he] created the human’s self with a will of his own, and good [actions] lead to good merit, [but] evil [actions] lead to bad karma 有 眾生先須想自身果報 , 天尊受許辛苦 始立眾生 , 眾生理佛不遠 立人身自專 : 善有善福 , 惡有惡緣 ”. See also ( L. Tang 2002 , p. 131; Deeg 2023 , pp. 133–36) 31 Cf Deeg ( 2023 , p. 136 note 61) on context 32 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1, “ 事天尊之人 , 爲説經義 , 並作此經 一切事由 , 大有歎處 , 多有事節 , 由緒少 . .. 人合怕 天尊 , 每日諫誤 , 一切眾生 , 皆各怕天尊並綰攝 , 諸眾生 , 死活管帶 , 綰攝渾神 . .. 眾生 , 若怕天尊 , 亦合怕懼 □ 聖上 聖上前身福 私 , 天尊補任 , 亦無自乃天尊耶 ? 屬自作 □ 聖上 , 一切眾生皆取 □ 聖上進止 . ... 第三 , 須怕父母 , 祗承父母 , 將比天尊及 □ 聖帝 以 若人先事天尊及 □ 聖上及事父母不闕 , 此人於天尊得福 , 不多此三事 . .... 一種先事天尊 , 第二事 □ 聖上 , 第三事父母 . ... T 54, no. 2142, pp. 1286 c 28‑1287 a 1, a 5‑10, a 16‑20. In this context, the term “God” is rendered through the binomial term Tian zun 天 尊 , which Tam ( 2019 , p. 5) characterizes as “that which is the highest” and “that which is supremely honored”. However, this Chinese expression has its origins in Buddhism, functioning as a translation of deva or bhagavat ( Hirakawa 1997 , p. 335), the latter being an epithet for the Buddha. The Christian interpretation may be understood as “Lord of Heaven”, as elucidated by Saeki ( [1937] 1951 , p. 167); nonetheless, the term was initially borrowed from Buddhist literature 33 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1, T 54, no. 2142, p. 1286 c 4‑7.? 34 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1, “ 何因 ? 眾生在於罪中 , 自於見天尊 ... 眾生無人敢近天尊 , 善福善緣眾生 , 然始得見天尊 ... 天尊説云 : ‘ 所有眾生 , 返諸惡等 , 返逆於尊 , 亦不是孝 ; 第二願者 , 若孝父母 , 并恭給所有眾生 , 孝養父母 , 恭承不闕 , 臨命終之時 , 乃得天道 ”. T 54, no. 2142, p. 1286 c 4‑7, p. 1287 a 27‑b 1; Deeg ( 2023 , pp. 133–36) 35 Yishen lun 一神論 , j. 1, “ Yitian lun diyi 一天論第一 ”, “…… 喻如魂魄五蔭不得成就 , 此魂魄不得 , 五蔭故不能成 ”. Cf Tonkō hikyū , p. 32, lines 91–92 36 Yishen lun 一神論 , j . 2, “ Yu di ’ er 喻第二 ”, “ 天下萬物盡一四色 ”. Cf Tonkō hikyū , p. 28, line 60 37 See ( Saeki [1937] 1951 , p. 148; L. Tang 2002 , pp. 131–33). Wang Ding highlights evidence in the transcriptions of Jesus’s name that indicates at least at the beginning of the Christian mission in China, an organization in translating praxis was still lacking, and missionaries were indebted to working with the central government ( D. Wang 2006 , pp. 153–60) 38 Chu sanzang ji ji , j . 6, 46.2.19./Cf Chu sanzang ji ji , j . 6, 46.3.3 (Kang Senghui’s 法鏡經序 ): 年在齠齔 弘志聖業 , but this refers to both An Xuan and Yan Fotiao Chu sanzang ji ji , j . 13, “ 安玄 安息國人也 志性貞白深沈有理致 爲優婆塞 秉持法戒豪釐弗虧 博誦群經多所通習 漢靈帝末 遊賈洛陽有功 號騎都尉 性虛靜溫恭 常以法事爲己務 漸練漢言 , 志宣經典 常與沙門講論道 義 世所謂都尉言也 玄與沙門嚴佛調 共出法鏡經 玄口譯梵文 佛調筆受 理得音正 盡經微旨郢匠之美 , 見述後代 ”. T 55, no 2145, p. 96 a 9‑16; (Liang) Hui Jiao Gaoseng zhuan, j . 4.///T. 2059, 324 b 25‑c 7. For an English translation of most of the biography see ( Tsukamoto 1985 , vol. 1, pp. 496–97, n. 15) 39 Chu sanzang ji ji , T 55, no. 2145, p. 96 a 9‑16 40 Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 , j . 4, “ 時河南居士竺叔蘭 , 本天竺人 , 父世避難 , 居于河南 蘭少好遊獵 , 後經暫死 , 備見業果 因改勵專精 , 深 崇正法 , 博究眾音 , 善於梵漢之語 又有無羅叉比丘 , 西域道士 , 稽古多學 , 乃手執梵本 , 叔蘭譯爲晉文 , 稱爲《放光波若》 ”. T 50, no.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 24 of 35 2059, p. 346 c 1‑6; Chu sanzang ji ji , j . 7, “ 放光于闐沙門無叉羅執胡竺 叔蘭爲譯言 ”. T 55, no. 2145, p. 48 a 6‑9; ( Zürcher [1959] 2007 , p. 65) 41 According to Jingtai’s 靜泰 Datang dongjing da’ai si yiqie jing lun mu xu 大唐東京大敬愛寺一切經論目序 [Preface to the Catalogue for the Great Tang Eastern Capital Jingai Monastery’s complete Buddhist canon (or Tripit ˙ aka ), Including all Scriptures and Śās‑ tra s], “In the years of the Xianqing reign (651–661), [based on Emperor Gaozong’s 高宗 decree] Ximing Monastery completed an imperial collection of Buddhist scriptures, and it was even more refined and sophisticated; organized to the utmost degree, and perfectly complete. The Vinaya Master Daoxuan 道宣 completed the Preface for the Catalog” 顯慶年際 , 西明寺成御造藏 經 , 更令隱煉 , 區格盡爾 , 無所間然 律師道宣又爲錄序 . Zhongjing mulu 眾經目錄 , T no. 2148, vol. 55: 1.181 a 1‑3./T 55, no. 2148, p. 181 a 1‑10 42 Chu sanzang ji ji , j .12: “ 《皇帝勅諸僧抄經撰義翻胡音造錄立藏等記》第二 ”, T 55, no. 2145, p. 93 b 6‑7 43 Scholars Bai Yu ( Bai 2023 , p. 53, note 32) and Chen Huaiyu ( H. Chen 2015 , pp. 52–57) have noted that Jingjing’s engagement with particular Buddhist themes like “state protection” ( 守護國界 ) (on this concept, cf. ( Tsukinowa 1956 , pp. 435–38)) possibly reflects his strategy of aligning Jingjiao teachings with prevailing religious and political discourses. In this case, his integration of elements established by Tang‑era esoteric Buddhist teachings, including certain dhāran ˙ ī 陀羅尼 texts ( Orzech 1998 , pp. 135–67), already associated with state protection and governance, reinforced the legitimacy of Jingjiao’s text in Tang China 44 Although the extent of Jingjing’s direct interaction with Prajña remains uncertain, the similarities between their works suggest that such contact played a critical role in Jingjing’s adaptation of Buddhist elements ( Bai 2023 ). The Zhixuan anle jing shares thematic and visual parallels with Prajña’s Dasheng bensheng xindi guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經 ( Xindi guan jing ), raising the possibility that Jingjing drew inspiration from Prajña’s text ( Bai 2023 , pp. 53–54). If this is the case, the composition of the Zhixuan anle jing would likely postdate the Xindi guan jing , and it is plausible that Jingjing participated in or was influenced by Prajña’s process of textual synthesis drawing on various other Chinese Buddhist scriptures. Chen Huaiyu also points to the potential similarities between the Xindi guan jing and Jingjing’s other text, titled San wei meng du zan 三威蒙度讚 , suggesting that the structure and language of the former may have inspired Jingjing’s composition ( H. Chen 2006 a , pp. 93–113) 45 According to Pelliot, hu 胡 could have meant “Sogdian” in this case, implying Jingjing came from Sogdiana. Forte, however, has objected to this by recalling that Jingjing is said to be a “Persian” monk and that during the Tang period, hu frequently referred to “Persian” (Iranian) Forte ( 1996 c , pp. 442–49, esp. p. 446, note 43) 46 Datang zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan shijiao lu 大唐貞元續開元釋教錄 j. 1, T 55, no. 2156, p. 756 a 18‑28 and the Zhenyuan xinding Shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目錄 j. 17, T 55, no. 2157, p. 892 a 8‑16; cf. also ( Takakusu 1896 , pp. 589–91). Prajñā retranslated the text from Sanskrit in around 788/91. The original seven‑fascicle version rendered by Jingjing and Prajñā is currently missing. The extant enlarged (ten‑fascicle) later version of this sūtra (T 08, no. 261, p. 865 a), dated to the 4 th year of the Zhenyuan reign ( c . 788; cf Forte 1996 a , pp. 442, 444, note 36), is now solely attributed to tripit ˙ aka Prajña 47 Contemporary accounts consistently record Buddhism’s dominance during this period. See, for example, the “Stele Inscription and Preface at Chongyan Monastery in Yongxing County, Ezhou” Ezhou yongxing xian chongyan si beiming bing xu 鄂州永興縣重 岩寺碑銘並序 compiled during the Changqing 長慶 era (821–824) by Shu Yuanyu 舒元輿 , preserved in the Quan Tangwen 全唐文 [ Complete Tang Prose ], j . 727, p. 7498. The use of Buddhist and other terminology illustrates that the early Christian mission aimed to convey its message effectively to establish a presence in the country. Moreover, as Kotyk ( 2024 , p. 128) notes, Alopen was required to provide a comprehensive account of his teachings to the ruling authority. The urgency of this situation explains the short time frame of only about three years between his arrival and the presentation of the earliest versions of Jingjiao texts to the emperor. There was insufficient time to deliberate on vocabulary or to develop a distinct lexicon that would clearly differentiate Christian theological concepts from Buddhist ideas 48 Cf. above ( Bai 2023 , p. 53 and note 32; H. Chen 2015 , pp. 52–57) 49 See ( Deeg 2023 , pp. 127–28) 50 Some scholars have suggested that the books of the Bible were likely translated, but none still exist. The authors are grateful to Jeffrey Kotyk for bringing this detail to our attention 51 Cf. ( Deeg 2006 b , pp. 121–30; Malek and Hofrichter 2006 , p. 39) 52 (Pelliot INS 1996, p. 231, note 98; Forte 1996 b , pp. 350, 351, 352, note 7). The original text of the 638 inscription on the JJB is reconstructed as follows: “The Persian Monk Alopen, bringing texts and images from afar, has come to offer them at the ‘supreme capital’” 波斯僧阿羅本 , 遠將 經像 , 來獻上京 Moule ( 1930 , p. 67), Forte ( 1996 b , p. 354, note 13) note that jing xiang ( 經像 ) is preferred to jing jiao ( 經教 ) and that such an expression concerning religious texts and images brought by monks from abroad was normal and usual. See, for instance, Xuanzang’s 玄奘 biography, Da Tang Da Ci’ensi sanzang fashi zhuan 大唐大慈 恩寺三藏法師傳 6.252 bl 5. They posit that the version recorded in the Tang huayao ( 波斯僧阿羅本 , 遠將 經教 , 來獻上京 ) initially omitted this sentence and was later modified. “It is possible that xiang 像 was corrected in jiao 教 on the basis of the text of the Tang huiyao , which was itself already corrupt” ( Forte 1996 b , p. 354, note 13) 53 ( Q. Feng 2007 , pp. 28–31; Z. Luo 2007 , p. 30; N. Zhang 2007 , p. 65; Nicolini‑Zani 2013 , pp. 141–60). Sixteen high‑quality photos of rubbings of the Pillar from Luoyang were published in Ge ( 2009 , Pl. I–XII).

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 25 of 35 54 Nicolini‑Zani ( 2009 ). “The Tang Christian Pillar from Luoyang and Its Jingjiao Inscription a Preliminary Study” Monumenta Serica , vol. 57, pp. 99–140 55 Ken Parry notes that such examples showcase “additional imagery not previously seen in Christian art of the Tang period Although it is unclear when and where the motif developed, the iconography of two flying figures flanking the cross on a lotus is highly significant. Before the discovery of the pillar ( c . 814/15), this feature was known only from the Yuan period…” See Parry ( 2016 , p. 28) 56 See, for example, Quanzhou 泉州 carvings dated to the 13 th and 14 th centuries. Cf. ( Foster 1954 ; Parry 2003 , 2006 ). 57 This cross pattée depicted in the JJB and Pillar from Luoyang, characterized by its slightly indented arms narrowing toward the center, is adorned with gems (or pearl roundels), small flowers, or flame patterns, along with a central cluster of small dots forming a circle. These elements closely resemble crosses found on contemporaneous Nestorian Sogdian coins, indicating an influence from Sassanian Persian styles, including a mixture of Buddhist and Zoroastrian motifs (Cf Zhou 2020 , pp. 58–59, 81–83, 115; Yin and Zhang 2016 , pp. 1–25; Nicolini‑Zani 2009 ; Niu 2008 , p. 2) 58 Similarly shaped flying figures or apsara can be seen in carvings of the Longmen 龍門 caves (outside Luoyang, in the same area where the pillar was found), but are also frequently represented in paintings of the Dunhuang caves. ( Nicolini‑Zani 2009 , p. 106). Nevertheless, there remains ongoing debate regarding the accurate identification of these flying figures within Jingjiao iconography. Some scholars interpret them as “angels” ( Ge 2014 , pp. 1–8; L. Tang 2009 , pp. 109–32), while others suggest they represent devas or apsaras from Indian and Central Asian traditions (cf Z. Luo 2007 , pp. 32–44; N. Zhang 2007 , pp. 65–73). Given the uncertainty, this discussion will use the term “flying figures” for convenience 59 A similar pattern appears in the 9 th century Tang dynasty fragmentary Jingjiao silk painting of a Christian figure (possibly Jesus Christ) discovered by Aurel Stein in Cave No. 17 at Dunhuang. However, the details of the image remain unclear (see discussion below) 60 Scholars note that the lotus image was used in India before the emergence of Buddhism and may have even been influenced by ancient Persian and Egyptian iconography ( Ward 1952 , pp. 136–37). As Coomaraswamy ( 1935 , p. 19) states, “All birth, all coming into existence is in fact a being established in the Waters, and to be established is to stand on any ground ( prthivi ) or platform of existence; he who stands or sits upon the lotus”. Nonetheless, Buddhist iconography redefined the lotus into a distinctive symbol of purity, transformation–rebirth, and ultimate enlightenment. In the Chinese context, depictions of Buddhas and celestial beings in the Dunhuang murals frequently reflect the concept of the “lotus in Heaven”, symbolizing birth through transformation from a lotus into a Buddha or celestial being ( Yoshimura 2009 , pp. 37, 40, 127) 61 Cf. ( Chen et al. 2010 , pp. 21–29; Mu 2019 , pp. 51–57). Nonetheless, we do not seem to find lotuses on Sasanian silver, and it is important to note that Eastern Iran was less Persian and more reflective of its own cultural sphere, namely Indo‑Iranian 62 Regarding dating, see ( R. Whitfield 1982 , pl. 25, Figure 76) 63 See British Museum Collection: https://www.britishmuseumorg/collection/object/A_1919‑0101‑0‑48 (accessed on 16 February 2025) 64 Cf. ( Stein 1921 , p. 866 (note)). The picture is listed Serindia, II, p. 1050. Col. 2, with the identification number Ch. XLIX. 001 65 ( Stein 1921 , pp. 1050–51). “[]” indicates amendments added by the authors for readability of text 66 ( L. Tang 2020 , pp. 245–46). Tang notes, given that Cave No. 17 in Dunhuang was sealed off during the 11 th century and the painting was produced after the 9 th century, the only form of Christianity in China of that period was the Jingjiao Church ( idem p. 252) 67 Cf. ( Parry 1996 , pp. 143–62; Whitfield and Farrer 1990 , pp. 31–34; S. Whitfield 2004 ; L. Tang 2020 ). 68 Cf. ( Matsumoto 1980 , pp. 46–47) 69 The staff depicted in the image is highly fragmentary and uncharacteristic of traditional representations of Ks ˙ itigarbha, who is typically shown holding a staff in his right hand and a cintāman ˙ i (a “wish‑granting jewel” 如意寶珠 ) in his left. In this image, however, the figure holds the staff in its left hand, suggesting that it may intend to represent a “non‑Buddhist” figure possibly borrowing from Buddhist iconography. Cf. ( L. Tang 2020 , p. 248) 70 Cf. ( Stein 1921 , pp. 1050–51; R. Whitfield 1982 , pl. 25, Figure 76; L. Tang 2020 ) 71 ( Parry 1996 , pp. 143–62; Ren and Meng 2024 ; Matsumoto 1980 , pp. 46–47) argues that the figure is based on the paintings of Greek figures of the Sassan Dynasty 72 See Maréva U ( 2024 , pp. 112–14) for a detailed account of this Monastery’s icons’ original use in situ 73 Cf. ( Liang 2013 , pp. 39–41) 74 In the postscript to the Zun jing 尊經 , it states the following: “In the 9 th year of the Zhenguan (635) reign, under Tang Emperor Taizong, the Great Venerable monk of the Western Regions, Alopen, arrived in China and addressed the throne in his native tongue/language. Fang Xuanling and Wei Zhang spoke as translators 唐太宗皇帝貞觀九年 , 西域太德僧阿羅本屆于中夏 , 並 奏上本音 , 房玄齡 , 魏徵宣譯奏言 . Cf.: T 54, no. 2143, p. 1288 c 22–23; translation following ( Kotyk 2024 , pp. 122–23), with ammendments.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 26 of 35 75 JJB Line XI (Pelliot INS 1996, p. 489). The reason behind Emperor Taizong’s decision to endorse the Jingjiao teachings is still uncertain. However, it might have been influenced by the perception of Alopen and other Jingjiao missionaries as refugees 76 [I–XXXII] Indicates lines of JJB , following Pelliot INS (1996) 77 Cf. ( Deeg 2023 , p. 129 and note 16) 78 JJB Line XI (Pelliot INS 1996, p. 489) 79 Inscription text: following Pelliot INS (1996, pp. 497–503); English translation based on Eccles and Lieu ( 2023 ), with adjustments 80 “Basic Annals of Taizong” 太宗本紀 Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 , j . 1. Translation by Author(s) 81 tianzun ( 天尊 ), cf. ( Deeg 2023 , p. 131 and note 24, pp. 133–34) 82 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1: T 54, no. 2142, p. 1287 a 8‑9 83 Concerning the use of “ □ ”, an “honorific space” placed before the address of shengshang “ 聖上 ”, cf. ( Deeg 2023 , p. 136, note 61) 84 Xu ting Mishisuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 , j . 1: T 54, no. 2142, p. 1287 a 9‑11 85 The translation of the last two lines remains obscure and inconclusive, as they appear to contain corrupted phrases— shengshang wei xu qinjia xiling, shengshang gongdian yu zhufo qiu de ( 聖上唯須勤伽習倰 , 聖上宮殿於諸佛求得 ) Deeg ( 2023 ) speculates that, given the text’s overall pejorative tone toward buddhas, jia ( 加 ) should be corrected to jia ( 伽 ), and qiu ( 求 ) in the second phrase should be jiu ( 救 ), in this context, meaning “to hold back” or “to prevent”. However, this interpretation remains speculative, as some syntactical issues remain unresolved 86 Xu ting Mishisuo jing , T 54, no. 2142, p. 1287 a 23–26. The term “buddha(s)” ( 佛 ) referenced here is differentiated from the binom‑ inal Tian zun ( 天尊 ) “Heaven‑Honored One” (God). As noted by Kotyk ( 2024 , p. 127), these “buddhas” seem to imply ‘angels.’ However, this represents an irregular application of the Chinese terminology. The notion that Christians might entertain could arise from a somewhat loose understanding of Mahāyāna. Buddhas, such as Śākyamuni in the current era and Amitābha in the realm of Sukhāvatī, are “emanation bodies” (Skt: nirmān ˙ a‑kāya ) of a superior transcendental body ( dharma‑kāya ). They inherently manifest in response to the suffering experienced by sentient beings. This prompts the inquiry regarding whether they possess free will or function automatically as “emanations,” in contrast to ordinary sentient beings, who perceive themselves and others as separate entities while making deliberate choices ( Kotyk 2024 , p. 127). Regardless of the interpretation, their designation in this context suggests a pejorative perspective, as they do not embody an “ultimate” source of assistance or a pathway to salvation 87 JJB Line XI (Pelliot INS 1996, p. 489) 88 Tang scholar Wei Shu 韋述 (du.?–757) in 720, in his “New Records of the Two Capitals” ( Liangjing xin ji 兩京新記 ), documents that there were “once/formerly Persian and Iranian monasteries” 舊波斯胡寺 on “the north of the Eastern Ten‑character Street” 十字街東之北 , in the Yining Quarter 義寧坊 ; and on “the east of the Southern Ten‑character Street” 十字街南之東 , in the Liquan Quarter 禮泉坊 in Chang’an 長安 . Cf Liangjing xin ji 兩京新記 3. (6. p. 191 n–192 a); (Pelliot INS 1996, p. 451 and note 66) 89 See, for example, ( Thundy 1989 , 1993 ; Chartrand‑Burke 2008 ). These similarities are sometimes explained historically, with the suggestion that the stories were transmitted along trade routes from the East to the Greco‑Roman world, or from Egypt to the north, and later adapted by early Christians to fit the life of Jesus. At other times, phenomenological explanations are proposed, viewing the Infancy Gospel of Thomas as a parallel but independent development within other religious traditions 90 Some scholars remain skeptical about these connections while acknowledging the textual and narrative similarities between the portrayal of Jesus in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas and that of the Buddha as a child. See Aasgaard ( 2009–2010 , pp. 86–88; 2022 , p. 86) and Chartrand‑Burke ( 2001 , pp. 81–82). For further details, see (ibid., pp. 37–40, 299–302). Regarding the discussions surrounding the similarities between Śākyamuni and Jesus as presented in the Gospel of Thomas , refer to ( Brockman 2003 ) 91 On Silk Roads, cf. ( Litvinsky et al. 1996 ; Beckwith 2009 ; Hansen 2012 ; Deeg 2018 a , p. 235) 92 For instance, Wiesehöfer ( 2010 , p. 132) observes that the Sasanians “used Christian dignitaries as ambassadors and advisers.” This aspect of diplomacy is also discussed by Kotyk ( 2024 , pp. 106–8) References Primary Sources Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 [Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the Tripit ˙ aka]. Total 15 juans . Initially compiled by Sengyou 僧佑 (445–518) in 515. T no. 2145, vol. 55 [Also: Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 . 1995. Beijing 北京 : Zhonghua Shuju 中華書局 Datang zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan shijiao lu 大唐貞元續開元釋教錄 [Catalogue of the Teachings of Śākya[muni] (Buddhist Texts) from the Kaiyuan [Era], Continued from the Zhenyuan [Era] of the Great Tang/Supplementary Catalog of Teachings from the Kaiyuan Period in the the Zhenyuan Era of the Great Tang]. Total 3 juans . Compiled by Yuanzhao 圓照 ( fl . second half of 8 th century) in 794. T no. 2156, vol. 55 Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 [Biographies of Eminent Monks]. Total 14 juans . Compiled by Huijiao 慧皎 (497–554) between 519–520. T no. 2059, vol. 50 Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書 [Old History of the Tang]. Total 200 juans . Compiled by Liu Xu 劉昫 (888–947), et al., in 941–945. Beijing 北京 : Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 , 1975.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 27 of 35 Quan Tangwen 全唐文 [Complete Tang Prose]. Total 1000 juans . Compiled by Dong Gao 董誥 (1740–1818), and others. Beijing 北京 : Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 , 1983 Ru Tang qiufa xunli xing ji 入唐求法巡禮行記 [Record of Travel to the Tang in Search of the Dharma, Jp. Nittō guhō junrei kōki]. Total 4 juans . Composed ( c . 838–847) by Japanese monk Jp. Ennin (Ch. Yuanren) 圓仁 ( fl . 794–864); collated by Gu Chengfu 顧承甫 , and He Quanda 何泉達 . 1986. Shanghai 上海 : Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社 Tang huiyao 唐會要 [ Institutional History of the Tang Dynasty/Essential Regulations of the Tang ]. Total 100 juans . Compiled by Wang Pu 王 溥 (922–982) in the Northern Song period 北宋 (960–1126), completed c . 961. Wang Pu’s work is the continuation of Su Mian’s 蘇 冕 Hui yao 會要 in 40 juans (completed 804) and of the Xu Hui yao 續會要 of Yang Shaofu 楊紹復 and others in 4 juans (completed 853). Collated edition: Beijing 北京 : Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 , 1960. Also Shanghai 上海 : Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出 版社 , 1999 Xin Tangshu 新唐書 [New Tang History]. Total 225 juans . Compiled/Supervised by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072), Song Qi 宋祁 (998–1061) and others during 1044–1060. Submitted to the throne in 1060. Beijing 北京 : Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 , 1975 Xuting mishusuo jing 序聽迷詩所經 [ Sūtra of Hearing the Messiah/Book of Jesus‑Messiah]. Total 1 juans . Compiled by Unknown ( fl mid‑late 8 th century). T no. 2142, vol. 54 Yishen lun 一神論 [Discourse on (Treatise of) the ‘One God’ (Monotheism)]. Total 3 juans . In Tonkō hikyū (pp. 23–54) Zhenyuan xin ding Shijiao mi lu 貞元新定釋教目錄 [Catalogue of Revised List of the Teachings of Śākya[muni] from the Zhenyuan [Era]]. Total 30 juans . Compiled by Yuanzhao 圓照 ( fl . second half of 8 th century) in 799–800. T no 2157, vol. 55 Secondary Sources Aasgaard, Reidar. 2009–2010 The Childhood of Jesus: Decoding the Apocryphal Infancy Gospel of Thomas . Cambridge: James Clarke & Co Aasgaard, Reidar. 2022. Infancy Gospel of Thomas. In Early New Testament Aprocrypha: Ancient Literature for New Testament Studies Edited by Christopher J. Edwards, Craig A. Evans and Cecilia Wassén. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, vol. 9, pp. 78–95 Bai, Yu 白宇 . 2023. On the Jingjiao Text Zhixuan anle jing : Its Date and Use of Imagery Monumenta Serica 71: 43–71 Baum, Wilhelm, and Dietmar W. Winkler. 2006 The Church of the East, A Concise History . London: I. B. Tauris Beckwith, Christopher I. 2009 Empires of the Silk Road. A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present . Princeton: Princeton University Press Brock, Sebastian P. 1996. The ‘Nestorian’ Church: A lamentable misnomer. In The Church of the East: Life and Thought . Edited by Jerry F. Coakley and Ken Parry. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester. 78/3: 23–35. Manchester: John Rylands University Library, pp. 1–14, Reprinted in Brock, Sebastian P Fire from Heaven. Studies in Syriac Theology and Liturgy Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006, no. 1 Brock, Sebastian P., and James F. Coakley. 2011. Church of the East. In The Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage , 1 st ed. Edited by Sebastian P. Brock, Aaron Michael Butts, George Anton Kiraz and Lucas Van Rompay. Piscataway: Gorgias Press, pp. 99–100 Brockman, John. 2003. The Politics of Christianity: A Talk with Elaine Pagels. The Third Culture Edge Foundation . July 15. Available online: https://www.edge.org/conversation/elaine_pagels‑the‑politics‑of‑christianity (accessed on 16 February 2025) Chartrand‑Burke, Tony. 2001. The Infancy Gospel of Thomas: The Text, Its Origins, and Its Transmission. PhD. dissertation, Univer‑ sity of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada. Available online: http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/obj/s 4/f 2/dsk 3/ftp 05/NQ 63782.pdf (accessed on 16 February 2025) Chartrand‑Burke, Tony. 2008. The Infancy Gospel of Thomas. In The Non‑Canonical Gospels . Edited by Paul Foster. London: T. & T Clark, pp. 126–38 Chen, Huaiyu 陳懷宇 . 1997. Suowei Tangdai Jingjiao wenxian liangzhong bianwei bushuo 所謂唐代景教文獻兩種辨偽補説 [Supple‑ mentary Notes on the Authentication of Two So‑called Tang Nestorian Documents] Tang Yanjiu 唐研究 [ Journal of Tang Studies ] 3: 41–53, (English summary, pp. 52–53) Chen, Huaiyu 陳懐宇 . 2006 a. The Connection between Jingjiao and Buddhist Texts in Late Tang China. In Jingjiao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia , 1 st ed. Edited by Roman Malek. London: Routledge, pp. 93–113 Chen, Huaiyu 陳懐宇 . 2006 b 第二屆中國和中亞的景教國際學術研討會綜述 [Summary of the Second International Symposium on Jingjiao in China and Central Asia] Dao Feng: Jidujiao wenhua pinglun 道風 : 基督教文化評論 [ Logos & Pneuma: Chinese Journal of Theology ] 25: 281–91 Chen, Huaiyu 陳懷宇 . 2012 Jingfeng fansheng: Zhonggu zongjiao zhi zhuxiang 景風 梵聲 : 中古宗教之諸相 [ Jingfeng (Lit. ‘Radiant Breeze’; i.e., Nestorianism) and Fansheng (Lit. ‘Brahman Sound’; i.e., Buddhism): Aspects of Medieval Religions ]. Beijing 北京 : Zhongguo zongjiao wenhua chubanshe 中國宗教文化出版社 Chen, Huaiyu 陳懷宇 . 2015. Tangdai Jingjiao yu Fodao guanxi xinlun 唐代景教與佛道關係新論 [New Discussions on the Relationship between Jingjiao and Buddhism‑Taoism in Tang Dynasty] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [ Studies in World Religions ] 5: 51–61.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 28 of 35 Chen, Jian’guang 陳劍光 , Yuanyuan Li 李圓圓 , and Zhicheng Wang 王志成 . 2010. Zhongguo Yashu jiaohui de lianhua yu wan zi fu: Fojiao chuantong yihuo Yali’an yichan 中國亞述教會的蓮花與萬字符 : 佛教傳統抑或雅利安遺產 ? [Lotus and Swastika in Chinese Nestorianism: Buddhist Legacy or Aryan Heritage?] Zhejiang daxue xuebao ( renwen shehui kexue ban ) 浙江大學學報 ( 人文社會科 學版 ) [ Journal of Zhejiang University (Humanities and Social Sciences) ] 40: 21–29 Chen, Jichun 陳繼春 . 2008. Tangdai jingjiao huihua yicun de zai yanjiu 唐代景教繪畫遺存的再研究 [Re‑examination of the Remaining Jingjiao Paintings of the Tang Dynasty] Wen Bo 文博 [ Relics and Museolgy ] 4: 66–72 Chen, Shaoming. 2024 Doing Chinese Philosophy: A Focus on Philosophical Methodology . Singapore: Springer Chen, Yinke 陳寅恪 . 1933 Zhi Mindu xueshuo kao 支愍度學説考 [An Examination of the Theories of Zhi Mindu]. In Qingzhu Cai Yuanpei xiansheng liushiwu sui lunwenji 慶祝蔡元培先生六十五歲論文集 . [Collected Essays in Honor of Professor Cai Yuanpei’s 65 th birthday]. Guoli ZhongyangYanjiuyuan 國立中央硏究院 . Reprinted in Chen Yinke wenji zhi er: Jinmingguan conggaochubian 陳寅恪文集之二 金明館叢稿初編 [Collected Writings of Chen Yinke No. 2: Jinmingguan Drafts, Vol. 1]. Shanghai 上海 : Guji Chuban 上海古籍出版社 Cheng, Chung‑Ying, and Nicholas Bunnin. 2002 Contemporary Chinese Philosophy . Hoboken: Blackwell Publishers Ltd Coomaraswamy, Ananda Kentish. 1935 Elements of Buddhist Iconography . Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Reprinted in 1973 Deeg, Max. 2004. Digging out God from the Rubbish Heap—The Chinese Nestorian Documents and the Ideology of Research [ 景 教 · マニ教 · イスラム教文獻 ]. In Chūgoku‑shūkyō‑bunken‑kenkyū‑kokusai‑shinpojiumu, Hōkokusho 中國宗教文獻研究國際シンポジ アン、報告書 [ Proceedings for the International Symposium of Textual Research on Chinese Religions ]. Edited by Takata Tokio 高田時 雄 . Kyōto 京都 : Kyōto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyūjo 京都大学人文科学研究所 , pp. 151–68 Deeg, Max. 2006 a. The “Brilliant Teaching” The Rise and Fall of “Nestorianism” ( Jingjiao ) in Tang China Japanese Religions 31: 91–110 Deeg, Max. 2006 b. Towards a New Translation of the Chinese Nestorian Document from the Tang Dynasty. In Jingjiao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia , 1 st ed. Edited by Roman Malek. London: Routledge, pp. 115–31 Deeg, Max. 2007. The Rhetoric of Antiquity: Politico‑religious Propaganda in the Nestorian Stele of Chang’an Journal of Late Antique Religion and Antiquity 1: 17–30 Deeg, Max. 2009. Ways to Go and Not to Go in the Contextualization of the Jingjiao ‑Documents of the Tang Period. In Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters. Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia, Proceedings of the Second Jingjiao Conference , University of Salzburg, ed. Edited by Dietmar W. Winkler and Li Tang. Berlin and Vienna: LIT Deeg, Max. 2018 a. Along the Silk Road: From Aleppo to Chang’an. In A Companion to Religion in Late Antiquity, Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World . Edited by Nicholas J. Baker‑Brian and Josef Lossl. Hoboken: Wiley‑Blackwell, pp. 233–53 Deeg, Max. 2018 b Die Strahlende Lehre—Die Stele von Xi’an . Übersetzung und Kommentar. Vienna and Berlin: LIT Verlag Deeg, Max. 2020 a. The ‘Brilliant Teaching’: Iranian Christians in Tang China and Their Identity Entangled Religions 11: 1–13 Deeg, Max. 2020 b. Messiah Rediscovered: Some Philological Notes on the so‑called ‘Jesus the Messiah Sutra.’. In The Church of the East in Central Asia and China . Edited by Samuel N. C. Lieu and Glen L. Thompson. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 111–19 Deeg, Max. 2023. Chapter 4: The Christian Communities in Tang China: Between Adaptation and Religious Self‑Identity. In Buddhism in Central Asia III . Edited by Lewis Doney, Carmen Meinert, Henrik H. Sørensen and Yukiyo Kasai. Leiden: Brill, pp. 123–44 Drake, Francis S. 1936–1937. Nestorian Monasteries of the T’ang Dynasty Monumenta Serica 2: 293–340. [ CrossRef ] Duan, Qing 段晴 . 2003. Tangdai daqinsi seng xinshi 唐代大秦、寺僧新釋 [Daqin Si and (Daqin‑)seng of the Great Tang—An attempt of a new explanation]. In Tangdai zongjiao xinyang yu shehui 唐代宗教信仰與社會 [ Religious Faith and Society in the Tang Dynasty ] Edited by Xinjiang Rong 荣新江 . Shanghai 上海 : Shanghai Cishu chubanshe 上海辭書出版社 , pp. 434–72 Eccles, Lance, and Samuel N. C. Lieu. 2023 Da Qin jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 大秦景教流行中國碑 Stele on the Diffusion of Chris‑ tianity (the Luminous Religion) from Da Qin (Rome) into China (the Middle Kingdom) ‘The Nestorian Monument.’ Ongoing Project (last update: 5.11.2023) . Translated by L. Eccles and Sam Lieu, Camilla Derard and Gunner Mikkelsen. Available online: https://www.manichaeismde/wp‑content/uploads/2024/10/Xian‑Monument‑5.11.2023.pdf (accessed on 16 February 2025) Feng, Qiyong 馮其庸 . 2007. ‘Da Qin Jingjiao xuanyuan zhi ben jing’ quan jing de xianshi ji qi ta ⟨ 大秦景教宣元至本經 ⟩ 全經的現 世及其他 Zhongguo wenhua bao 中國文化報 [China Culture Daily]. Published September 27 in “Guoxue Zhuanlan” 國學專欄 Reprinted in 2007 Zhongguo zongjiao 中國宗教 [ China Religion ] 1: 28–31 Feng, Youlan 馮友蘭 . 1989 Zhongguo zhexue shi xin bian 中國哲學史新編 [ A Revised History of Chinese Philosophy ]. Beijing 北京 : Renmin chubanshe 人民出版社 , vol. 6 Ferreira, Johan. 2014 Early Chinese Christianity: The Tang Christian Monument and Other Documents . Strathfeild: St. Pauls Forte, Antonino. 1996 a. A Literary Model for Adam: The Dhūta Monastery Inscription. In Paul Pelliot. L’inscription nestorienne de Si‑ngan‑fou . Edited by Antonino Forte. Paris: Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale, Kyoto‑Coll è ge de France, Institut des Hautes É tudes Chinoises, pp. 473–87 Forte, Antonino. 1996 b. The Edict of 638 Allowing the Diffusion of Christianity in China. In Paul Pelliot. L’inscription nestorienne de Si‑ngan‑fou . Edited by Antonino Forte. Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale. Paris: Kyoto‑Coll è ge de France, Institut des Hautes É tudes Chinoises, pp. 349–73.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 29 of 35 Forte, Antonino. 1996 c. The Chongfu‑si 崇福寺 in Chang’an. In Paul Pelliot. L’inscription nestorienne de Si‑ngan‑fou . Edited by Antonino Forte. Paris: Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale, Kyoto‑Coll è ge de France, Institut des Hautes É tudes Chinoises, pp. 429–61 Foster, John. 1939 The Nestorian Tablet and Hymn. Translations of Chinese Texts from the First Period of the Church in China, 635–c. 900 London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge Foster, John. 1954. Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 86: 1–25. [ CrossRef ] Ge, Chengyong 葛承雍 . 2009 Jingjiao yizhen. Luoyang xin chutu Tangdai jingjiao jingchuang yanjiu 景教遺珍 — 洛陽新出土唐代景教經 幢研究 [ Precious Nestorian Relic. Studies on the Nestorian Stone Pillar of the Tang Dynasty Recently Discovered in Luoyang ]. Beiiing 北 京 : Wenwu chubanshe 文物出版社 Ge, Chengyong 葛承雍 . 2014. Jingjiao tianshi yu Fojiao feitian bijiao bianshi yanjiu 景教天使與佛教飛天比較辨識研究 [A Comparative Study of the Nestorian Angels and Buddhist Apsaras] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [ Studies in World Religions ] 4: 1–8 Gilman, Ian, and Hans‑Joachim Klimkeit. 1999 Christians in Asia before 1500 . Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press Godwin, Tod. 2018 Persians at the Christian Court: The Xi’an Stele and the Early Medieval Church of the East . London and New York: I.B Tauris Gong, Tianmin [K’ung, Tien‑min] 龔天民 . 1958. Chūgoku keikyō ni okeru bukkyō teki eikyō nitsuite 中国景教に於ける佛教的影响 につぃて [About Buddhist Influences in Tang Christianity] Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 1: 138–39 Gong, Tianmin 龔天民 . 1960 a Tangchao jidujiao zhi yanjiu 唐朝基督教之研究 [ Research on Christianity during the Tang Dynasty ]. Hong Kong: Council on Christian Literature for Overseas Chinese Gong, Tianmin 龔天民 . 1960 b. Tangdai jidujiao zhong de fojiao yingxiang 唐代基督教中的佛教影響 [Buddhist Influences in Tang Christianity] Zhonyang ribao 中央日報 [ Central Daily News ], March 8 Greene, Eric M. 2018. The “Religion of Images”? Buddhist Image Worship in the Early Medieval Chinese Imagination Journal of American Oriental Society 138: 455–84 Grenfell, Bernard P., and Arthur S. Hunt. 1897 Sayings of Our Lord from an Early Greek Papyrus . London: Henry Frowde Halbertsma, Tjalling H. F. 2008 Early Christian Remains of Inner Mongolia . Leiden: Brill Hamada, Naoya 浜田直也 . 2005 Keikyō kyōten ‘Isshinron’ to sono shisō 景教経典『一神論』とその思想 [The Jingjiao Sutra ‘One God’ and its Thought]. Intriguing Asia アジア遊学 . Special issue, Tokushū kyōsei suru kami · hito · hotoke — Nihon to Furansu no gakujutsu kōryū 特集 共生する神 · 人 · 仏 – 日本とフランスの学術交流 [Symbiotic Gods, People, and Buddhas: Academic Exchange between Japan and France] 79: 244–57 Hamada, Naoya 濱田直也 . 2007 Keikyō kyōten 『 Isshinron 』 to sono bukkyōteki seikaku ni tsuite 景教經典『一神論』とその佛教的性格 について [On the Keikyō Sūtra “One God” and its Buddhist Character] Studies in Literature, Japanese and Chinese 文芸論叢 68: 61–75 Haneda, Tōru 羽田亨 . 1918. Keikyō kyōten Isshin‑ron kaisetsu [ 景敎經典一神論解説 ] Geibun [ 藝文 / 京都文學會 ] 9: 141–44 Haneda, Tōru 羽田亨 . 1958 Haneda Hakushi shigaku ronbunshū 羽田博士史學論文集 [ Collection of Papers on Historical Research of Dr. Haneda Hakushi ]. Kyōto 京都 : Tōyōshi Kenkyūkai 同朋社 Hansen, Valerie. 2012 The Silk Road: A New History . Oxford: Oxford University Press Harrison, Paul. 1987. Who Gets to Ride in the Great Vehicle? Self‑Image and Identity Among the Followers of the Early Mahāyāna Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 10: 67–89 Hirakawa, Akira. 1997 A Buddhist Chinese‑Sanskrit Dictionary . Tokyo: The Reiyukai Huang, Rong. 2023. The Humanity of Christ in the Jingjiao Dunhuang Manuscript Discourse on the One God Silk Road Traces: Studies on Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia 21: 375–93 Huang, Xianian 黃夏年 . 1996 Jingjiao yu fojiao guanxi zhi chutan 景教與佛教關係之初探 [Preliminary Investigation of the Relationship between Jingjiao and Buddhism] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [ Studies in World Religions ] 1: 83–90 Huang, Xianian 黃夏年 . 2000. Jingjing ‘Yishen lun’ zhi ‘hunpo’ chutan 景經《一神論》之 “ 魂魄 ” 初探 [Preliminary Exploration of the Hunpo in the Jingjiao text the Yishen lun ] Jidu zongjiao yanjiu 基督宗教研究 [ Study of Christianity ], 446–60 Hunter, Erica C. D. 2009. The Persian Contribution to Christianity in China: Reflections in the Xian Fu Syriac Inscriptions. In Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in Central Asia and China . Edited by Dietmar W. Winkler and Li Tang. Berlin: Lit Verlag, pp. 71–86 Itō, Takatoshi. 1996. The Formation of Chinese Buddhism and “Matching the Meaning”( geyi 格義 ) Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (The Oriental Library) 54: 65–91 Kaltenmark, Max. 1969 Jing yu ba jing 「景」與「八景」 [On the Jing and the Eight Jing]. In Tōyō bunka ronshū 東洋文化論集 . Tokyo 東京 : Waseda daigaku shuppanbu 早稻田大學出版部 , pp. 1147–54 Kantor, Hans‑Rudolf. 2010. ‘Right Words Are Like the Reverse’—The Daoist Rhetoric and the Linguistic Strategy in Early Chinese Buddhism Asian Philosophy 3: 283–300. [ CrossRef ] Klimkeit, Hans‑Joachim. 1993. Christian Art on the Silk Road. In Künstlerischer Austausch/Artistic Exchange. Akten des XXVIII. In‑ ternationalen Kongresses für Kunstgeschichte Berlin, 15‑20. Juli 1992 . Edited by Thomas W. Gaehtgens. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, pp. 477–88.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 30 of 35 Klimkeit, Hans‑Joachim. 2003. Manichaeism and Nestorian Christianity. In History of Civilizations of Central Asia . Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, vol. IV, Part 2 Kotyk, Jeffrey. 2024 Sino‑Iranian and Sino‑Arabian Relations in Late Antiquity: China and the Parthians, Sasanians, and Arabs in the First Millennium . Crossroads: History of Interactions Across the Silk Routes. Leiden: Brill, vol. 8 Lai, Whalen. 1979. Limits and Failure of ko‑i (Concept‑Matching) Buddhism History of Religions 18: 238–57. [ CrossRef ] Le Coq, Albert von. 1985 Buried Treasures of Chinese Turkestan: An Account of the Activities and Adventures of the Second and Third German Turfan Expeditions , 1 st ed. Edited by Peter Hopkirk. Hong Kong and London: Routledge. First published 1928 Legge, James. 1888 The Nestorian monument of Hsî‑an fû in Shen‑hsî, China: Relating to the Diffusion of Christianity in China in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries with the Chinese Text of the Inscription, a Translation, and Notes, and a Lecture on the Monument, with a Sketch of Subsequent Christian Missions in China . London: Trübner & Company Leslie, Donald Daniel. 1981–1983. Persian Temples In T’ang China Monumenta Serica 35: 275–303. [ CrossRef ] Li, Ling 李翎 . 2023 Jietu: Shijue Fojiao de kaiduan 借圖 —— 視覺佛教的開端 [Borrowing Pictures—the Beginnings of Visual Buddhism] Meishu daguan 美術大觀 [ Art Panorama ] 9: 116–21 Liang, Sicheng 梁思成 . 2013 Fojiao de lishi 佛教的歷史 [ History of Buddhism ]. Beijing 北京 : Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe 中國青年 出版社 Liebenthal, Walter. 1956. A Clarification (A translation of the Yü‑i Lun ) Sino‑Indian Studies 2: 88–99 Lieu, Samuel N. C. 2013. The ‘Romanitas’ of the Xi’an Inscription. In From the Oxus River to the Chinese Shores: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia . Edited by Li Tang 唐莉 and Dietmar W. Winkler. Vienna and Münster: LIT, pp. 123–44 Lin, Wushu 林悟殊 . 2000. Fugang Qiancang shi cang jingjiao Yishen lun zhenwei cunyi 富冈謙藏氏藏景教 ⟨ 一神論 ⟩ 真偽存疑 [Doubts Concerning the Authenticity of the Nestorian Discourse on One God from the Tomioka Collection] Tang yanjiu 唐研究 [ Journal of Tang Studies ] 6: 67–86 Lin, Wushu 林悟殊 . 2021 Tangdai jingjijiao yanjiu (zengding ben) 唐代景教再研究 ( 增訂本 ) [ New Reflections on Nestorianism of the Tang Dynasty (an enlarged revision) ]. Shanghai 上海 : Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館 Lin, Wushu 林悟殊 , and Xinjiang Rong 榮新江 . 1992. Suowei Li shi jiucang jingjiao wenxian erzhong bianwei 所謂李氏舊藏敦煌景教 文獻二種辨偽 [Doubts Concerning the Authenticity of Two Nestorian Christian Documents Unearthed at Dunhuang from the Li Collection] Jiuzhou xuekan 九州學刊 [ Chinese Culture Quarterly ] 4: 19–34 Lin, Wushu 林悟殊 , and Xinjiang Rong 榮新江 . 1996. Doubts Concerning the Authenticity of Two Nestorian Christian Documents Unearthed at Dunhuang from the Li Collection China Archaeology and Art Digest I 1: 5–14, Abridged English version of Lin Wushu, Rong Xinjiang 1992 Litvinsky, Boris Anatolevič, Zhang Guang‑Da, and R. Shabani Samghabadi. 1996 History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III: The Crossroads of Civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750 . Paris: UNESCO Publishing Liu, Qingzhu 劉慶柱 . 2023. Zhonghua wenming rending biaozhun yu fazhan daolu de kaogu xue chanshi 中華文明認定標準與發展道 路的考古學闡釋 [The Archaeological Interpretation of the Determining Criteria and Developmental Path of Chinese Civilization] Zhongguo shehui xue 中國社會科學 [ Social Sciences in China ] 6: 82–99 Liu, Zhenning 劉振寧 . 2007 a. ‘Geyi’: Tangdai jingjiao de chuanjiao fanglüe jian lun Jingjiao de ‘geyi’ taishi “ 格義 ”: 唐代景教的傳教 方略 — 兼論景教 “ 格義 ” 態勢 [On the Strategy of Geyi by Nestorianism for Dissemination in the Tang Dynasty] Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 貴州大學學報 ( 社會科學版 ) [ Journal of Guizhou University (Social Sciences Edition) ] 5: 19–31 Liu, Zhenning 劉振寧 . 2007 b Shiyu “guaikui” zhongyu “guaikui”: Tangdai Jingjiao “geyi” guiji tanxi 始於「乖睽」終於「乖睽」 — 唐代 景教「格義」軌跡探析 [ Examining the trajectory of Jingjiao’s geyi in the Tang Dynasty ]. Guiyang 貴陽 : Guizhou University Press 貴州大學出版社 Liu, Zhenning 劉振寧 . 2009. Tangdai jingjiao ‘geyi’ lun fafan: Jian lun ‘geyi’ zhi libi” 唐代景教 “ 格義 ” 論發凡 — 兼論 “ 格義 ” 之利弊 [On (Geyi) of Jingjiao in the Tang Dynasty——The gains and losses of Nestorianism] Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 貴州 大學學報 ( 社會科學版 ) [ Journal of Guizhou University (Social Sciences Edition) ] 4: 132–39 Lou, Yulie 樓宇烈 . 2002. Fojing tongsu xuanjiang gaoben: Du Dunhuang yishu Zhong ‘jiangjing wen’ zhaji 佛經通俗宣講稿本 —— 讀 敦煌遺書中 “ 講經文 ” 札記 [The Manuscripts of Popular Lectures on Buddhist Scriptures—Notes on the ‘ Sūtra Lecture Texts’ in the Lost Dunhuang Manuscripts]. In Jiechuang 戒幢 , Jiechuang Foxue 戒幢佛學 [ Jiechuang Buddhist Studies ]. Changsha 長沙 : Yuelu shushe 岳麓書社 , vol. 2 Luo, Xianglin [Lo Hsiang‑lin] 羅香林 . 1966 Tang Yuan erdai zhi jingjiao 唐元二代之景教 [ Nestorianism in the Tang and Yuan Dynasties ] Hong Kong 香港 : Zhongguo xueshe 中國學社 Luo, Zhao 羅炤 . 2007. Luoyang xin chutu Da Qin jingjiao xuanyuan zhiben jing ji chuangji shichuang de jige wenti 洛陽新出土《大 秦景教宣元至本經及幢記》石幢的幾個問題 [Some Points on the Newly‑Discovered Christian Stone Pillar Located in Luoyang City] Wenwu 文物 [ Cultural Relics ] 6: 30–48 Malek, Roman. 2002. Faces and Images of Jesus Christ in Chinese Context. Introduction. In The Chinese Face of Jesus Christ . Edited by Roman Malek. Monumenta Serica Monograph Series 50. Sankt Augustin: Institut Monumenta Serica and China‑Zentrum. Nettetal: Steyler Verl., vol. I, pp. 19–55.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 31 of 35 Malek, Roman, and Peter Hofrichter. 2006 Jingjiao. The Church of the East in China and Central Asia . Sankt Augustin: Institut Monu‑ menta Serica Mair, Victor H. 2012. What is Geyi , After All? China Report 48: 29–59. [ CrossRef ] Matsumoto, Eīchi [Matsumoto Eiichi] 松本榮一 . 1980. Wanggubu de Jingjiao xitong ji qi mushi 汪古部的景教系統及其墓石 [Nestorian System and the Tombtones of the Öngüt tribe]. Translated by Shixian Pan 潘世憲 . In Menggushi yanjiu cankao ziliao 蒙古史參考 研究資料 [References of Mongolian Historical Study] Neimenggu daxue menggushi yanjiushi bian 內蒙古大學蒙古史研究室編 14: 46–47 Matsumoto, Eīchi [Matsumoto Eiichi] 松本榮一 . 1938. Keikyō Sonkyō no keishiki nitsuite 景教「尊經」の形式に就て [About the Form of the Nestorian Zun jing] Tōhō gakuhō 東方學報 8: 21–32 Morris, James Harry, and Chen Cheng. 2020. A Select Bibliography of Chinese and Japanese Language Publications on Syriac Chris‑ tianity: 2000–2019 Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 23: 355–415 Moule, Arthur Christopher. 1930 Christians in China before the Year 1550 . London, New York and Toronto: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Reprinted in Ch’eng wen, Taipei: 1972; Gordon Press, New York: 1977 Mu, Hongyan 穆宏燕 . 2019. Jingjiao ‘Shizi lianhua’ tu’an zai renshi 景教 “ 十字蓮花 ” 圖案再認識 [A Recognition of Cross‑Lotus Pattern in Nestorianism] Shijie zongjiao wenhua 世界宗教文化 [ The World Religious Cultures ] 6: 51–57 Nakata, Mie 中田美絵 . 2011. Hasseiki kōhan ni okeru chūō Yūrashia no dōkō to Chōan Bukkyōkai: Tokusōki Daijō rishu ropparamittakyō honyaku sankasha no bunseki yori 八世紀後半における中央ユーラシアの動向と長安仏教界 —— 徳宗期『大乗理趣六波羅 蜜多経』翻訳参加者の分析より [Trends in Central Eurasia in the Late Eighth Century and the Buddhist Community of Chang’an —an Analysis of the Participants in the Translation of the Mahāyāna‑naya‑s ˙ at ˙ ‑pāramitā‑sūtra during the Reign of Emperor Dezong] Kansaidaigaku tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūjo kiyō 関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 44: 153–89 Nattier, Jan. 2008 A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations Texts from the Eastern Han 東漢 and Three Kingdoms 三國 Periods Tokyo: The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology Nicolini‑Zani, Matteo. 2006. Past and Current Research on Tang Jingjiao Documents. In Jingjiao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia , 1 st ed. Edited by Roman Malek. London: Routledge, pp. 23–44 Nicolini‑Zani, Matteo. 2009. The Tang Christian Pillar from Luoyang and Its Jingjiao Inscription a Preliminary Study Monumenta Serica 57: 99–140. [ CrossRef ] Nicolini‑Zani, Matteo. 2013. Luminous Ministers of the Da Qin Monastery. A study of the Christian clergy mentioned in the ‘Jingjiao’ pillar from Luoyang. In From the Oxus River to the Chinese Shores: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia Edited by Li Tang and Dietmar W. Winkler. Zürich and Berlin: LIT Verlag, pp. 141–60 Nicolini‑Zani, Matteo. 2022 The Luminous Way to the East: Texts and History of the First Encounter of Christianity with China . New York: Oxford University Press Nicolini‑Zani, Matteo. 2023 The Interpretation of Tang Christianity in the Late Ming China Mission . Leiden: Brill Niu, Ruji 牛汝極 . 2008 Shizi lianhua: Zhongguo yuandai xuliya wen jingjiao beiming wenxian yanjiu 十字蓮花 : 中國元代敘利亞文景教碑 銘文獻研究 . [ The Syriac Writing System of Turkic‑Uighur in Nestorian Inscriptions and Documents Found in China during 13 th–14 th Centuries ]. Shanghai 上海 : Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社 Niu, Ruji 牛汝極 . 2017. Xin faxian de shizi lianhua jingjiao tongjing tuxiang kao 新發現的十字蓮花景教銅鏡圖像考 [The Study on the Newly Discovered Nestorian Cross‑Lotus Bronze Mirror] Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 2: 57–63 Orzech, Charles D. 1998 Politics and Transcendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings in the Creation of Chinese Buddhism . University Park: Penn State University Press Ouyang, Xiao 歐陽霄 . 2016. Reflective Judgment vs. Investigation of Things: A Comparative Study of Kant and Zhu Xi. PhD. thesis, University College Cork, National University of Ireland, Cork, Ireland Palmer, Martin. 2001 The Jesus Sutras Rediscovering the Lost Scrolls of Taoist Christianity . New York: Ballantine Wellspring Parry, Ken. 1996. Images in the church of the East: The evidence from Central Asia and China Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 78: 143–62. [ CrossRef ] Parry, Ken. 2003. Angels and Apsaras: Christian Tombstones from Quanzhou The Journal of the Asian Arts Society of Australia XII 2: 5–7 Parry, Ken. 2006. The Art of the Church of the East in China. In Jingjiao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia , 1 st ed. Edited by R. Malek. London: Routledge, pp. 321–39 Parry, Ken. 2010. The Iconography of the Christian Tombstones from Zayton. Li, Jingrong Trans Maritime History Studies 2: 113–25 Parry, Ken. 2016. Early Christianity in Central Asia and China. In Christianity in Asia: Sacred Art and Visual Splendour, Asian Civilizations Museum . Edited by Alan Chong. Singapore: Dominie Press, pp. 24–31 Pelliot, Paul. 1909 La mission Pelliot en Asie centrale (Annale de la Société de géographie commerciale Monument, 65. [section indochinoise], fasc. 4 . Hanoi: Imprimerie d’Extr ê me‑Orient, pp. 37–38 Pelliot, Paul. 1931. Une phrase obscure de l’inscription de Si‑ngan‑fou T’oung Pao XXVIII: 369–78.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 32 of 35 Pelliot, Paul. 1996 L’inscription nestorienne de Si‑ngan‑fou . Oeuvres posthumes de Paul Pelliot. Edited by Supplements by Antonino Forte (Rome: Italian School of East Asian Studies Epigraphical Series 2). Kyoto: Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale. Paris: Coll è ge de France, Institut des Hautes É tudes Chinoises Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1991 Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, Early Mandarin Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1999. The Roman Empire as Known to Han China Journal of the American Oriental Society 119: 71–79. [ CrossRef ] Reischauer, Edwin O. 1955 Ennin’s Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law . New York: Roland Press Ren, Guan 任冠 , and Du Meng 杜夢 . 2024. Tangchaodun Jingjiao siyuan shengtai he shengtang de kaoguxue yanjiu 唐朝墩景教寺院聖 台和聖堂的考古學研究 [Archaeological Investigation of Bema and Sanctuaries in the Church of the East Temple at Tangchaodun] Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 3: 45–55 Riboud, Pénélope. 2001. Tang. In Handbook of Christianity in China, Volume One: 635–1800 . Edited by Nicolas Standaert. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, pp. 1–43 Rong, Xinjiang 荣新江 . 2013 Eighteen Lectures on Dunhuang . Translated by Imre Galambos. Leiden: Brill Rong, Xinjiang 榮新江 . 2014. Dunhuang jingjiao wenshu de zhen yu wei 敦煌景教文書的真與偽 [The Authenticity of Dunhuang Jingjiao Manuscripts]. In San yi jiao yanjiu: Lin Wushu xiansheng guxi jinian lunwen ji 三夷教研究 —— 林悟殊先生古稀紀念論文 集 [ Research on Sanyi Religion: Collected Essays in Commemoration of Mr. Lin Wushu ]. Edited by Xiaogui Zhang 張小貴 . Lanzhou 蘭州 : Lanzhou daxue chubanshe 蘭州大學出版社 , pp. 280–89 Saeki, Peter Yoshirō 佐伯好郎 . 1911 Keikyō hibun kenkyū 景教碑文研究 [ Research on the Stele Inscription of the Luminous Teaching ]. Tōkyō 東京 : Jirō shoin 待漏書院 Saeki, Peter Yoshirō 佐伯好郎 . 1916 The Nestorian Monument in China . London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Reprinted in 1928 Saeki, Peter Yoshirō 佐伯好郎 . 1935 Keikyō no kenkyū 景教の研究 [ Research on the Luminous Teaching/Nestorianism ]. Tōkyō 東京 : Tōhō Bunka Gakuin Tōkyō kenkyūsho 東方文化學院東京硏究所 Saeki, Peter Yoshirō 佐伯好郎 . 1936. Old Problems Concerning the Nestorian Monument in China Re‑examined in the Light of Newly Discovered Facts Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 67: 81–99 Saeki, Peter Yoshirō 佐伯好郎 . 1951 The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China . Tōkyō: The Maruzen Company Ltd. First published 1937 Sánchez, Victor Manuel Aguilar. 2019 Corpus Nestorianum Sinicum: ‘Thus I Have Heard on the Listening of Mishihe (the Messiah)’ 序聽 迷詩所經 and ‘Discourse on the One God’ 一神論 . A Theological Approach with a Proposed Reading Structure and Translation . Rome: Pontifical Gregorian University Schmitt, Jean‑Claude. 1990 La Raison Des Gestes Dans L’occident Médiéval . Paris: Gallimard Sharf, Robert H. 2002 Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise . Honolulu: U. of Hawai’i Press Sidebotham, Steven E., Rodney Ast, Olaf E. Kaper, Marianne Bergmann, Shailendra Bhandare, Arnoud Maurer, Rita Hartmann, Szy‑ mon Popławski, Jerzy M. Oleksiak, Nicholas Bartos, and et al. 2023. Results of the Winter 2022 Excavation Season at Berenike (Red Sea Coast), Egypt (Taf. XIII–XXIX) Thetis 27: 13–28 Sittl, Carl. 1890 Die Gebärden den Griechen und Römer . Leipzig: Druck und Verlag von B.G. Teubner Stein, Marc Aurel. 1921 Serindia: Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China Carried Out and Described under the Orders of HM. Indian Government . 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press Sun, Shaofei 孫少飛 . 2019. Cong banre sanzang de yijing huodong kan tang dezong shiqi de fojiao yu zhengce 從般若三藏的譯經活 動看唐德宗時期的佛教與政治 [Buddhism and Politics in Time of Tang Dezong Viewed from the Activities of Prajna’s Classic Translation] Xibei minzu daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) 西北民族大學學報 ( 哲學社會科學版 ) [ Journal of Northwest Minzu University (Philosophy and Social Sciences) ] 2: 62–69 Takahashi, Hidemi 高橋英海 . 2008. Transcribed Proper names in Chinese Syriac Christian Documents. In Malphono w‑Rabo d‑Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock . Edited by George A. Kiraz. Piscataway: Gorgias Press Takahashi, Hidemi 高橋英海 . 2019. Syriac Christianity in China. In The Syriac World. The Routledge Worlds . Edited by Daniel King London and New York: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group King, pp. 625–53 Takakusu, Junjirō. 1896. The Name of “Messiah” Found in a Buddhist Book; The Nestorian Missionary Adam, Presbyter, Papas of China, Translating a Buddhist Sûtra T’oung Pao 7: 589–91. [ CrossRef ] Tam, David. 2019. The Names of God in the Tang Jingjiao Document Yishen Lun ( A Discourse on God ). In Yearbook of Chinese Theology 2018 . Edited by Paulos Z. Huang. Leiden: Brill, pp. 3–21 Tang, Li 唐莉 . 2002 A Study of the History of Nestorian Christianity in China and Its Literature in Chinese . Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford and Wien: Peter Lang Tang, Li 唐莉 . 2009. A Preliminary Study on the Jingjiao Inscription of Luoyang: Text Analysis, Commentary and English Translation In Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia . Edited by Dietmar W Winkler and Li Tang. Wien: Lit Verlag, pp. 109–32.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 33 of 35 Tang, Li 唐莉 . 2020. Christian Or Buddhist? An Exposition of A Silk Painting from Dunhuang, China, Now Kept in the British Museum. In Artifact, Text, Context: Studies in Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia . Edited by Li Tang and Dietmar W Winkler. Vienna: Lit Verlag, pp. 243–53 Tang, Xiaofeng 唐 曉 峰 . 2021. “ 以 佛 道 釋 耶 ” —— 唐 代 景 教 “ 中 國 化 ” 的 初 步 嘗 試 [‘Interpreting Christianity with Buddhism and Daoism’: A Preliminary Attempt to ‘Sinicize’ Nestorianism in the Tang Dynasty] Shijie zongjiao wenhua 世界宗教文化 [ The World Religious Cultures ] 3: 16–22 Tang, Yongtong 湯用彤 . 1968. On ‘Ko‑yi,’ the Earliest Method by Which Indian Buddhism and Chinese Thought Were Synthesized In Radhakrishnan: Comparative Studies in Philosophy Presented in Honour of His Sixtieth Birthday . Edited by William Ralph Inge London: Allen & Unwin. New York: Humanities Press Tang, Yongtong 湯用彤 . 2010 Han Wei Liangjin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi 漢魏兩晉南北朝佛教史 [ History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jins and Northern and Southern dynasties ]. 2 vols. Shanghai 上海 : Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館 . First published 1938 Thompson, Glen L. 2009. Was Alopen a Missionary? In Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in Central Asia and China . Edited by Dietmar W. Winkler and Li Tang. Berlin: Lit Verlag, pp. 267–78 Thundy, Zacharias P. 1989. Intertextuality, Buddhism and the Infancy Gospels. In Religious Writings and Religious Systems: Systemic Analysis of Holy Books in Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Greco‑Roman Religions, Ancient Israel, and Judaism . Edited by Jacob Neusner, Ernest S. Frerichs and Amy‑Jill Levine. Brown Studies in Religion. Atlanta: Scholars, pp. 17–73 Thundy, Zacharias P. 1993 Buddha and Christ: Nativity Stories and Indian Traditions . SHR 60. Leiden: Brill Tsukamoto, Zenryū. 1985 A History of Early Chinese Buddhism from Its Introduction to the Death of Hui‑yüan . Translated by Leon Hurvitz Tokyo: Kodansha International, vol. 1 Tsukinowa, Kenryū 月輪賢隆 . 1956. Hannya sanzō no honkyō ni taisuru higi 般若三藏の翻經に對する批議 [A Critique of Tripit ˙ aka Prajñā’s Translations of Scriptures] Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 [ Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies ] 4: 434–43. [ CrossRef ] U, Maréva. 2024. Experiencing the Portico Spaces of Middle and Late Byzantine Monastic Churches. In Religious Buildings Made in Byzantium Old Monuments, New Interpretations . Edited by Ivana Jevtić, Nikos D. Kontogiannis and Nebojša Stanković. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 103–25 Ui, Hakuju 宇井伯壽 . 1986 Bukkyō jiten 佛教辭典 [ Buddhist Dictionary ]. Tōkyō 東京 : Daitō shuppansha 大東出版社 Waley, Arthur. 1925. Christ or Bodhisattva? Artibus Asiae 1: 4–5. [ CrossRef ] Waley, Arthur. 1931 Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from Tun‑Huang by Sir Aurel Stein, K.C.I.E . London: The Trustees of the British Museum and of the Government of India Wang, Ding 王丁 . 2006. Remnants of Christianity from Chinese Central Asia in Medieval Ages. In Jingjiao The Church of the East in China and Central Asia . Edited by Roman Malek. Sankt Augustin: Insitut Monumenta Serica, pp. 149–62 Wang, Jing 王敬 . 2024. Wenhua jiaoliu ronghe shiyu xia de Jingjiao tuxiang yanbian 文化交流融合視域下的景教圖像演變 [The Evolution of Nestorian Images in the Context of Cultural Exchange and Integration] Zhongguo zongjiao 中國宗教 [ China Religion ] 8: 84–85 Ward, William E. 1952. The Lotus Symbol: Its meaning in Buddhist Art and Philosophy Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 11: 135–46. [ CrossRef ] Weinstein, Stanley. 1987 Buddhism under the T’ang . Cambridge Studies in Chinese History, Literature, and Institutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Weng, Shaojun 翁 紹 軍 . 1996. Lun hanyu jingjiao jingwen de chuangshu leixing 論 漢 語 景 教 經 文 的 傳 述 類 型 [On the Forms of Translation of the Nestorian Scriptures in Chinese] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [ Studies in World Religions ] 4: 110–18 Whitfield, Roderick. 1982 Art of Central Asia: The Stein collection in the British Museum . Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., vol. 1 Whitfield, Roderick, and Anne Farrer. 1990 Caves of the Thousand Buddhas: Chinese Art from the Silk Route . London: British Museum Publications Whitfield, Susan. 2004 The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Faith . London: The British Library Wickeri, Philip L. 2004. The Stone is a Mirror: Interpreting the Xi’an Christian Monument and Its Implications for Theology and the Study of Christianity in Asia Quest 3: 37–64 Wiesehöfer, Josef. 2010. The Late Sasanian Near East. In The New Cambridge History of Islam . Edited by Chase F. Robinson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, vol. 1, pp. 98–152 Wu, Changxing (Wu, Chang Shing) 吳昶興 . 2015 a. Daqin Jingjiaao yanjiu shuping——Lishi, yuyan, wenben zonglun (shang) 大秦 景教研究述評 —— 歷史、語言、文本綜論 ( 上 ) [Review on the Studies of Daqin Jingjiao : A Comprehensive Discussion on its History, Linguistics and Text (I)] Jidujiao wenhua xuekan 基督教文化學刊 [ Journal for the Study of Christian Culture ] 1: 228–57.

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 34 of 35 Wu, Changxing (Wu, Chang Shing) 吳昶興 . 2015 b. Daqin Jingjiaao yanjiu shuping——Lishi, yuyan, wenben zonglun (shang) 大秦 景教研究述評 —— 歷史、語言、文本綜論 ( 下 ) [Review on the Studies of Daqin Jingjiao : A Comprehensive Discussion on its History, Linguistics and Text (II)] Jidujiao wenhua xuekan 基督教文化學刊 [ Journal for the Study of Christian Culture ] 2: 187–218 Yan, Xiaojiang. 2009. The Confluence of East and West in Nestorian Arts in China. In Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters: Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia . Edited by Dietmar W. Winkler and Li Tang. Zürich and Berlin: LIT Verlag, pp. 383–92 Yang, Xiaochun 楊曉春 . 2004 Ershi nian lai zhongguo dalu jingjiao yanjiu zongshu 二十年來中國大陸景教研究綜述 (1982–2002) [A Review of the Research on Jingjiao in Mainland China in the Past twenty years] Zhongguoshi yanjiu dongtai 中國史研究動態 [ Trends of Recent Researches on the History of China ] 6: 11–20 Yao, Chongxin 姚崇新 . 2017. Shizi lianhua: Tangyuan jingjiao yishu zhong de Fojiao yinsu 十字蓮花 : 唐元景教藝術中的佛教因 素 [Cross Lotus: Buddhist Factors in Jingjing Arts of the Tang and Yuan Dynasties] Dunhuang tulufan yanjiu 敦煌吐魯番研究 [ Journal of the Dunhuang and Turfan Studies ] 17: 215–62 Yin, Xiaoping 殷小平 . 2024 近二十年來中國景教研究述評 [A Prospective of the Research on Chinese Jingjiao in the Past Twenty Years/ Overview of the Nestorian Research in China over the last Two Decades] Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 1: 155–73 Yin, Xiaoping 殷 小 平 , and Zhan Zhang 張 展 . 2016. Luoyang jingjiao jingchuang tuxiang zaikao cha 洛 陽 景 教 經 幢 圖 像 再 考 察 [Re‑examination of Images on Jingjiao Dhvaja in Luoyang] Jinan shixue 暨南史學 [ Historical Journal of Chi Nan ] 1: 1–25 Yoshimura, Rei 吉村憐 . 2009 Tianren dansheng tuyan jiu: Dongya Fojiao meishushi lunwen ji 天人誕生圖研究 : 東亞佛教美術史論文集 [ Study on the Images of the Birth of Celestial Being: Collected Papers on East Asian Buddhist Art History ]. Translated by Liqiang Bian 卞立強 . Shanghai 上海 : Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社 Zhan, Ru 湛如 . 2023–2024. Ximing Monastery and the Cultural Inheritance of the Tang Dynasty: Undertakings in Art, Literature, the Compilation of Texts, and Cultural Education. In Whose Stories: Interdisciplinary and Multi‑sourced Approaches to Buddhist Narratives . Edited by Ru Zhan 湛如 and Jinhua Chen 陳金華 . Translated by Michael Cavayero. Singapore: World Scholastic Publishers, pp. 392–442 Zhang, Jimeng 張濟猛 . 1969. Riben xuezhe yu jingjiao jingdian 日本學者與景教經典 [Japanese Scholars and the Nestorian Scriptures] Dongxi wenhua 東西文化 [ Orient et. Occident ] 27: 50–55 Zhang, Naizhu 張乃翥 . 2007. Ba Henan Luoyang xin chutu de yijian Tangdai jingjiao shike 跋河南洛陽新出土的一件唐代景教石刻 [Postscript to the Nestorian Stone Inscription of the Tang Dynasty Newly Found in Luoyang] Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 1: 65–73, with additional explanations (buzheng shuoming 補正説明 ) in Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 2: 132 Zhang, Yingying 張迎迎 . 2018. Lishi shenchu de huiwang: Dongfang yu Xifang de xiangyu——Zhongguo shoujie jingjiao yanjiu guoji huiyi zongshu 歷史深處的回望 : 東方與西方的相遇 —— 中國首屆景教研究國際會議綜述 [Reviewing the Depths of History: Eastern and Western Encounters——Summary of the Inaugural International Conference on Jingjiao Research in China] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [ Studies in World Religions ] 1: 191–92 Zhou, Yixing. 2020. Studies on Nestorian Iconology in China and Part of Central Asia during the 13 th and 14 th Centuries. PhD dissertation, Universit à Ca’ Foscari Venezia, Venice, Italy. Available online: https://hdlhandle.net/10579/18449 (accessed on 16 February 2025) Zhu, Donghua 朱東華 . 2013. Cong yuan fo ru jing jiaodu kan tangdai jingjiao ‘yingshen’ zhi ‘ying’ de jingshi neihan 從援佛入景角度 看唐代景教 “ 應身 ” 之 “ 應 ” 的經世內涵 [On the Economic Meaning of Ying (Nirmana) from the Perspective of Buddhist‑Christian Translatability] Dao Feng: Jidujiao wenhua pinglun 道風 : 基督教文化評論 [ Logos & Pneuma: Chinese Journal of Theology ] 39: 219–38 Zhu, Donghua 朱東華 . 2015. Person and Shen 身 : An Ontological Encounter of “Nestorian” Christianity with Confucianism in Tang China. In Yearbook of Chinese Theology . Edited by Paulos Z. Huang. Leiden: Brill, pp. 202–17 Zhu, Donghua 朱東華 . 2016. Ying/ 應 /Nirmāna: A Case Study of the Translatability of Buddhism into Jingjiao. In Winds of Jingjiao: Studies on Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia . Edited by Li Tang 唐莉 and Dietmar W. Winkler. Orientalia, Patristica, Oecumenica. Wien: Lit Verlag, vol. 9, pp. 419–33 Zhu, Donghua 朱東華 . 2025. Tangdai shenxue jia Jingjing de liang ge keneng de linggan yuanquan: Yijing yu fojiao 唐代神學家景淨 的兩個可能的靈感源泉 : 《易經》與佛教 [Two possible sources of inspiration for theologian Jingjing of the Tang Dynasty: The “I Ching” and Buddhism] Xiyu yanjiu 西域研究 [ The Western Regions Studies ] 1: 98–106 Zhu, Qianzhi 朱謙之 . 1997–1998 Zhongguo Jingjiao 中國景教 [ Chinese Nestorianism ]. Beijing 北京 : Renmin Chubanshe 人民出版社 First published 1993 Zhu, Qianzhi 朱謙之 . 2014 Zhongguo jingjiao 中國景教 [ Chinese Nestorianism ]. Beijing 北京 : Shangwu yinshu guan 商務印書館 Zürcher, Erik. 1980. Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism: A Survey of Scriptural Evidence T’oung Pao 66: 84–147. [ CrossRef ]

Religions 2025 , 16 , 565 35 of 35 Zürcher, Erik. 1991. A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts. In From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion . Edited by Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen. Oakville: Mosaic Press, pp. 277–304 Zürcher, Erik. 2007 The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China , 3 rd ed. Leiden: Brill First published 1959 Disclaimer/ Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.