The Daoist Art of the Bedchamber of Male Homosexuality in Ming and Qing...

[Full title: The Daoist Art of the Bedchamber of Male Homosexuality in Ming and Qing Literature]

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Citation: Zhang, Wanrong. 2024. The Daoist Art of the Bedchamber of Male Homosexuality in Ming and Qing Literature Religions 15: 841 https://doi.org/10.3390/rel 15070841 Academic Editors: Jing Li, Bony Schachter and Jacopo Scarin Received: 15 April 2024 Revised: 8 July 2024 Accepted: 9 July 2024 Published: 12 July 2024 Copyright: © 2024 by the author Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommonsorg/licenses/by/ 4.0/) religions Article The Daoist Art of the Bedchamber of Male Homosexuality in Ming and Qing Literature Wanrong Zhang School of Philosophy, Fudan University, Shanghai 200433, China; wanrong_zhang@fudanedu.cn Abstract: The Daoist art of the bedchamber ( fangzhong shu 房 中 術 ) constitutes a form of cultivation practice with the objective of promoting health and longevity through sexual techniques, generally applied within heterosexual contexts. However, with the evolution of male homosexuality culture during the Ming and Qing dynasties, depictions of the art of the bedchamber related to male homosexuality emerged in the literature of that era. This art was imaginatively traced back to Laozi and his disciple Yin Xi 尹 喜 . The sources explained the beneficial outcomes of these techniques by referring to classical Chinese cosmology: underage males were considered to have yin energy in their bodies, a condition similar to that in females, aligning with the fundamental principles of the heterosexual art of the bedchamber. Serving as a religious interpretation of emerging cultural trends rather than representing a new cultivation technique, this fictive art legitimizes homosexual practices among males, particularly those adhering to Daoism Keywords: the art of the bedchamber; male homosexuality; Daoism; Ming and Qing literature 1. Introduction The connection between sexuality and physical health has long been significant in Chinese cultural discourse, which is particularly evident in the evolution of the art of the bedchamber ( fangzhong shu 房 中 術 )—a form of cultivation practice aiming to attain sexual pleasure, progeny, and longevity, and even to become immortal. It can be traced back to the Han Dynasty (202 BC–220) and has persisted to the present day, and the fundamental principle lies in the harmonious integration of yang 陽 and yin 陰 energies Even though the art of the bedchamber has long been considered a cultivation practice in Daoism, Daoist priests generally hold an ambiguous attitude toward it ( Robinet 1988 ; Gai 1996 ; Lin 2001 ). Despite being viewed as a method for achieving immortality by Daoist priests like Ge Hong 葛 洪 (283–363), it has remained in a relatively marginal position in the Daoist cultural system. Although the Quanzhen 全 真 prohibited the sexual activity of Daoist priests living in monasteries, the terminology of neidan 內 丹 (inner alchemy), the current’s most representative technique, was widely used in texts about the art of the bedchamber. Laypeople, such as fictionists, often fantasized about the mysterious lives of Daoist priests and fox spirits or ghosts, imagining them achieving immortality through sexual cultivation. Fictionists often assumed that these methods for cultivating were initiated by Daoist masters like Lü Dongbin 呂 洞 賓 (ca. 8 th century), Zhang Sanfeng 張 三丰 (ca. 13 th century), or unnamed immortals. We can find more detailed descriptions of the art of the bedchamber in various novels of the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) dynasties ( Wan 2001 , pp. 83–95; S Liu 2003 ; Gou 2010 , pp. 369–419), 1 especially the rise of erotic novels led to an imaginative portrayal of sex, and male literati dreamed of possessing extraordinary sexual powers, trying to achieve such fantasy in their novels by employing theories and methods of the art of the bedchamber In addition to the art of the bedchamber, another prominent cultural phenomenon related to sexuality during the Ming and Qing dynasties was the prevalence of male homosexuality. Despite moral criticism and a law dated to 1740 banning the practice, male Religions 2024 , 15 , 841. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel 15070841 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 2 of 16 homosexuality continued to prevail throughout the Qing period. The cultural phenomenon of male homosexuality in the Ming and Qing dynasties has garnered scholarly attention over the past three decades. Scholars like Wu Cuncun 吳 存存 and Giovanni Vitiello have studied it from a literary perspective (C Wu 2004 ; Shi 2008 ; Vitiello 2011 ), while Mathew Sommer and others approached it from a legal perspective ( Sommer 2000 ). By contrast, the religious perspective has received scant attention in academic discourse 2 Elements such as the conspicuous presence of the Daoist art of the bedchamber and the prevalence of male homosexuality during that period beg the question: Were these two phenomena intertwined? If so, in Ming and Qing literature, who were considered as the creators of Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality, and how does the art of the bedchamber express the idea that homosexual intercourse can benefit the body? In Sexual Life in Ancient China , Robert van Gulik (1910–1967) conducted a thorough and fruitful analysis of the art of the bedchamber. He suggested that literary sources generally adopt a neutral attitude as long as adults engage in it. It is taken that intimate contact between two yang elements cannot result in a total loss of vital force for either of them ( van Gulik [1961] 2003 , p. 48). However, it is noteworthy that Robert van Gulik did not provide textual evidence to support his assertions Challenging van Gulik’s assumptions, the article explores how Daoist concepts of self-cultivation intersected with homosexuality in late imperial China by examining a large body of literature containing homosexual content, including works such as Chanzhen yishi 禪 真 逸 史 , Yinshuwu shuying 因 樹 屋 書 影 , Feng shuangfei 鳳 雙 飛 , and Yichun xiangzhi 宜 春 香 質 , which have descriptions of the art of bedchamber between male practitioners. I argue that in literary sources, sexual intercourse between two adults causes physical harm, whereas intercourse between an adult man and an underage boy is considered beneficial Richard Wang emphasized the religious elements in erotic novels (R Wang 2011 ), and Mark Meulenbeld discussed the possibility of novels describing Daoist rituals and described these novels as ritual paratexts ( Meulenbeld 2015 ). However, the fictional nature of the novels cannot be entirely disregarded. Therefore, I examined the pertinent discourses in religious and medical texts The reason why the constructed term of the Daoist art of the bedchamber is used herein is that most of the sources of the art of the bedchamber between males that we have seen so far involved immortals and Daoist priests. Although the term “homosexuality” was not used in ancient China, this article uses it to refer to same-sex sexual relationships following the convention established by scholars since the twentieth century when studying premodern Chinese sexual culture. It does not imply that the practitioners are homosexuals ( Hinsch 1992 , p. 7). Since the art of the bedchamber is mainly concerned with the interaction of energies within the bodies of both parties during sexual intercourse, this paper refers to the individuals in the relationship as the penetrator and the penetrated By combining fragments from the novel with traditional medical texts, we can construct a basic framework of the Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. This article first describes the sacred origin of this technique, which was believed to have been created by the founder of Daoism and passed down from generation to generation. It then examines why it is physically beneficial for the penetrator to have homosexual intercourse with men under the age of twenty and the harm caused by having sex with men over twenty. Finally, it explains how the penetrated male, in turn, benefited from this technique. This article not only contributes to the study of the history of homosexuality and the art of the bedchamber but also sheds light on how Daoism has been employed to interpret emerging cultural trends connected to male homosexuality 2. Legend of Origin A sacred origin was constructed to justify intercourse between men in Chanzhen yishi The Chanzhen yishi 禪 真 逸 史 ( Forgotten Tales of Dhyana Masters and Perfected Beings ) traces the fictive Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality back to Laozi and his disciple Yin Xi 尹 喜 Chanzhen yishi was written by Fang Ruhao 方 汝 浩 (fl. early 17 th

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 3 of 16 century, also known as Qingxi Daoren 清溪 道 人 ) and published during the Tianqi 天 啟 era (1621–1627). During the Ming dynasty, there were two editions: one from the Tianqi era and one from the Chongzhen 崇 禎 era (1628–1644). These editions are collected in the National Library of China, Jigend o (Ciyan tang 慈 眼 堂 ) in Japan, and other locations. In the Qing dynasty, six editions were reprinted (K Sun 1982 , p. 208; M Li 2006 , pp. 74–77; Xu 2022 , pp. 8–15). Considering that the various editions have no significant differences in the main text and only minor variations in prefaces, variant characters ( yitizi 異 體 字 ), and illustrations, I chose to use the remake print version of Shuangge cangban 爽 閣 藏 板 in Hangzhou 杭 州 in the late seventeenth century published by Shanghai guji chubanshe 上 海 古 籍 出 版 社 (Shanghai classics publishing house), which is easily accessible ( Fang 1990 , p. 7, the preface of Jiang and Li). Very little information about the author’s identity is available, apart from the pseudonym “Gushui Fang Ruhe Qingxi Daoren 瀔 水 方 汝 浩 清溪 道 人 ” in the edition of Ciyan Tang (K Sun 1982 , p. 208; Jia 2013 ). This novel narrates the tale of two generations of masters and disciples led by Lin Danran 林 澹 然 , who fought for justice and chivalry. Though set in the Northern and Southern Dynasties period (420–589), this novel mirrors the religious culture of the Ming Dynasty ( McMahon 1987 ; M Li 2006 , pp. 74–77; Fang 1990 , p. 4, the preface of Jiang and Li). Apart from Lin Tanran and the disciples, this novel shaped various roles of monks and Daoist priests, some of whom served the state and possessed extraordinary powers, while others indulged in ordinary desires In Chapter Thirteen, Fang Ruhao uses the character of Du Zixu 杜 子 虚 to describe the sexual lives of Daoists. Du Zixu was a regular Daoist in a temple called Yuhua Temple 玉 華 觀 . Du first introduced the two ways Daoists satisfy their sexual desires: the wealthy enjoyed visiting prostitutes, while the poor engaged in homosexual intercourse with other Daoists. He then uses his personal experience as a case to describe the latter. Du narrated two homosexual relationships. The first relationship was between Du Zixu and his master: “We poor Daoist priests take the posterior path. I’m not afraid of you teasing me. I was only twelve years old when I entered the Daoist temple. My late master loved me like a precious treasure, and we slept in the same bed. One day, my master was drunk, put his arms around me to kiss me, and penetrated my anus (the flowers in the courtyard behind is a metaphor). I had never expected this old man’s penis to be majestic, so I burst into tears immediately. The master hastened to explain. [. . .] I (your stupid uncle) just had to put up with it. It is known as the side gate of Daoism. The wealthy Daoists goes straight to the main gate and don’t enter through the side gate 俺 們 窮 的 道 土 , 另 開 一 條 後 路 不 怕 你 笑 話 , 我 當 初 進 觀 時 , 年 方 一 十 二 歲 先 師 愛 如 珍 寶 , 與 我 同 榻 而 睡 , 一 日 先 師 醉 了 , 將 我 摟 定 親 嘴 , 幹 起 後 庭 花 來 怎 當 這 老 殺 才 玉 莖 雄 偉 , 我 一 時 啼 哭 先 師 忙 解 道 . [. . .] 愚 叔只 得忍 受 這 喚 做 道 教旁 門 , 富 足 的 逕進 正 門 , 不 入 旁 門 了 ” ( Fang 1990 , p. 190) The second was the legend of Laozi and Yin Xi. The master recounted this legend to Du Zixu to persuade him to accept this form of sexual intercourse: “This is a long-standing Daoist custom that has been passed down from generation to generation. If you want to become a Daoist priest, you cannot escape from it even if you bury yourself in the ground. Taishang Laojun 太 上 老 君 (Supreme Lord of the Great Dao), is the ancestor of Daoism. He stayed in his mother’s womb for many years before being born. This elderly man was full of essence and pneuma, with golden skin and iron bones. Skilled at gathering the yin energy and replenishing the yang energy, he was victorious in a hundred battles. Later, when he passed through Hanguguan, he met the official Yin Xi, who possessed a stunning figure deserving of affection, and fell in love with him He taught Yin Xi Daoist practices, and eventually, they flew into the heaven in broad daylight. If a Daoist priest has sex with a woman, it’s called fuyin , and if he engages in lascivious sexual relations with a young man, it is called chaoyang .

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 4 of 16 This has been passed down from ancient ancestors to the present day and is the same for everyone 這 是 我 道 教 源 流 , 代代 相 傳 的 若 要 出 家 做 道 士 , 縱 使 鑽 入 地 裂 中 去 , 也 是 避 不 過 的 太 上 老 君 是 我 道 家 之 祖 , 在 母 腹 七 十 餘 年 , 方 得 降 生 這 老 頭 兒 金 皮 鐵 骨 , 精 氣 充 滿 , 善 於 採 陰 補 陽 , 百 戰 百 勝 後 過 函 谷 關 , 見 關 吏 尹 喜 , 丰 姿 可 愛 , 與 之 留 戀 , 傳 他 方 術 修 煉 , 竟 成 白 日 飛 昇 凡 道 家 和 婦 人交 媾 為 伏 陰 , 與 童 子 淫 狎 為 朝 陽 , 實 係 老 祖 流 傳 到 今 , 人人 如 此 ” ( Fang 1990 , p. 190) Fang Ruhao, through the words of the master of Du Zixu, provided a sacred origin as justification for homosexual practices among Daoists. Fang deliberately used terms like caiyin buyang and baizhan baisheng 採 陰 補 陽 , 百 戰 百 勝 typical of the Daoist art of the bedchamber, to emphasize that sexual intercourse of Daoist priests was of a cultivated nature Laozi was portrayed as the founder of the homosexual art of the bedchamber in stories to underline its lengthy history and authority. When describing something with a protracted history, it is customary in Chinese culture to attribute the origin to a well-known figure from the pre-Qin era. For example, Ji Yun 紀 昀 (1724–1805) mentioned in his Yuewei caotang biji 閱 微 草 堂 筆 記 ( The Thatched Study of Close Scrutiny ) that “loving underage males began with the Yellow Emperor 孌 童 始 黄 帝 ( Ji 1988 , vol. 12, p. 358)” 3 The Yellow Emperor is revered as the progenitor of Chinese culture, and Laozi is honored as the founder of Daoism, among the oldest and most respected figures in their respective traditions, and, in the literary works of the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Yellow Emperor was considered to be the creator of homosexuality, while Laozi was regarded as the originator of the Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality According to the Liexian zhuan 列 仙 傳 (Biographies of Immortals, 1 st century BC, DZ 294 4 ) by Liu Xiang 劉 向 (77–6 BC), Yin Xi was an official guarding the Hanguguan 函 谷 關 (in present-day Sanmenxia 三 門 峽 , Henan 河 南 Province), who excelled in physical training: “he excelled in the inner study of Daoism, often taking essence (from heaven and earth) and practicing in secret 善 內 學 , 常 服 精 華 , 隱 德 修 行 ” (DZ 294, vol. 1, 5 a 6–7) Yin Xi asked Laozi to teach him the Daode jing 道 德 經 ( Book of the Way and Virtue ) when Laozi passed through Hanguguan on his westward journey. Recognizing his exceptional nature, Laozi wrote it and imparted knowledge to him ( 老 子 亦 知 其 奇 , 為 著 書 授 之 , DZ 294, vol. 1, 5 a 8–9). As a follower of Laozi, Yin Xi was held in high esteem as the founder of the Louguan dao 樓 觀 道 (Way of the Watchout Tower), an early Daoist school active from the 4 th century to the 8 th century in northwest China. However, in Chanzhen yishi , this sacred master–disciple relationship, centered originally on the transmission of scriptures, was transformed into a sexual relationship. Laozi expressed his appreciation of Yin Xi’s capacity for Daoist practice in his biography, but Fang Ruhao turned the story into a different one where Laozi taught him the practice because he was attracted to Yin Xi’s physical appearance and desired to have a homosexual relationship with him. Fang adapted this story specifically to justify homosexual practices among poor Daoist priests, especially those between masters and disciples The master–disciple relationship is one of the most essential forms of Daoist transmission, which is a type of Fictive kinship comparable to the Confucian father–son relationship in which “one must treat (the master) with ritual propriety as one’s parents 如 父 母 禮 ”( Zhengyi weiyi jing 正 一 威 儀 經 , Scripture on the Liturgy of the Zhengyi Masters , DZ 791, 9 a). The master must be prudent not to treat disciples with excessive affection to maintain equity among disciples and avoid the master–disciple connection from becoming too close The Laojun shuo baibashi jie 老 君 說 百 八 十 戒 ( the Hundred and Eighty Precepts Spoken by Lord Lao ) mentions that “One should not mistreat their disciples or immorally favor them, thus destroying the true master-disciple relationship 不 得 輕 慢 弟 子 , 邪 寵 以亂 真 ”( Taishang laojun jinglü 太 上 老 君 經 律 , Canonical Rules of the Supreme Lord of the Great Dao , DZ 786, 5 a 4) The word xiechong 邪 寵 used here is most likely to denote the master’s immoral favoritism towards the disciple, akin to a homosexual relationship. The Dongxuan lingbao yulu jianwen sanyuan weiyi ziran zhenjing 洞 玄 靈 寶 玉 籙簡 文 三 元 威 儀 自 然 真 經 ( Tablets of the Jade Register,

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 5 of 16 for the Ceremonial of the Three Principles, ca. 5 th century, DZ 530) also states that the disciple must show respect and treat the master seriously in both words and deeds, and the disciple should not expose their body in front of the master (DZ 530, 5 b 2–5; 6 a 4–). Regarding the precepts of the Quanzhen school, Wang Changyue 王 常 月 (1522 ?–1680) discussed how the disciple and the master should behave in the temple in Chuzhenjie 初 真 戒 (Precepts for those Starting on the Path of Transcendence) by saying that “The disciple cannot sleep in the same room as the master or in the same bed in the same room. When the master is not sleeping, the disciple cannot sleep first. If the master is already asleep, the disciple cannot speak or undress to sleep 不 得 與 師 同 房 臥 或 同 房 不 得 同 榻 臥 師 未 臥 不 得 先 臥 已 臥 不 得 言語 不 得 脫 小 衣 臥 ” (C Wang 1992 and 1994 , vol. 12, p. 26, 52 a 10–b 1). This is not only to show respect to the master but also to avoid sexual intercourse. Precepts regarding sexuality are not only for the improvement of cultivation but also for the maintenance of the order and stability of the monastery. In a closed, hierarchical, and gender-segregated environment of the temple, homosexual behavior is very likely to occur. The master may abuse his authority and seduce his disciple. Therefore, the intimate relationship between Du Zixu and his master was not allowed according to the disciplinary traditions of Daoism. However, by adapting the story of Laozi and Yin Xi, homosexual practices between masters and disciples were endowed with a sacred origin and a cultivation function Special designations, fuyin 伏 陰 and Chaoyang 朝 陽 , were given by Fang Ruhao to the Daoist’s relationships with people of different sexes. Whether Fang coined these terms or if they were common expressions remains uncertain. Similar terms can only be found in the Zhuibaiqiu 綴 白 裘 ( White Fox Fur Coat, ca. 18 th century), a collection of operas compiled by Qian Decang 錢 得 蒼 (?–?). A young Daoist priest went to a house for a ritual and took advantage of the opportunity to have sex with a woman, and then he was found by a man and penetrated by him ( Qian 1930 , p. 31). Qian Decang used the term fuyin 伏 陰 to refer to the Daoist priest’s sexual intercourse with a woman and fuyang 伏 陽 for intercourse with a man. Apart from these, we see no specific term in classical literature to designate the art of the bedchamber between two men. Intercourse with women is called fuyin 伏 陰 (downwards to yin ) because women are considered yin , which corresponds to the earth and is oriented downwards, so one stoops to make contact with yin . Sexual intercourse with men is called chaoyang 朝 陽 (upwards to yang ) since men are considered yang, which corresponds to heaven, and people are therefore oriented upwards to make contact with yang . Since the penetrated male is always positioned at the bottom, it can also be termed as fuyang 伏 陽 (downwards to yang ). It is possible that fuyang and chaoyang refer to different roles or positions in homosexual intercourse Yin and yang , in these terms, are more likely to refer to women or men rather than the energies within the body. As we will discover in the next section, the principles of the Daoist art of the bedchamber are to absorb the yin energy rather than yang energy from young men’s bodies 3. Real yin in Underage Males This section will attempt to explain why sexual intercourse between males is thought to be physically beneficial to the penetrator and the conditions for the benefit; that is, the penetrated male should be in his teens, under the age of twenty (the age of adulthood in ancient China). Throughout the more than a millennium-long history of the art of the bedchamber, perspectives on positions, frequency, and other issues may vary among different sources. However, they broadly agree on a fundamental principle—that the yin essence acquired from a woman’s body benefits men. The source on homosexuality suggests that underage males were considered to have yin energy in their bodies, a condition similar to that in females, aligning with the fundamental principles of the heterosexual art of the bedchamber. This section will examine this point of view by combining discussions from the texts about traditional Chinese medicine with examples of the Daoist Ma Zhenyi and the literary work Feng Shuangfei Numerous cases of homosexuality involving Buddhist monks and Daoist priests can be found in the archives of the Ministry of Justice of the First Historical Archives of China

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 6 of 16 ( Dong 2013 ). These cases only account for instances where deaths occurred, and there may be more diverse cases documented in provincial and municipal archives and collections, such as the Xing’an huilan 刑 案 匯 覽 ( Conspectus of Judicial Cases , ca. 19 th century). However, in these records, Daoist priests do not explicitly interpret their homosexual intercourse as the art of the bedchamber but merely for sexual desire or money. Ma Zhenyi 馬 真 一 is the only historically verified Daoist priest considered for practicing the homosexual art of the bedchamber that we know so far. According to the research by Wang Guiping 汪 桂 平 (G Wang 2014 ), Ma Zhenyi, also known as Ma Xiangqian 馬 象 乾 , and alternatively, as Ma Yizhen 馬 一 真 , was active in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties (the first half of the 17 th century). He belonged to the sixth generation of the Quanzhen Longmen lineage, well-known in the northern regions for numerous legendary tales of spirituality. He was also called Ma Fengdian 馬 峰 巔 (the summit of a mountain), Ma Fengdian 馬 瘋癲 (the insane), Ma Fengzi 馬 風 子 (the madmen), Ma Dianxian 馬 顛 仙 (the mad immortal), or Ma Xiutou 馬 繡 頭 (the disheveled hair). These names suggest that Ma Zhenyi was viewed as insane or perhaps as unintelligible to the laypeople and that his actions may have deviated from societal norms or religious conventions Zhang Yi 張 怡 (1608–1672) recorded his observations about Ma Zhenyi in the Yuguang jianqi ji 玉 光 劍 氣 集 ( Collection of Jade Light and Sword Qi ), a collection of literati Biji 筆 記 (miscellanies, or sketchbooks) (Y Zhang 2006 , p. 916). Zhou Lianggong (1612–1672) adapted it and included it in the Yinshuwu shuying 因 樹 屋 書 影 (The Shadow of the Book in the House Next to the Tree, 1667), also a collection of literati Biji . At the conclusion of the piece, Zhou Lianggong commented on Ma Zhenyi, pointing out that Ma had practiced the art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality: “This Daoist priest commanded wind and thunder as easily as turning his hand, and predicted good and bad luck as clearly and intelligibly as if it were under his eyebrows. He held arrogance against dukes and other high officials as if he watched the theater, and he preserved himself like a transformed person from heat, coldness, hunger and satiety as if he were immortal. Howerer, he did not shun filth, traveled with lascivious old women, and was intimate with wantong , who, he said, contained the true yin to pick and replenish the body. This is so false and absurd. Is there really anyone in the world like the ten types of immortals indicated in the Surangama Sutra and the foxes passing through the heavens of the Tang dynasty? 道 人 嘯 命 風 雷 如 反 掌 , 預 議 休 咎 如 列 眉 , 傲 慢 公 卿 如 觀 變 場 , 絕 寒 暑 饑 飽 如 化 人 , 而 獨 不 避 穢 行 , 與 淫 嫗 遊 , 且 比 及 頑 童 , 曰 中 有 真 陰 , 可 采 補 也 此 大 悖 謬 也 , 豈 世 上 自 有 一 種 如 楞 嚴 所 稱 十 種 仙 或 唐 人 通 天 狐 屬 耶 ?” ( Zhou 2008 , pp. 11 a 6–b 4) In Zhou Lianggong’s narrative, Ma Zhenyi claims that the reason he had sex with young men was because they had true yin in their bodies, and he could absorb their yin to nourish his own body through sexual intercourse. The term wantong 顽 童 has a long history of being used to refer to young homosexual males, appearing in the Shangshu 尚 書 ( The Book of Documents ) and Guoyu 國 語 ( Discourses of the States ) (Z Zhang 2001 , p. 13). The phrase bi wantong 比 顽 童 was initially used to describe kings who were intimate with their male homosexual favorites ( nanchong 男 寵 ). Later, in literary works from the Ming Dynasty, bi wantong was used to describe a variety of groups, primarily literati and merchants, who usually had sexual relations with young males, especially those of lower social status. Ma Zhenyi’s sexual partners are relatively special; they were older women and young men, rather than young beauties. In addition to the term yinyu 淫 嫗 , Zhou Lianggong also used the expression yinyu baomao 淫 嫗 鴇 姏 ( Zhou 2008 , pp. 8 a 8–b 6) to describe the women with whom Ma Zhenyi practiced the art of the bedchamber Yu 嫗 can be used to refer to all women, but it primarily refers to older women, while bao 鴇 refers to the manager of a brothel, usually an older woman, and mao 姏 also refers to older women. It is uncommon since not many sex manuals discuss elderly women’s sexuality, whether in terms of their sexual needs or their state during intercourse. Ma Zhenyi’s characterization

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 7 of 16 is somewhat similar to that of Jigong 濟 公 (Crazy Ji), a Buddhist monk renowned for his non-observance of precepts and his unconventional behavior ( Shahar 1998 ). As a Daoist priest of the Quanzhen, Ma Zhenyi should have adhered to the Quanzhen’s ban on sex, yet he incorporated sexual intercourse into his cultivating practice 5 This state of madness was not merely a spectacle for the world; it also was integral to his way of life and cultivation Zhou Lianggong was against Ma Zhenyi’s practices. He cited the ten types of immortals in the Surangama Sutra and the fox spirits in the Tang dynasty (618–907). The Surangama sutra (Lengyan jing 楞 嚴 經 , full title: Dafoding rulai miyin xiuzheng liaoyi zhupusha wanxingshou lengyan jing 大 佛 頂 如 來 密 因 修 證 了 義 諸 菩 薩 萬 行 首 楞 嚴 經 , T945 1924–1932 ) is one of the major texts of Mahayana Buddhism. It is said that it was translated into Chinese by Bocimidi 般 剌 蜜 帝 , a monk of the Tang dynasty (618–907), but its veracity is debatable. It was revered by all schools of Chinese Buddhism as early as the Tang dynasty and much commented on in later centuries, particularly in the late Ming dynasty. The ninth of the ten types of immortals in the Surangama Sutra is the jingxing xian ( 精 行 仙 immortals of essence), who is defined as “anyone who practices coitus steadily, never rests, and feels full success 堅 固 交 遘 而 不 休 息 , 感應 圓 成 , 名 精 行 仙 ” ( T945 1924–1932 , p. 145) According to Fojiao dacidian 佛 教 大 辭 典 ( Dictionary of Buddhism ) of Ding Fubao 丁 福 保 (1874–1952), “in the world, there is the technique of gathering yin to replenish yang , which is known as jiaogou (coitus). If it endures, it will be successful. [The partners] feel each other, absorb the essence of the other, and use it to strengthen their own bodies, which is named jingxing xian 世 有 採 陰 補 陽 之 術 , 名 為 交 媾 , 久 而 功 成 , 則 此 感 彼 應 , 吸 彼 之 精 氣 , 以 固 吾 身 , 是 名 精 行 仙 ” ( Ding 1922 ). The Surangama Sutra listed the ten types of immortals, which originated from Daoism, to refute Daoist doctrines of bodily immortality (Z Li 1998 ). The fox spirit is also often considered to become immortal through the technique of sexual intercourse ( Hammond 1996 ; Kang 2005 ). Zhou Lianggong was not convinced that immortality could be achieved by employing this method. His critique was directed at the art of the bedchamber itself but not specifically at the art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality The idea that homosexual intercourse with underage males is beneficial to health and longevity also appears in the case of Zhang Fengyi 張 鳳 翼 (1527–1613), also known as Master Boqi 伯 起 先 生 , a playwright of the Ming dynasty. His story is told in Qingshi 情 史 ( History of Love ) by Feng Menglong 馮 夢 龍 (1574–1646), one of the most famous litterateurs of the Ming dynasty: “Master Boqi also indulged in homosexuality. If he heard of a handsome young male, he would do all he could to invite him home, caress him and take care of him, and did everything that we could expect. He was still in good health condition when he was over eighty. He was asked by someone, “How is it that you’ve had homosexual intercourse so often and haven’t lost your essence and spirit?”. He replied with a smile, “In the way that I do, the heart meridian is depleted the most and the kidney meridian the least, so they will not cause illness.” There was a young man named Ni who was particularly favored by Master Boqi. He personally taught Ni Sheng to sing and had him perform in several plays he wrote. When Ni reached the age of 20 and became an adult, Master Boqi assisted him in marrying a wife. However, after that, Ni’s beauty quickly faded 伯 起 先 生 亦 好外 , 聞 有 美 少 年 , 必 多 方 招 至 , 撫摩 周 恤 , 無 所 不 至 年 八 十 餘 猶 健 或 問 : “ 先 生 多外 事 , 何 得 不 少 損 精 神 ?” 先 生 笑 曰 : 吾 於 此 道 , 心 經 費 得 多 , 腎 經 費 得 少 , 故 不 致 病 有 倪 生 者 , 尤 先 生 所 歡 , 親 教 之 歌 , 使 演 所 自 編 諸 劇 及 冠 , 為 之 娶 妻 , 而 倪 容 驟 減 ” ( Feng 2011 , p. 660) According to Zhang Fengyi, the reason why he stayed healthy was that the jing 經 of the kidney was not exhausted during homosexual intercourse. Here, jing may refer to meridians ( jingluo 經絡 ), which are pathways facilitating the life–energy flow (pneuma and blood). The degree of aging in an individual is more directly correlated with the kidney.

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 8 of 16 The age of twenty was considered adulthood, known as jiguan 及 冠 (reaching the age of wearing a cap and gown). Zhang Fengyi’s companions were all underage males, and when they reached adulthood, he would assist them in getting married. In contrast, Feng Menglong mentioned that Ni Sheng, Boqi’s favorite young male, was aging rapidly because of his marriage after he became an adult. Although Zhang Fengyi was not a Daoist priest, and he did not mention yin and yang , his story expressed the benefits of men having sex with underage men, and in contrast to Ma Zhenyi, he was more explicit about twenty as a dividing line of age The idea of 20 years as the dividing line for the age of the penetrated males also appears in the Feng shuangfei The Feng shuangfei 鳳 雙 飛 ( Two Phoenixes Flying Together ), a homosexual novel from the Qing dynasty, explains why a man can engage in sexual intercourse with underage males but not with adult males from the perspective of yin and yang, which can be seen as a supplementary and developmental perspective to that of Ma Zhenyi Feng shuangfei was written by Cheng Huiying 程 蕙 英 , almost unknown in history The only information about her is that she was a private school teacher for girls ( nüshushi 女 塾 師 ) who lived in Changzhou 常 州 at the end of the Qing dynasty (ca. 19 th century) ( Hu 1985 , p. 647). This book belongs to the genre of Tanci 彈 詞 , which is a form of oral ballad in the Wu 吳 dialect of Suzhou 蘇 州 in Jiangsu 江 蘇 Province, similar to novels, mainly popular among women in the Qing dynasty. It is the only known complete novel about male homosexuality written by a woman in ancient China, with 52 chapters and 1.8 million words ( Bao 2001 ; Sui 2017 ). The word feng 鳳 means male phoenix, and huang 凰 means female. The title Feng shuangfei means two phoenixes flying together, which has a powerful male homosexual implication. The book, set in the middle of the Ming dynasty (15 th–16 th century), describes the legendary love between Guo Lingyun 郭 凌 雲 and Zhang Yishao 張 逸 少 , interspersed with various homosexual stories of other people, including one story about Prince Wei Xiong 衛 熊 , a member of Yunnan 雲 南 ethnic minority In chapter thirteen, Zhang Qihu 張 起 鵠 , a homosexual general, introduced the homosexual custom of the Han 漢 nationality homosexual custom to Wei Xiong. After hearing the pleasures and positions of homosexual intercourse described by Zhang Qihu, Wei Xiong became sexually aroused and attempted to penetrate him, but Zhang refused: “Regarding the pleasure of male homosexuality, only young teenage boys are allowed to be penetrated. It is known as “playing with xiaoguan ”. No one is permitted to do so with a boy of twenty years old or above, which is probably because teenage boys are youthful and physically frail, and have not developed their yang energy yet. They are originally the same as women, so it is convenient to do with them like what you do with women. Once they reach the age of twenty, boys are strong men. If we do such things with them, it will be like two yangs fighting each other and like two tigers’s fighting, and they must both lost. So if I, the young general, obey you today, I am afraid both our lives will suffer in the end 凡 到 男 風 之 樂 , 只 有 十 幾 歲 小 廝 可 以 供 人 作 耍 , 所 以 叫 做 弄 小 官 一 到 滿 了二 十 歲 , 就 斷斷 不 可 的 了 大 凡 孩子家 年 輕 體 弱 , 陽 氣 未 升 , 原 與 女 人一 般 , 便 好 做 那 女 人之事 一 到 年 交二 十 , 便 是 個偉 岸 丈 夫 , 若 再 與 人 做 起 這 勾 當 來 , 是 謂 兩 陽 相 斗 , 二 虎 相 爭 , 未有 不 兩 敗 俱 傷 者 也 故 是 今 朝 小將 如 從 順 , 只 恐 登 時 兩 命 傷 ( Cheng 1996 , pp. 558–59) Men under the age of twenty can be penetrated because they have yin energy in their bodies Cheng Huiying used the term xiaoguan 小 官 to refer to young men who offered sexual services to males in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Before reaching adulthood, men were considered similar to women in that they did not have enough yang energy, whereas after reaching their twenties, their yang energy rises and becomes dominant. Hence, when two adult men have sex, their yang energy will form a state of confrontation, causing physical harm to each other.

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 9 of 16 The view of Ma Zhenyi and others about the yin in underage males evidently disproved Robert van Guilk’s assertion that the intimate contact between two yang elements can not result in a total loss of vital force for either of them ( van Gulik [1961] 2003 , p. 48) Medical texts from the Ming and Qing dynasties state that sexual intercourse between two men will result in excessive yang energy. Zhang Jiebin 張 介 賓 (1563–1642, also known as Zhang Jingyue 張 景 岳 ), a famous physician of the late Ming dynasty, discussed fertility issues in detail in Volume 39 of his work Jingyue Quanshu 景 岳 全 書 ( Complete Books of Jingyue ), pointing out that too much sexual intercourse with women as well as with men could result in male infertility: “Some men suffer from sex addiction to women, leading to yin deficiency. The yin deficiency can result in pain and fatigue in the back and kidneys Some men suffer from sex addiction to men, leading to yang excessive, which will ultimately cause the depletion of yin 或 好 色 以 致 陰 虛 , 陰 虛 則 腰腎 痛 憊 好 男 風 以 致 陽 極 , 陽 極 則 亢 而 亡 陰 ” (Jiebin Zhang 1730 , vol. 39, pp. 42 b 9–a 6). Engaging in sexual intercourse with men can cause an overabundance of yang energy in the body because of the effect of other men’s yang energy. Since the male body is naturally dominated by yang energy, an excess of yang can result in the depletion of yin energy The Zhulin nüke zhengzhi 竹 林 女 科 证 治 (Treatment of Gynecological Diseases in the Bamboo Grove, with a preface dated 1827) is a well-known work of women’s medicine from the Qing Dynasty, originating from the women’s monastery in the Bamboo Grove (Zhulin Nüsi 竹 林 女 寺 ) of Xiaoshan 蕭 山 in Zhejiang 浙 江 Province. This monastery made notable contributions to gynecology via the generations of monks who studied medicine there ( Chen 1998 ; Y.-L Wu 2000 ). The book referenced Zhang Jingyue’s discourse titled Nanzi jiansi bingyuan 男 子 艱 嗣 病 源 ( The Origin of the Disease of Men Having Difficulty in Bearing Children ), which explains the causes and treatments of over ten kinds of men’s infertility issues, including Nanzi Yangji Jiansi 男 子 陽 極 艱 嗣 ( Excessive Yang in Men Leads to Difficulty in Bearing Children ): “The xianghuo in a man is hot and robust. It harms the true yin and leads to an excessive yang , which is the ailment of kang . [. . .] So, he does not have son 男 子 相 火 熾 盛 , 爍 傷 真 陰 , 以 致 陽 極 , 陽 極 則 亢 [. . .] 是 以 無 子 ” ( Zhulin si seng [1895] 1915 , vol. 4, pp. 21 a 10–b 2). The xianghuo 相 火 refers to the fire in the kidney and liver. The excessive vigor of xianghuo jeopardizes the yin energy in the body, leading to an imbalance between yin and yang . The Yilince 宜 麟 策 ( Strategies Beneficial for Progeny ) from the Qing Dynasty, compiled by an unknown editor at an unknown date, has two volumes, one of which reproduces volume 39 in Jingyue quanshu , and the other of which adds to the knowledge of his time on fertility and sexuality. There is a brief article titled Sejie nanyin 色 戒 男 淫 ( Prohibition of Debauchery with Men ) which includes: “Chen Chengqing said, “Experts in the art of nurturing life assert that indulging in lust with men harms the spirit, several times more severely than indulging with women.” This is most likely due to the fact that men are yang, and when two yangs collide, their jing will undoubtedly be depleted, which will cause their bodies to become cold and prevent them from becoming parents. Therefore, the first step toward having a son is to stop engaging in homosexual relationships 陳 成 卿 曰 養 生 家 言 男 淫 損 人 尤 倍 於 女 蓋 男 為 陽 , 兩 陽 相 亢 , 必 竭 其 精 , 精 竭 則 寒 , 寒 則 不 能 生 育 , 故 求 嗣 者 當 首 戒 男 淫 ” ( Yilince [1936] 1986 , p. 14) This phrase proposed by Chen Chengqing was mentioned in many morality books to illustrate the dangers of male homosexuality, aiming to persuade men to cease such behavior, such as Renpu leiji 人 譜 類 記 (Z Liu nd. , vol. 2, pp. 14 b 8–15 a 1), Sejielu 色 戒 錄 ( Fu 1864 , p. 70 a 9), and Quanren juyue 全 人 矩矱 (N Sun 1800 , pp. 30 a 2–3). Chen Chengqing 陳 成 卿 (fl. early 17 th century), also known as Chen Zhixi 陳 智 錫 , is a scholar from the Ming dynasty. Despite repeated failures in the imperial examinations, he aimed to address moral issues by disseminating moral books. His masterpiece, titled Quanjie quanshu 勸 戒 全 書 (Complete Works of Exhortation, 1641), was compiled with a collection of many popular morality books from that period. By employing Zhang Jingyue’s theory on excessive yang to elucidate Chen Chengqing’s statement, the author of Yilince strengthened the logical

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 10 of 16 connection between excessive yang and infertility. In particular, it was suggested that excessive yang would deplete the essence, which is crucial for producing sons. This idea held significance in the patriarchal society of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Therefore, authors of morality books also cited the harm to the body as one of the reasons for opposing male homosexuality Concerning the yang energy in the underage male body, here it is necessary to mention the concept that a child’s body is pure yang ( chunyang zhi ti 純 陽 之 體 ) in traditional medicine, which was first mentioned in the Luxin jing 顱 囟 經 ( Text on the Head , late Tang and early Song dynasties, ca. 10 th century): “People under the age of three are called pure yang 三 歲 以 內 , 呼 為 純 陽 ” ( Luxin jing nd. , vol. 1, p. 1 a 3). However, this does not mean that a child’s body is uniquely yang without yin . Instead, it refers to a state of rapid development in the early years of a child’s life, which does not conflict with the views presented in novels such as the Feng shuangfei Both the novels and medicine texts oppose excessive yang , but the age distinction at 20 years old does not appear in the medical literature. According to Yan Maoyou 顏 茂 猷 (1578–1637), there were three types of male homosexuality at the time, namely relationships between friends of the same age and social class, relationships between adults and adolescents, and relationships spanning social classes (servants, actors) ( Yan 1992 and 1994 , vol. 3, pp. 63–64, 9 b 7–10 a 4). Bret Hinsch and Wu Cuncun also made similar classifications ( Hinsch 1992 , pp. 11–14; C Wu 2004 , p. 8). The fundamental tenet of the bedchamber art is that underage boys’ bodies contain yin energy, which serves as a justification for the second type of male homosexuality 4. Technique of the Penetrated Male After discussing the notion of how the penetrator obtains physical benefits, we switch our attention to the penetrated male. Zhang Jie 張 傑 collected traditional medical texts on homosexuality and physical health (Jie Zhang 2015 ), most of which focus on the body of the penetrator. There is limited literature about the penetrated male, particularly those of low social status, except Yichun Xiangzhi 宜 春 香 質 ( Fragrant Essences of Spring , ca. 17 th century), one of the most renowned homosexual erotic novels from the Ming Dynasty. The author called himself the Zui Xihu Xinyue zhuren 醉 西 湖 心 月 主人 (Master Moon-Heart of West Lake-Crazed), and he has also created another famous homosexual novel titled Bian’er chai 弁 而 釵 ( Cap and Hairpins ) Yichun Xiangzhi consists of four sections, each named after the themes of wind, flowers, snow, and moon, respectively, narrating various homosexual stories. The section named Flower ( hua 花 ) unfolds the story of Shan Xiuyan 單 秀 言 , also known as Ying’er 迎 兒 . Ying’er leveraged his male beauty to entice men for financial gain, engaged in multiple relationships, seized those men’s properties, and eventually faced fatal retribution. At the story’s beginning, Shan Ying’er is guided by a Daoist priest in a perilous mountain inhabited by immortal women. The Niangniang 娘娘 , an unidentified goddess, provided insights into Shan Ying’er’s past life and explained the reason for teaching him the technique of sex. Shan Ying’er was originally a female immortal and was reincarnated as a man on the earth. The Niangniang wanted Shan to return to the immortal world by practicing the art of the bedchamber: “I have a secret technique to teach you—one that allows you to draw upon yin from front and yang from back. You must practice it with kindness and sincerity 我 有 一 秘 法 [ 傳 於 你 及 之 ] 前 可 採 陰 , 後 可 採 陽 [. . .] 但 要 忠 厚 行 之 “ ( Zui 1994 , p. 166). When Shan Ying’er came home that night, he dreamed of the technique: “Ying’er looked up to the sky, prayed to the gods and then fell asleep. He dreamed of a man teaching him how to move qi and lift jing , to gather yin and replenish yang , to absorb fire from the furnace and extract jing , to move jing back to the valley, and to refine qi into spirit. He let his anus feel the qi , exhaling, and inhaling, which made him feel better than having sex with a woman 迎 兒 望 空 拜 祝 就 寢 夜夢 一人 , 教 他 運 氣 提 精 採 陰 補 陽 吸 爐 渡 精 , 運 精 歸 谷 , 化 氣 歸 神 , 令 後 庭 交 感 , 自 呼 自 吸 , 美 過 女 色 ” ( Zui 1994 , p. 169).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Human, Divine, Silver, Felt, Field, Battle, Share, Few, Contracting, Nong, Coins, Record, Copper, Shen]

Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 11 of 16 With this technique, he could obtain yin energy through the penis when having sex with women and yang energy through the anus when having sex with men. By contracting and relaxing the anus, qi 氣 (pneuma) and jing moved and concentrated in the body and were then transformed into shen 神 (spirit). According to the model of teaching the Dao of the human–god love during the Sixth Dynasty (ca. 222–589) (F Li 2010 ), Ying’er probably learned this technique in sexual intercourse with the person he dreamed of. The words yunjing 運 精 , huaqi 化 氣 , and guishen 歸 神 are all terms related to neidan , but the Xinyue zhuren’s description is so vague that it is hardly in line with the texts of neidan of the time The art of the bedchamber, traditional medicine, and inner alchemy are closely related to each other and do not completely overlap, seeming to share the same set of terms for yin and yang , jing and qi , but presenting different features in terms of specific details ( Wan 2001 , pp. 40–49; Gou 2010 , pp. 372–75). The Quanzhen tradition stands as the primary contributor to the field of internal alchemy, yet it explicitly prohibits sexual relations. Consequently, there is no direct discourse on the relationship between homosexuality and physical practice. According to the Xuanfeng qinghui lu 玄 風 慶 會 錄 (Record of the Celebrated Encounter with Daoism, 1232, DZ 176) of Yelü Chucai 耶 律 楚 材 (1190–1244): “Men are yang and belong to fire, while women are yin and belong to water. Only yin can destroy yang , and water can subdue fire. Therefore, those who study the Dao must first refrain from lust 夫 男 陽 也 , 屬 火 女 陰 也 , 屬 水 唯 陰 能 消 陽 , 水 能 剋 火 , 故 學 道 之人 首 戒 乎 色 ” (DZ 176, 2 a 4–6). Because the female is yin , the male Daoists must stay away from the female. However, this text does not address whether one should avoid men since the male is also yang Xinyue zhuren praised homosexual male couples who pursue true love while criticizing money-grubbing and lustful xiaoguan ( Nong 2003 ). The Niangniang specifically advised Ying’er to maintain moral conduct, cautioning of potential divine punishment. Bestowing upon him two taels of silver and one hundred copper coins 白 銀 二 兩 , 銅 錢 一 百 , she warned him of the necessity of possessing a virtuous character for a favorable outcome. Consequently, after Shan Ying’er caused harm to another family through his male homosexual relationships and found a new lover, the Niangniang reclaimed the funds, which essentially signified the conclusion of her assistance, leaving Shan Ying’er to face his own punishment as his intestines were drawn out ( Zui 1994 , p. 219). It underscores the importance of morality in the practice of the art of the bedchamber. The emphasis on morality in practice aligns with a principle in Daoist teachings that can be dated back to over a thousand years before in Ge Hong ‘s Baopuzi 抱 樸 子 (DZ 1185) from the 3 rd century 6 Shan Ying’er experienced the pleasure of anal sex through cultivation practice: “Ying’er used to be teased by his friends, but he found it very painful. Somehow, at this time, when (the penis) entered the anus, he felt no pain. After a few thrusts (of the penis), (the anus) produced lubricated water that was very slippery and pleasurable 迎 兒 雖 常 把 同 起 朋 友 戲 弄 , 卻十 分 苦 楚 不 知 此 番 怎 麼 放 進 去 也不 知 疼 , 略 加 抽 送 , 便 津津 有 水 , 滑溜 快 活 ” ( Zui 1994 , p. 171) As per our previous understanding, the art of the bedchamber was mainly practiced by men, and women were rarely taught to enjoy the pleasures of intercourse. Only the female fox spirit’s technique of absorbing men’s energy through sexual intercourse can barely be considered a female’s art of the bedchamber. Therefore, this technique primarily concentrates on controlling the penis during intercourse and, more importantly, on not ejaculating, aside from explaining the various positions. However, the art of the bedchamber in Yichun xiangzhi was depicted from the perspective of the penetrated male. In the second chapter, the author described in great detail the process of sexual intercourse between Shan Ying’er and a man, especially how to use the contraction of the anal muscles to bring both great pleasure and induce rapid ejaculation ( Zui 1994 , pp. 182–83). This description also explains why the art of the bedchamber is occasionally called caizhan 採 戰 (battle of absorption) 7

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Mouth, Act, Risk, Elder, Power, Goldin, Might, Xia, Salvation, Humble, Schipper, Mount, Place, Combat, Laws, Semen, Cover, Legends, Goal, Socio, Render]

Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 12 of 16 Sexual intercourse is a combat between two individuals, with the penetrator wanting to prolong it and the penetrated wanting to shorten it The case of Shan Ying’er, in a way, illustrates that the penetrated male is not an object being drained in sexual vampirism ( van Gulik [1961] 2003 , pp. 316–17; Goldin 2006 ). The concept of sexual vampirism entails drawing energy from the one being penetrated without considering satisfying their sexual needs or engaging in energy exchange. Shan Ying’er can absorb the energy of the penetrator and even return to the immortal world by this technique. There is an interesting case in the Yesou puyan 野 叟 曝 言 ( Humble Words of a Rustic Elder ), a Qing Dynasty novel. A Daoist priest from Mount Longhu 龍 虎 山 taught a wealthy man named Master Li (Li Ye 李 爺 ) a technique of xi yangjing 吸 陽 精 (sucking sperm) Master Li often used drugs to render strong male passers-by, merely aiming to obtain sperm, so he only sucked male semen with his mouth, with the help of his concubines, rather than through anal sex ( Xia 1994 , pp. 1813–39). Although the tradition of the art of the bedchamber concentrates on the act of sexual intercourse, Master Li’s goal of acquiring sperm suggests that male sperm can be beneficial for men as well. Suppose we attempt to consider the possible benefits to the penetrated male from the female perspective. In that case, it can be found that male energy–essence is considered to have a nourishing effect on women, which is particularly evident in legends of fox spirits who attained immortality by absorbing male energy 5. Conclusions The emergence of the Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuals is closely related to the flourishing of male homosexual culture and the popularity of erotic novels in the late Ming and Qing dynasties. It is challenging to determine whether this is a real Daoist technique or an imagined one within the world of novels. While Chanzhen Yishi and Yichun Xiangzhi contain elements of fiction, Ma Zhenyi’s anecdotes in the biji might be somewhat credible. We can only suggest that certain Daoist priests and laypersons believed in the existence of such a technique. They provided fragments of information about this technique from various perspectives, such as its origins and functions, which are not contradictory and can construct a coherent system of the Daoist art of the bedchamber of male homosexuals in the Ming and Qing dynasties Chanzhen yishi named this technique chaoyang , which can be traced back to the master–disciple relationship between Laozi and Yin Xi, providing it with a sacred origin. The case of Ma Zhenyi manifests the beneficial outcomes of these techniques by referring to classical Chinese cosmology: underage males were considered to have yin energy in their bodies, a condition similar to that in females, aligning with the fundamental principles of the heterosexual art of the bedchamber. Sexual intercourse between two adult men, however, leads to an excess of yang energy. According to Yichun Xiangzhi , the penetrated male can also gain pleasure and energy. This argument disproves van Guilk’s assumption that there is no physical risk associated with sexual intercourse between two adult men The Qing government had already enacted laws prohibiting sodomy around 1740 ( Sommer 2000 , pp. 114–65). The religious morality books maintained a critical attitude toward male homosexuality, and the Daoist scriptures did not show support for this technique. The Daoist art of the bedchamber was a creative response to oppression against homosexual behavior. However, Daoism was used as an influential cultural resource through which to reinvent the socio-cultural significance of homosexual behavior. Daoism offered an escape from secular life for people who could not find their place within societal norms. Daoism provides salvation for marginalized groups while cooperating with state power ( Schipper [1982] 1993 , pp. 14–15). The teachings of Daoism cover not only spiritual cultivation but also bodily cultivation. Through this crucial aspect of the body, Daoism was connected with homosexuality. The art of the bedchamber of male homosexuals is not an exploration of a new cultivation technique but rather an attempt to provide a rationalization of homosexual practices among males, especially those who adhered to Daoism.

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 13 of 16 In Buddhism, there seem to be more discourses on homosexual practices among Buddhist monks in novels and criminal records from the Ming and Qing dynasties than in Daoist ones ( Xue 2017 , pp. 88–107; Dong 2013 , p. 92). There are even frequent imaginings of sexual techniques attributed to barbarian monks ( Mimi da xile chanding 秘 密 大 喜 樂 禪 定 ) in erotic novels ( Shen 2015 , pp. 84–117; Durand-Dast è s 2016 ). However, among the various sources available, there seems to be no evidence of Buddhism being used to justify the physical benefits of homosexual intercourse In terms of the connection between lesbianism and the art of the bedchamber, van Gulik believes that female masturbation and sapphism intercourse are tolerated since women’s yin supply is considered to be unlimited in quantity. It is also recognized that when several women are obliged to live in continuous and close proximity, the occurrence of sapphism can hardly be avoided. The sapphic act within the family was even considered conducive to harmony among wife and concubines ( van Gulik [1961] 2003 , pp. 48, 109, 274). Unfortunately, a paucity of available literary sources has impeded our comprehensive examination of this issue. Further scholarly investigation is needed to elucidate this issue fully Funding: This research received no external funding Data Availability Statement: No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflicts of interest Notes 1 Wan Qingchuan 萬 晴 川 presented in greater detail the use of the art of the bedchamber in the erotic fiction of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Despite dedicating a chapter to homosexual fiction, Wan did not address the art of the bedchamber of homosexuals ( Wan 2001 , pp. 83–95). Liu Shucheng 劉 書 成 analyzed the creative mindset, expression techniques, moral indoctrination, and the pursuit of sexual abilities in these works, yet there is also no discussion of the art of the bedchamber of male homosexuality (S Liu 2003 ). Gou Bo 苟 波 examined the Daoist elements in the art of the bedchamber, including cultivation technique, immortals, spirits, and ordinary people, emphasizing its reflection of the “secularization” of Daoism ( Gou 2010 , pp. 369–419) 2 The relationship between homosexuality and Chinese religion is addressed in only a few works. In the field of Daoism, Liu Ts’un-yan 柳 存 仁 (1917–2009) published an article titled “Daojiao kan tongxinglian” 道 家 看 同 性 戀 (Homosexuality from the Daoist Perspective, 2000), which is only a short article that briefly outlines the history of homosexuality in China, with very few references to Daoism, and only a discussion on yin and yang at the end of the article (C Liu 2000 ). In the field of Buddhism, Bernard Faure’s Sexualit és bouddhiques: Entre d é sirs et r é alit és (1994), an important work on Buddhist sexual culture, contains two chapters on homosexuality, precepts, as well as Buddhism in China and, particularly, in Japan ( Faure 1994 , pp. 76–77, 195–215). Yang Hui-nan 楊 惠 南 has examined Buddhist precepts regarding the issue of whether pandaka can become monks ( Yang 2002 ). Moreover, regarding the religious beliefs of homosexuals, Michael Szonyi studied the belief in Hu Tianbao 胡 天 寶 in the Fuzhou 福 州 region during the Qing dynasty, as well as the Qing government’s prohibition and destruction of its temples ( Szonyi 1998 ). In 2018, the journal Zhongwai yixue zhexue 中 外 醫 學 哲 學 , based in Hong Kong, published a special issue dedicated to the legalization of homosexuality in China, with many articles stemming from Confucianism 3 The word luantong 孌 童 is translated as “loving underage males”, meaning an intimate relationship with underage males, not pedophilia. The term tong 童 is commonly used in the context of homosexuality, such as wantong 頑 童 , jiaotong 狡 童 , and juntong 俊 童 , all referring to handsome adolescent males. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, adolescent males under the age of twenty were referred to as tong , with fifteen-year-olds called chentong 成 童 . In the Qing law on sodomy, boys under the age of 12 were specifically referred to as youtong 幼 童 . In discourses of homosexuality, the young males are mostly teenagers. For instance, in Wu Jing 吳 敬 所 ’s novel Guose Tianxiang 國 色 天 香 (ca. 16 th century), a person referred to as aitong 愛 童 was fifteen years old The term tong also means “servant”, often seen in morality books as a potential sexual partner for the male head of the household Moreover, the marriage age was often in the teenage years during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Therefore, we cannot equate luantong with the modern Western concept of pedophilia 4 DZ refers to works in Zhengtong daozang ( 1988 ) 正 統 道 藏 , with the text number being recorded in Daozang suoyin 道 藏 索 引 ( Shi and Chen 1996 , pp. 258–348) 5 Vincent Goossaert pointed out the existence of Lay Quanzhen in Beijing and Jiangnan 江 南 in the late Qing Dynasty ( Goossaert 2007 , pp. 310–18; Goossaert 2021 ). They did not reside in monasteries but lived in their own homes, and many of them were married. Though they did not adhere to the Quanzhen’s celibacy rule, they at least followed societal norms. Moreover, unlike Ma Zhenyi and Ji Gong, they did not make a spectacle of violating the precepts.

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Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 14 of 16 6 “Those who pursue immortality must first uphold loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, and sincerity. If one neglects the cultivation of virtue and only focuses on techniques and methods, longevity will not be attained 欲 求 仙 者 , 要 當 以 忠 孝 和 順 仁 信 為 本 若 德 行 不 修 , 而 但 務 方 術 , 皆 不 得 長 生 也 ” ( Ge 1996 , p. 53) 7 For example, the Sanfeng caizhan fangzhong miaoshu mijue 三 峰 採 戰房 中 妙 術 秘 訣 ( Duan and Liu 2001 , p. 1308) References Bao, Zhenpei 鮑 震 培 . 2001 Fengshuangfei zhong denanxing wanyue: Zhongguo danmei xiaoshuo zhi lanshang 鳳 雙 飛 中 的 男 性 婉 約 : 中 國 耽 美 小 說 之 濫 觴 [The Effeminate Male in Fengshuangfei : The Origins of Chinese Boys‘ Love Novels] Mingqing xiaoshuo yanjiu 明 清 小 說 研 究 4: 178–85 Chen, Zhengmin 陳 拯 民 . 1998. Xiaoshan zhulin si nüke sengyi de yuanyuan 蕭 山 竹 林 寺 女 科 僧 醫 的 淵 源 [The Origins of Gynecological Monastic Physicians at Zhulin Temple in Xiaoshan] Zhonghua yishi zazhi 中 華 醫 史 雜 誌 1: 19–22 Cheng, Huiying 程 蕙 英 . 1996 Xinbian Fengshuangfei 新 編 鳳 雙 飛 [New Edition of Two Phoenixes Flying Together] . Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe Ding, Baofu 丁 保 福 . 1922. Foxue dacidian 佛 學 大 辭 典 [ Dictionary of Buddhism ]. Available online: https://zhmwikisource.org/zh/ %E 4%BD%9 B%E 5%AD%B 8%E 5%A 4%A 7%E 8%BE%AD%E 5%85%B 8/%E 5%8 D%81%E 7%A 8%AE%E 4%BB%99 (accessed on 20 March 2024) Dong, Xiaohan 董 笑 寒 . 2013. 19 shiji zhongguo xiaceng shehui nan tongxinglian yanjiu: Jiyu neige xingke tiben de fenxi 19 世 紀 中 國 下 層 社 會 男 同 性 戀 研 究 : 基 於 內 閣 刑 科 題 本 的 分 析 [Study on Male Homosexuality of Lower Class of China in 19 th Century] PhD. dissertation, Renmin University of China, Beijing, China, March 18 Duan, Chenggong 段 成 功 , and Yazhu Liu 劉 亞 柱 , eds. 2001 Zhongguo gudai fangzhong yangsheng 中 国 古 代 房 中 养 生 秘 笈 [Ancient Chinese Secret arts of the bedchamber for Health and Longevity] . Beijing: Zhongyi guji chubanshe Durand-Dast è s, Vincent. 2016. Rencontres h é r é tiques dans les monast è res de Kaifeng: Le bouddhisme tantrique vu par le roman en langue vulgaire des Ming et des Qing. In Empreintes du tantrisme en Chine et en Asie orientale: Imaginaires, rituels, influences . 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[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Matthew, Humanity, Marcel, Canon, Kristofer, Isabelle, Brill, Perfect, Stanford, Keith, Lama, Paris, Tokyo, Chef, Lamas, Fantastic, Zhu, Pusa, Shih, Pari, Shifan, Chan, Meir, Shou, Till, Hawai, Boston, Okai, Wiki, Zhen, Tibet, Friend, Kua, Kaidi, Lou]

Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 15 of 16 Lin, Fu-shih 林 富 士 . 2001. Lüelun zaoqi daojiao yu fangzhongshu de guanxi 略 論 早 期 道 教 與 房 中 術 的 關 係 [A Brief Discussion on the Relationship between Early Daoism and art of the bedchamber] Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo 中 央 研 究 院 歷 史 語言 研 究 所 集 刊 2: 233–300 Liu, Cunren 柳 存 仁 . 2000. Daojia kan tongxinglian 道 家 看 同 性 戀 [Homosexuality from the Daoist Perspective]. In Daojiao shi tanyuan 道 教 史 探 源 [Exploring the Origins of Daoist History] . Beijing: Beijing daxue tushu chubanshe, pp. 229–40 Liu, Shucheng 劉 書 成 . 2003. Mingqing yanqing xiaoshuo yu daojiao fangzhong wenhua 明 清 艷 情 小 說 與 道 教 房 中 文 化 [Erotic Fiction and Daoist culture of bedchamber in the Ming and Qing Dynasties] Gansu shehui kexue 甘 肅 社 會 科 學 1: 27–30 Liu, Zongzhou 劉 宗 周 . nd Renpuleiji 人 譜 類 記 [ Classified Stories on the Note of Humanity ]. Wenyuange ban sikuquanshu 文 淵 閣 版 四 庫 全 書 [ Complete Library of the Four Treasuries of Wenyuan Edition ]. 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Beijing: Zhonghua shuju Robinet, Isabelle. 1988. Sexualit é et taoïsme. In Sexualit é et religion . Edited by Marcel Bernos. Paris: Editions du Chef, pp. 51–71 Schipper, Kristofer. 1993 The Taoist Body . Berkeley and London: University of California Press. First published 1982 Shahar, Meir. 1998 Crazy Ji: Chinese Religion and Popular Literature . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center Shen, Weirong 沈 衛 榮 . 2015 Xiangxiang Xizang: Kua wenhua shiye zhong de heshang, huofo, lama he mijiao 想 象 西 藏 : 誇 文 化 視 野 中 的 和 尚 , 活 佛 , 喇 嘛 和 密 教 [Imagining Tibet: Monks, Living Buddhas, Lamas, and Tantric Buddhism in the Discourse of Cultural Exaggeration] Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe Shi, Ye 施 曄 . 2008 Zhongguo gudai wenxue zhong de tongxinglian shuxie yanjiu 中 國 古 代 文 學 中 的 同 性 戀 書 寫 研 究 [A Study of Writing of Homosexuality in Ancient Chinese Literature] . 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Chicago: University of Chicago Press Wan, Qingchuan 萬 晴 川 . 2001 Fangzhong wenhua yu zhongguo gudai xiaoshuo 房 中 文 化 與 中 國 古 代 小 說 [Sexual Culture and Ancient Chinese Novels] . Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe Wang, Changyue 王 常 月 . 1992 and 1994 Chuzhen jieshuo 初 真 戒 說 [Discoures on Precepts for those Starting on the Path of Transcendence]. In Zangwai daoshu 藏 外 道 書 [Daoist Books Outside the Canon] . Edited by Daojing Hu 胡 道 靜 and Yaoting Chen 陳 耀 庭 . Chengdu: Bashu shushe Wang, Guiping 汪 桂 平 . 2014. Mingmo daoshi Ma Zhenyi shengping xingshi kao 明 末 道 士 马 真 一 生 平 行 实 考 [The Life and Activities of Daoist Ma Zhenyi at the End of the Ming Dynasty] Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世 界 宗 教 研 究 1: 62–73 Wang, Richard G. 2011 Ming Erotic Novellas: Genre, Consumption, and Religiosity in Cultural Practice . Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press Wu, Cuncun 吳 存存 . 2004 Homoerotic Sensibilities in Late Imperial China . London and New York: Routledge Curzon Wu, Yi-Li. 2000. 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[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Yue, Zai, Yuan, Huo, Nanse, Jishu, Vinaya, Innocent, Yao, Ideas, Centre, Hou, Property, Qiu]

Religions 2024 , 15 , 841 16 of 16 Xu, Tingci 許 庭 慈 . 2022. Chanzhen Yishi, Chanzhen houshi zhi chengshu, chuban yu chuanbo 禪 真 逸 史 , 禪 真 後 史 之 成 書 , 出 版 與 傳 播 [The Compilation, Publication and Dissemination of ChanZhen Yi Shi and Chan Zhen Hou Shi]. Master’s thesis, National Chengchi University, Taipei, China Xue, Yingjie 薛 英 傑 . 2017. Wenren shenfen yu tazhe xiangxiang: Wan Ming he Qingchu de “yinseng” gushi 文 人 身 份 與 他 者 想 象 : 晚 明 和 清 初 的 ‘ 淫 僧 ’ 故 事 [Literati Identity and the Imagined ‘Other’: Erotic Stories of Buddhist Monks in Late Ming and Early Qing China]. PhD. dissertation, The University of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, China Yan, Maoyou 顏 茂 猷 . 1992 and 1994 Eyinshuo 遏 淫 說 [ Discourses on opposing debauchery ] Taishang ganyingpian jizhuan 太 上 感應 篇 集 傳 [ Collection of Comments on Treatise on Sympathetic Response , [ Spoken by ] the Supreme ]. Edited by Dong Hui 惠 棟 , Yue Yu 俞 樾 and Xueshuang Yao 姚 學 塽 . In Zangwai daoshu 藏 外 道 書 . Edited by Daojing Hu 胡 道 靜 and Yaoting Chen 陳 耀 庭 . Chengdu: Bashu shushe Yang, Huinan 杨 惠 南 . 2002. Huangmen huo buneng nan zai lüdian Zhong de zhongzhong wenti 黃 門 或 不 能 男 在 律 典 中 的 種種 問 題 [Various Issues Concerning Pandaka or Impotent Men in Buddhist Vinaya] Foxue yanjiu zhongxin xuebao 佛 學 研 究 中 心 學 報 7: 49–57 Yilince 宜 麟 策 [ Strategies Beneficial for Progeny ]. 1986 Zhenben Yishu jicheng 珍 本 醫 書 集 成 [Collection of rare Books on Traditional Medicine] Edited by Jisheng Qiu 裘 吉 生 . Shanghai: Shanghai kexue jishu chubanshe. First published 1936 Zhang, Jie 張 傑 . 2015. Mingqing shiqi de nanse jibing wenxian yanjiu 明 清 時 期 的 男 色 疾病 文 獻 研 究 [A Study of Literature on Male Homosexuality and Diseases During the Ming and Qing Dynasties] Zhongguo xingkexue 中 國 性 科 學 9: 124–28 Zhang, Jiebin 張 介 賓 . 1730 Jingyue quanshu 景 岳 全 書 [ Complete Books of Jingyue ]. Yifang cangban 挹 芳 藏 板 Zhang, Yi 張 怡 . 2006 Yuguang jianqi ji 玉 光 劍 氣 集 [ Collection of Jade Light and Sword Qi ]. In Yuanming shiliao biji 元 明 史 料 筆 記 [Notes on Historical Materials of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties] . Edited by Lianke Wei 魏 连 科 . Beijing: Zhonghua shuju Zhang, Zaizhou 張 在 舟 . 2001 Aimei de licheng: Zhongguo gudai tongxinglian shi 暧 昧 的 历 程 : 中 國 古 代 同 性 戀 史 [Pursuit of Beauty: History of Traditional Chinese Homosexuality] . Zhengzhou: Zhengzhou guji choubemchu Zhengtong daozang . 1988 Zhengtong daozang 正 統 道 藏 [Daoist Canon] . Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe Zhou, Lianggong 周 亮 工 . 2008 Yinshuwu shuying 因 樹 屋 書 影 [The Shadow of the Book in the House Next to the Tree] . Edited by Tianshu Zhu 朱 天 曙 . Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe Zhulin si seng 竹 林 寺 僧 . 1915 Zhulin nüke zhengzhi 竹 林 女 科 證 治 [Treatment of Gynecological Diseases in the Bamboo Grove] . Edited by Jixiao Bian 邊 繼 孝 . Shanghai: Bianshi 邊 氏 . First published 1895 Zui xihu xinyue zhuren 醉 西 湖 心 月 主人 . 1994. Yichun xiangzhi 宜 春 香 質 [ Fragrant Essences of Spring ]. In Siwuxie huibao 思 無 邪 匯 寶 [Treasured Collection of Innocent Thoughts] . Edited by Qinghao Chen 陳 慶 浩 and Qiugui Wang 王 秋 桂 . Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, Taibei: Taiwan daying baike gufen youxian gongsi 臺 灣 大 英 百 科 股 份 有 限 公 司 , vol. 7 Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.