Who Was a Bahā’ī in the Upper Echelons of Qājār Iran?

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Chinese, Pick, Revelation, Royal, New, Pagan, Hedges, Town, Doi, Class, Carr, January, Basel, Local, Baha, Evidence, Mix, Islam, Life, Momen, Loss, Present, Amanat, Show, Rel, Matter, Time, Central, Iran, Data, Under, Person, Age, Rite, Open, Crypto, Severe, Shed, Christian, Close, See, Take, Label, Llah, April, Bellah, Light, Author, Study, Strong, Factor, March, Able, James, Property, Shi, None]

Citation: Momen, Moojan. 2023 Who Was a Baha’i in the Upper Echelons of Qajar Iran? Religions 14: 469. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel 14040469 Academic Editor: James Carr Received: 29 January 2023 Revised: 13 March 2023 Accepted: 14 March 2023 Published: 1 April 2023 Copyright: © 2023 by the author Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommonsorg/licenses/by/ 4.0/) religions Article Who Was a Baha’i in the Upper Echelons of Qajar Iran? Moojan Momen Department of History and Texts, Wilmette Institute, Evanston, IL 60201, USA; moojan@momenorg Abstract: This paper addresses two questions: first, that of the nature of multiple religious identities in a traditional society; second, that of who can be identified as Baha’is in the upper echelons of Qajar Iran. The paper identifies five criteria by which individuals can be identified as having been Baha’is and suggests that, since none of these are usually conclusive by themselves, more than one of the criteria should be fulfilled before we label someone as a Baha’i. The various grades of being a Baha’i are also examined. The paper lists a number of examples of people from the Qajar royal family and from among the highest echelons of the Qajar administration who fulfill these criteria. It also looks at two individuals who have not been claimed to be Baha’is in the usual Iranian and Baha’i histories, and yet, if a close study of their lives is made, considerable evidence can be accumulated that they may have been crypto-Baha’is. In all, this paper indicates that there may have been many Baha’is in the upper strata of Qajar society, that this is a factor that has not previously been sufficiently recognized and needs to be examined for the light that it may shed on other matters Keywords: Baha’i; Bahai; Qajar; Iran; religious identity; crypto-believers; multiple religious identities; social elites 1. Introduction The matter of multiple religious identities has been investigated by scholars for decades. Briefly, it can be said to occur in three distinct types. First, there are certain religious cultures where it is acceptable to practice multiple religious affiliations. A Chinese person may find no problem in marrying according to a Christian rite but being buried according to Traditional Chinese rituals. Japanese, African and Latin American cultures also appear to accept multiple religious identities readily (see for example, Hedges 2017 ). A related second type is the “New Age” type of pick-and-mix religiosity that may find someone practicing Buddhist meditation, dabbling in Kabbalah and participating in pagan rites (see, for example, Bellah et al. 1985 ). Third, there are groups of people who take on a religious identity in order to conceal another religious identity because that identity is being subjected to severe persecution. Examples of this include the Shi‘i practice of taqiyya (religious dissimulation), which enabled that community to survive centuries of persecution ( Momen 1985 , p. 183), and Jews in Iran who, under threat of death, converted to Islam while secretly continuing to remain Jews as much as they were able ( Amanat 2011 , pp. 37–59; Tsadik 2007 , pp. 36, 40). This paper examines this third category in relation to another religion that has been persecuted in Iran, the Baha’i community The claim of the central figure in the Baha’i religion, Baha’u’llah (1817–1892), which was fully developed by 1867, was to bring a new revelation from God, superseding Islam and more suited to the present time. The Baha’i community in Qajar Iran was subjected to intense persecution ( Momen 2015 ; Momen 2021 ). Any person publicly identified as a Baha’i could expect, as a minimum, harassment from elements in the town stirred up by the local clerics. Loss of property, loss of livelihood, loss of family connection (if they were the only Baha’i in the family) and even loss of life were also a distinct likelihood and a frequent occurrence. Not surprisingly, therefore, most Baha’is took steps to conceal their religious affiliation to varying extents. This concealment was described even by Europeans. The Religions 2023 , 14 , 469. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel 14040469 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Hikmat, Agha, Add, Daily, Modern, Prudent, Change, Browne, Quite, Work, Ranking, Babi, Scholar, Deny, Western, Normal, Babis, British, Move, Danger, Enough, Single, Edward, Ansari, Keep, Abdu, Large, Try, Part, Journey, High, Khanum, Point, Advance, Member, Else, Mirza, Culture, Bab, Given, Role, Civil, Case, Rather, Parts, Lower, General, Half, Location, Jan, Look]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 2 of 13 British scholar, Edward G. Browne (1862–1896), even though he came to Iran specifically looking for Baha’is, was unable to find any in the first half of his journey ( Browne 1926 ). Concealment of one’s true opinions and beliefs was, and continues to be, deeply imbedded in Iranian culture. This is largely because it is an important part of the practice of Shi 1 ʿ i Islam. The practice of taqiyya (dissimulation of one’s belief if in danger because of them) was not simply an option for Iranian Shi 1 ʿ is—it was obligatory according to many transmitted Traditions of the Shi 1 ʿ i Imams. Although this Shi 1 ʿ i practice of taqiyya was not allowed in the Baha’i teachings, being prudent and not unnecessarily submitting oneself to danger ( hikmat ) was part of the instructions given out by the Baha’i leadership 1 In practice, Baha’is would take whatever measures were needed in their daily lives to conceal their identity, although if challenged directly, they would not deny being Baha’is. Thus, the Baha’i practice of hikmat differed from the Shi 1 ʿ i practicea of taqiyya , which allowed concealment of belief even to the point of denying being a Shi 1 ʿ i. Of course, it took time for this change of culture to embed itself in the Baha’i community (see the example of Mirza Sa 1 ʿ id Ansari below). Initially, this was not too much of a problem, since the general population persisted in calling them “Babis”, followers of the Bab (1819–1850) who preceded Baha’u’llah. Therefore, if they were asked whether they were Babis, they could truthfully deny this. After a decade or so (i.e., by the 1870 s), the religious and civil leaders realized this, and so, in addition to asking whether a person was a Babi or not, they would add a requirement for that person to curse both Baha’u’llah and the Bab, which most Baha’is would not do. This led on to other stratagems developed by Baha’is, the description of which is outside the subject matter of this paper Questions of religious identity are complicated enough even under normal circumstances, but when it is a matter of a religion that is being persecuted, it becomes more complicated as followers of that religion try to conceal their identity to mitigate the persecution. It becomes even more complicated when one is considering a member of a persecuted religion that has penetrated all strata of society. Those in the lower levels of society can, if identified and subjected to persecution, move away to a different location where they are not known and rebuild their lives (as many Baha’is did; Momen 1991 ). However, this course is not open to those in the upper echelons of society since they would become known wherever they moved; hence, they needed to be doubly cautious and build up elaborate mechanisms of concealment. The Baha’i leadership instructed the Baha’is to keep the Baha’i identity of high-ranking individuals secret and 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha would usually only communicate with such individuals through a single Baha’i intermediary, with no-one else in the community knowing 2 An additional complication is that, in many parts of Iran, especially outside the large cities, the Baha’is were the only group advocating social reforms (such as democracy, modern education, advancement of the role of women, etc.), and so, some may have associated themselves with the Baha’is to advance such reforms rather than for religious reasons. There were also many Baha’i identities, both with regard to how various individuals viewed Baha’u’llah and also with regard to how the claims of Baha’u’llah evolved over time. A detailed look at this matter would extend this paper greatly and must await a further paper While much of this paper concerns the attempts by these notables to conceal their Baha’i identity, it should not be forgotten that some of these individuals were actively propagating the new religion; otherwise, it would not have spread through this layer of society (see the example of ¯ Agha Jan Shahanshah Khanum and her family below) and some were quite open about their belief (see the example of Vazir Humay un and Mu 1 ʿ ayyir ul-Mamalik below) The writing of the history of Qajar Iran has largely ignored the Baha’i presence. In the case of Iranian writers, this was partly in an attempt by some to erase the Baha’i presence and partly because the information that someone was a Baha’i may have been unknown Western scholars have relied upon these Iranian sources and have therefore replicated this erasure of the Baha’i community in their work ( Momen 2008 , p. 362 and n.). When considering the actors in Qajar history, a person’s religious beliefs are of importance in

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Muhammad, Vakil, Lay, Nasiru, Kashani, Khan, Own, List, Shirazi, Servant, Abidin, Naz, Norm, Sons, Muslim, Aji, Merchant, Gail, Great, Mulla, Shah, Sayyid, Shari, Sah, Might, Afnan, Century, Held, Muharram, Simple, Back, Azali, Din, Shon, Rida, Home, Afghani, Heard, Rahim, Good, Father, Shiraz]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 3 of 13 assessing their life and actions, and so, this paper is one preliminary attempt to inject the Baha’i component back into Iranian history Some prominent Baha’i families went to great lengths to conceal their Baha’i identity The Afnans, who were relatives of the Bab and were a prominent Baha’i merchant family in Shiraz and Yazd, for example, used to sponsor Shi 1 ʿ i rituals such as rawdih-khanis (recitals of the sufferings of the Imams) and a dastih (troupe of people chest-beating and selfflagellating in a ritual procession) during the Muharram commemorations ( Afnan 2008 , p. 81). In general, all converts from a Muslim background remained outwardly Muslims, while those from Zoroastrian and Jewish backgrounds retained an outward Zoroastrian and Jewish social identity, respectively. Children growing up in prominent families who were Baha’is sometimes never heard even the name Baha’i spoken at home in case one of the servants should hear and later make trouble for them 3 Those prominent people who were the only Baha’i in their family were in an even more difficult position, often having to keep their affiliation secret from even their spouses and children. For example, Mirza Muhammad Rida Kirmani, a mujtahid of Yazd, had met the Bab and was a Babi and later a Baha’i. He kept his belief so secret that neither the other Baha’is nor even his own family knew. Then, on his deathbed in 1885, he revealed this to his son, Shaykh Zaynu’l- 1 ʿ Abidin Abrari (1864–1936), and told him to go to Vakil ud-Dawlih and investigate the Baha’i religion ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, pp. 798–806; Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 5, pp. 253–77). Similarly, the two sons of 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Rahim Khan Kashani Kalantar of Tehran appear to have grown up unaware of the fact that their father was a Baha’i. It was only through their friendship with other Baha’is that they came to know of the new religion and became Baha’is ( Gail 1987 , pp. 1–67). This situation (of the children not knowing the father’s affiliation with the Baha’i community) probably held true for many of those discussed in this paper With this degree of secrecy and concealment, it becomes extremely difficult to discern who was a Baha’i. It becomes necessary to try to lay down some criteria whereby someone can be considered a Baha’i. In this paper, we will consider the question of Baha’i identity in Qajar Iran, particularly as it relates to those in the upper echelons of society 4 How can we know whether a person from that period was a Baha’i or not? Among those factors that would enable us to identify a person as possibly having been a Baha’i, we may list the following: 1. Those identified in Baha’i histories as a Baha’i This is usually a good source of identification since it usually means that the individual identified mixed with the Baha’i community There are, however, some whose identification by this means might be contested; for example, the leading Shi 1 ʿ i cleric of the 1880 s, Mirza-yi-Shirazi, has been identified in one Baha’i source as a secret Baha’i on the basis of one confidential interview he gave ( Afnan 2008 , pp. 324–50), but such an identification is open to challenge since he never openly declared himself to be a Baha’i. The Baha’i identity of a number of other clerics has also been challenged, for example H . aji Mulla Muhammad Hamzih Shari 1 ʿ atmadar of Barfur ush (d. 1281/1864) 5 2. Those identified in other sources as Baha’is Other sources include Iranian Muslim, Zoroastrian, Jewish and European sources. Here again, such identifications are open to challenge since it was not uncommon for individuals to be identified as “Babis” (i.e., Baha’is) as a way of discrediting them. Indeed, as Naz.im ul-Islam (Kirmani) asserted, “It has become the norm in Iran that, whenever it is desired to overthrow someone and remove them from the political scene, they say that he is a Babi” ( Naz.im ul-Islam 1967 , p. 400) Hence, a simple identification of a person as a “Babi” or Baha’i would not necessarily indicate that the person was a Baha’i, unless the context and source are carefully examined. For example, Sayyid Jamalu’d-Din Asadabadi “al-Afghani” was often described as a “Babi” in sources from the nineteenth century 6 and when Nasiru’d-Din Shah was assassinated by one of his followers, a number of Baha’is were attacked and even killed on this account. In fact, Asadabadi was associated with Azali Babis but was not himself a Babi and was somewhat inimical to the Baha’is.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Muhammad Khan, Just, Ali, Range, Princes, Ask, Laid, Risk, Mind, Cases, Holding, Rest, Asan, Few, Fit, Governor, Manner, Council, Area, Going, Sulayman, Piece, Ibn, Ras]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 4 of 13 3. Having descendants who are Baha’is and who assert that their ancestor was a Baha’i Again, although this is good evidence, it is not conclusive. There are some who have Baha’i descendants and are said to have been Baha’is, but were probably not; for example, Mastir Khudabakhsh (1865–1918), a leading Zoroastrian of Yazd 7 4. Supportive evidence from Baha’i sources Apart from direct statements that a particular person was a Baha’i, some sources contain other supportive evidence for a person being a Baha’i, such as the writings of the person themselves (especially their poetry, which may hint at their religious affiliation), being a member of a local Baha’i council (local spiritual assembly) or being in correspondence with or visiting the Baha’i leaders. However, while being a member of a local spiritual assembly is probably conclusive even in the absence of other evidence, very few individuals from the highest echelons of Qajar society would fit this criterion (perhaps only Mirza 1 ʿ Ali Muhammad Khan Muvaqqar ud-Dawlih (1865–1921), who was on the Shiraz Baha’i assembly and later governor of Bushihr (1911–1915)). Many individuals who wrote to Baha’u’llah and 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha or even visited them were not Baha’is and some were even antagonistic to the Baha’i religion 5. Supportive evidence from other sources Such evidence includes a close examination of a person’s writings (especially their poetry, as in the case of Shaykh ur-Ra’is below) and accounts of how the individual treated Baha’is while holding official positions. But of course, good treatment of Baha’is may just indicate a person’s humanitarianism or there may have been other factors involved 8 Although it is not possible to prove conclusively that any such individuals were Baha’is, in all cases, it is necessary to ask the question: if this individual was not a crypto-Baha’i or close sympathizer, why would he or she have risked life and wealth by associating with or protecting Baha’is in such a manner that laid them open to the risk of being accused of being Baha’is? As can be seen from the above, none of these pieces of evidence is conclusive and one should ideally have more than one piece of evidence from more than one of these criteria before suggesting that any individual may have been a Baha’i. The higher up the social scale one examines, the more that person might take steps to conceal their identity and so the more difficult it is to make a determination. As several Western observers noted, there were Baha’is in the highest echelons of the Qajar regime, including Qajar princes, highly placed officials and the immediate entourage of the Shah (see also below) 9 . Of course, one cannot know what was going on in the mind of a person, but one can assess their relationships and actions. Therefore, for many of these people, it is not possible to make a definitive determination of their religious beliefs and some of them may just have been close sympathizers of the religion rather than outright believers. In the rest of this paper, it is therefore understood that when an individual is designated a Baha’i, it indicates that there are sufficient grounds to think that the person may have been a Baha’i on account of satisfying more than one of the above five criteria, but that it is possible they may have just been a close sympathizer There are also examples of individuals who were not Babis or Baha’is but stood to be accused of being so, either because they had initially become believers in the new religion but later withdrew from it when persecutions arose, or because their father had been a Babi or Baha’i. Such individuals sometimes acted vigorously to forestall such accusations, even to the extent of persecuting Baha’is. Examples of this include Mulla H . usayn ibn Mirza Sulayman, a mujtahid, H . aji Ras ul Mihrizi, Mulla H . usayn Ardakani and Mulla H . asan Ardakani, all from the Yazd area ( Momen 2021 , pp. 349–50, 365) When one surveys the range of individuals who are in the upper echelons of Qajar society and for whom there is some evidence of their having been Baha’is, it is difficult to discern any pattern to this group. Given that the Baha’i social teachings advocate such reforms as the advancement of the role of women, modern education and democracy, one might think that there would be a predominance of those inclined towards supporting these reforms. In fact, however, one finds that they include both reformers and conservatives. It is possible to speculate that, while those who supported reforms were attracted to the social teachings of the Baha’i religion, those who were political conservatives may have been

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Ali Shah, Husband, Four, Uni, Hadi, Ibrahim, Badi, Bayda, Bias, Standard, Udi, Married, Iftikhar, Shams, Baghdad, Ayyad, Turn, Minister, Main, Book, Hashim, Fath, Akbar, Kitab, Put, Foreign, Qadi, Iya, Pen, Place, Jahan, Reign, Full, Fars, Sam, Ayn, Nabil, Qasim, Small, House, End, Copy]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 5 of 13 attracted to the more mystical writings of the Baha’i leaders. Nor is there any geographical bias in the group. In this paper there is not any space to consider in detail the evidence for a large number of individuals. Instead, attention will be focused on the sort of evidence that exists by considering a small number of examples: individuals who were of national importance, leaving aside individuals who were only of local importance. It is also possible to identify a number of persons who are not stated to be Baha’is in either the standard Baha’i or Iranian sources, and yet, on a close examination of the events of their life, they can be demonstrated to have been, at the least, very sympathetic, but possibly even secret Baha’is. I will examine two of these in detail: one taken from the conservative end of the political spectrum and one who supported the reformers 2. Some Prominent Individuals Who May Have Been Baha’is 2.1. Qajar Family A number of princes and princesses of the Qajar family have been asserted to have been Baha’is. Apart from a few individuals, there are four main family clusters that can be identified. One of the earliest was Shams-i Jahan Khanum, who was known as H . ajjiyyih Shahzadih Khanum and used the pen name Fitnih. She was a daughter of Muhammad Rida Mirza Iftikhar ul-Mulk, the fourteenth son of Fath.- 1 ʿ Ali Shah. She became a Babi, met Qurrat ul- 1 ʿ Ayn Tahirih and visited Baha’u’llah in both Baghdad and Edirne. She wrote an autobiographical poem in which these events are related ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, p. 415; Dhuka’i-Bayda’i 1969 , pp. 167–70, 177–82). She can be considered to have been a Baha’i on the basis of criteria 1 and 4 above. Her full brother Muhammad Hashim Mirza (Jinab) and a half-brother Akbar Mirza were also interested in the Babi movement and attended Babi meetings. It appears that Jinab later became a student of Mulla Hadi Sabzivari and drifted away from the Babi community ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 4, pp. 43–44; Mazandarani 1971 , p. 208) Another family grouping of Baha’is were the descendants of D . iya’ us-Saltanih (d 1290/1873), the favorite daughter of Fath.- 1 ʿ Ali Shah. She married Mirza Mas 1 ʿ ud Ansari Garmr udi (d. 1265/1848), who was foreign minister during the reign of Muhammad Shah Their daughter, ¯ Agha Jan Shahanshah Khanum, married Mirza Muhammad Qasim Qadi Tabataba’i and from this marriage had two daughters, Agha Shahzadih (Badi’ih) and ‘Udhra Khanum D . iya ul-H . ajiyyih. The first daughter became a Baha’i through her husband Intiz.am us-Saltanih (see below), who was a Baha’i, sometime in the late 1870 s and in turn converted, with the assistance of her husband and other Baha’is, her mother and sister After the death of her first husband, Shahanshah Khanum married Mirza Ma’s um Khan Ansari Muntakhab ud-Dawlih, who was a Muslim relative of her first husband, and she moved to Mashhad, where her new husband had a government position, sometime in about 1880. She was put in touch with the prominent Baha’i Ibn Asdaq in Mashhad and, after a time there, he married her daughter, D . iya’ ul-H . ajiyyih. In about 1882, they moved to Tehran, where their house in Khiyaban-i Amiriyyih was a place where many of the royal family and the notables of the city were introduced to the Baha’i religion. There are several writings of the Baha’i leaders addressed to ¯ Agha Jan Shahanshah Khanum and her two daughters 10 Their descendants today claim them as Baha’is. Thus, they appear to have been Baha’is on the basis of criteria 1, 3 and 4 A third family grouping revolved around Tahmasp (or Tahmasb) Mirza Mu’ayyad ud-Dawlih, second son of Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Mirza Dawlatshah (1220–1296). He had been governor of Fars during the second Nayriz upheaval and, thus, was at least partly responsible for the killings of the Babis in that episode. Later, however, when he was deputy governor of Khurasan in about 1864, H . aji Ibrahim T uni gave him a copy of Baha’u’llah’s Kitab-i Iqan and he is reported to have declared that either one had to declare oneself without religion or one had to accept the truth of the author of this book ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, p. 74 n). After this, he was in close contact with and protected Nabil-i Akbar, a prominent Baha’i, for much of the rest of his stay in Khurasan. His sister, who is also called Shams-I Jahan Khanum (but is different to the above person of the same name),

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Ahmad Shah, Fadl, Ahmad, Muz, Abu, Save, Hafezi, Ghaffari, Left, Sahib, Khurshid, Ghulam, Teach, Prince, Set, Munis, Abul, Head, Hasan, Mahdi, Mukhtar, Sent, Brothers, Ramlah, Sadr, Kashan, Muni, Post, Juan, Court, Sign, Cole, Famous, Honour, Amin, Haji, Churchill, Cousin, Need, Akka]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 6 of 13 became a Babi after meeting Qurratu’l- 1 ʿ Ayn Tahirih in Hamadan ( Gulpaygani nd. , p. 105) She took with her to this meeting her nephew, the son of Tahmasb Mirza, Muhammad Mahdi Mirza, Mu’ayyad us-Saltanih, who was years later converted in Hamadan by the learned Baha’i scholar Mirza Abul-Fadl Gulpaygani, along with his son, Muhammad H . usayn Mirza Mu’ayyad us-Saltanih (after 1916 Mu’ayyad ud-Dawlih, 1855–1920). The latter was in the telegraph department in Tehran, then head of that department in Isfahan until 1897 and then in Shiraz from 1897 to 1905. During the Constitutionalist revolt, he sided with Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Shah and was pressed into becoming the head of the royal cabinet. After the shah’s defeat, he left Iran for Baghdad. At this time, he went to 1 ʿ Akka and met 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha. He returned to Iran and wrote a book of Baha’i proofs. He was in the court of Ahmad Shah and was appointed governor of Kashan for a time, then of 1 ʿ Arabistan (Khuzistan) and died in Muhammarah in 1339/1920, shortly after his appointment to the latter post ( Mazandarani 1974–5 , vol. 8 a, pp. 426–27, vol. 8 b, p. 832; Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 2, pp. 266–71; Mihrabkhani 1988 , pp. 136–41; Churchill 1906 , pp. 45–46; Hafezi 2011 , pp. 158–59). While the evidence for Tahmasp Mirza amounts to criteria 1 and 4, and that for Shams-i Jahan Khanum criteria 1 and 2 in the above classification, the two Mu’ayyad us-Saltanihs, father and son, were in correspondence with the Baha’i leaders and had Baha’i descendants and so can be considered to have points 1, 3 and 4 in support of their being Baha’is A fourth family grouping is that of H . aji Abu’l-Hasan Mirza Shaykh ur-Ra’is (1264/1848– 1918), a Qajar prince who first undertook religious training and became a mujtahid and then was a prominent figure in the reform movement. Although most Iranian histories ignore all connections between him and the Baha’i religion, there is good evidence that he was a Baha’i. This evidence includes his two visits to 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha, his poetry that alludes strongly to Baha’i themes and the fact that he was widely acknowledged to be a Baha’i by both his friends and enemies during his lifetime. It appears that his mother, Khurshid Bigum, was secretly a Babi and raised him thus. Much of this evidence is collected in two articles by Juan Cole and therefore need not be detailed here 11 In brief, H . aji Shaykh ur-Ra’is satisfies criteria 1, 2, 4 and 5 2.2. High Government Officials Here again, we can discern a number of family groups among whose members a few appear to have become Baha’is. One of these is the Ghaffari family of Kashan, whose most famous member was Amin ad-Dawlih Ghaffari, who was Minister of court for most of Nasiru’d-Din Shah’s reign. His son, Mahdi Khan Vazir Humay un (Qa’im-Maqam, Vazir Makhs us, Ajudan Makhs us, 1282/1865–1336/1917), was at first very opposed to the Baha’is, but while he was governor of Sultanabad in 1904, he was converted by Haji Munis, Haji Tavangar and Mulla Mirza ¯ Aqa Talqani. Although he tended to be a conservative, he is credited with having persuaded Muz.affaru’d-Din Shah to sign the Constitution when the latter was wavering. It is possible that the influence of the Baha’i teachings caused this. After the Constitutional Revolution, he retired to his estate at Vadgan near Kashan Although advised by 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha to be prudent, he came to Tehran and began to teach the Baha’i teachings openly. Then he left to visit 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Egypt in 1910 and this fact was announced in the newspapers ( Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 9, p. 315; ¯ Avarih 1923 , vol. 2, pp. 181–83; Khoshbin 2002 , vol. 1, pp. 339–41). He satisfies criteria 1, 2, 4 and 5. When news that Vazir Humay un had set off to visit 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha reached his family, his mother sent his older brother, Abu’l-Qasim Khan Mukhtar us-Saltanih, in pursuit to prevent the visit and save the family’s honour. Thus, Mukhtar us-Saltanih met 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Ramlah and became a Baha’i there. Mukhtar us-Saltanih was killed by rebels near Khurramabad during World War I (before 1917; Khoshbin 2002 , vol. 1, pp. 341–42). He satisfies criterion 1 only A cousin of these two brothers, Ghulam H . usayn Khan Ghaffari Amin Khalvat (Vazir Makhs. us., Sahib Ikhtiyar), was private secretary to Nasiru’d-Din and Muz.affaru’d-Din Shahs until 1896, then Minister of Court. He is reported to have accepted the new religion after being taught by Nabil Zarandi in 1864. He was in friendly correspondence with Sadr

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Ibrahim Khan, Ali Khan, Story, Law, Sari, Capital, Abdullah, Sufi, Bristol, Pictures, Crown, Commerce, Tribe, Jalal, Dual, Europe, Branch, Divan, Seller, Anjuman, Prime, Iqbal, Paris, Tailor, Monteforte, Husayn, Mah, Bashi, Sud, Princess, Carin, London, Original, Ust, Pari, Tabrizi, Jalil, Avin, Velvet, Ahl, Mafi, Isa, Niz, Salar, Rafati, Maliki, Sardar, Ustad, Company, Mir, Justice, Mukarram, Cover, Rajab, Karim, Rayhani, Cook, Yazdi, Matu]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 7 of 13 us.-Sud ur, a learned Baha’i of Tehran, and also closely associated with the Baha’i merchant, Muhammad Husayn Tabrizi of Kashan ( Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 10, p. 578; Rastigar 1951 , pp. 30–31; Rayhani in Amanat 2006 , p. 303). He satisfies criteria 1 and 4. His brother, Muhammad Khan Iqbal ud-Dawlih, was friendly towards the Baha’is while governor of Kirmanshah, and was closely associated with the Baha’i merchant, Muhammad Husayn Tabrizi of Kashan, and with another Baha’i ¯ Aqa Muhammad Karim Mah ut-fur ush (velvet seller), Qavam Divan Isfahani. He can only therefore be confidently said to have been a sympathizer (Rayhani in Amanat 2006 , p. 303; ‘Alaqiband Yazdi 1910 , p. 230; Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 3, p. 147) The Ghaffari family was connected by marriage to the Intiz.am us-Saltanih family Mir Sayyid 1 ʿ Abdullah Tafrishi Intiz.am us-Saltanih Tafrishi (d. 1892) was the son of Mirza M usa, vazir of Tehran and brother of Mirza ‘Isa, vazir of Tehran ( vazir was in effect deputy governor and in charge of finances). In 1309/1891, he succeeded Count De Monteforte as the head of the gendarmerie or police ( vazir naz.miyyih ). He had become a Baha’i through Munajjim-bashi, who was also from Tafrish, and had converted his wife, ¯ Agha Shahzadih (Badi’ih), the above-mentioned Qajar princess. His son, Mir Sayyid Muhammad Intiz.am us-Saltanih, was also a Baha’i (1870–1932) and was among the entourage of 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Paris ( Balyuzi 1987 , p. 372; Rafati 2000 ). He was married to Khurshid Liqa, daughter of Mirza Ibrahim Khan Mu’avin ud-Dawlih Ghaffari, and thus a cousin of the abovementioned Mahdi Khan Vazir Humay un Ghaffari. Both father and son qualify as Baha’is on points 1 and 3 (and the father on point 5 also). However, the story of the Intiz.am us-Saltanih family is complicated by the question of multiple religious identities, since both father and son were also Sufis. Thus, Mir Sayyid Muhammad Intiz.am us-Saltanih both attained a high position in the Anjuman Ukhuvvat, a branch of the Ni 1 ʿ matu’llahi order, and at the same time was in the entourage of 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha in Paris and there are pictures of him assuming a posture of deference to 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha. It is difficult to assess whether the participation in a Sufi order was a cover for being a Baha’i or whether he was able to maintain dual religious beliefs Others who were among the entourage of 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha in Europe were the abovementioned Mirza Mahdi Khan Ghaffari Vazir Humay un as well as D ust Muhammad Khan Mu’ayyir ul-Mamalik (d. 1913), a son-in-law of Nasiru’d-Din Shah, who accompanied 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha from London to Bristol and to Paris, being frequently seen in his company, and is accounted a Baha’i in some sources 12 In eastern Mazandaran, and especially in the provincial capital Sari, during the period leading up to and during the Constitutional Revolution, many of the leading figures in the area were Baha’is or close sympathizers; some of them had national importance, such as Lutf- 1 ʿ Ali Khan Kulbadi (d. 1352/1933), who, at various times, held the titles Salar Mukarram, Salar Muhtasham, Muhtasham Niz.am and Sardar Jalil, and Qasim Khan Huzhabr Khaqan 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Maliki Zaghmarzi (later Huzhabr ud-Dawlih). The evidence for this is presented elsewhere ( Momen 2008 ) and therefore need not be detailed here The Baha’i religion also penetrated a number of the most powerful tribal families of Iran. H . usayn Quli Khan Mafi (1248/1832–1326/1908) had the title Sa 1 ʿ d ul-Mulk until 1305/1887 and then was Niz.am us-Saltanih. He was from the Mafi tribe which had relocated from their original homeland in Luristan to Fars and subsequently to Qazvin and is in some sources described as being from the Ahl-i H . aqq religious group. Niz.am us- Saltanih was governor of Bushihr (1299/1881–1300/1882), Zanjan (1303/1885–1305/1887), Khuzistan (1305/1887–1308/1890, 1312/1894–1314/1897); Minister of Justice and Commerce (1315/1897–1316/1898); Minister of Finance (1316/1898–1317/1899); agent for the Crown Prince as governor of ¯ Adharbayjan (1317/1899–1325/1907); and Prime Minister (1325/1907–1326/1908). He protected the Baha’is whenever he was governor of a town, especially after his contact with Mulla Rajab 1 ʿ Ali Ardakani in Yazd (where he was governor 1291/1874–1292/1875; at this time he held the title Sa 1 ʿ d ul-Mulk); his wife (the sister of Mirza H . usayn Khan ‘Ahdiyyih, Mazandarani 1974–5 , vol. 8 a, p. 442), his private secretary Mirza H . usayn Khan, his tailor Ustad Mirza Shirazi, his cook Mirza Jalal and indeed most of

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Hasan Khan, Milani, Gulf, Khavari, Iskandar, Mahm, Usuf, Persian, Bur, Ishraq, Tamin, Faizi, Huseyn, Return, Freed, Alexander, French, Adi, Won, Tutor, Born, Prayer, State, Russian, Believe, France, Khans, Usk, Bal]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 8 of 13 the people in his employ were Baha’is ( Usk u’i 1926 , part 1, p. 83). His brother, Muhammad Hasan Khan Sa 1 ʿ d ul-Mulk (d. 1900), was governor of Bushihr (1300/1882–1303/1885), of Bushihr and all of the Gulf ports (1305/1885–1308/1890, 1310/1892–1312/1894), and of Luristan and Bur ujird (1312/1894–1314/1896) ( Bamdad 1968 , vol. 1, pp. 448–56; Churchill 1906 , pp. 70, 75; Varjavand 1998 , vol. 3, pp. 2046–47). He was given the title Sa 1 ʿ d ul-Mulk in 1305/1887 when his brother became Niz.am us-Saltanih. Both Baha’i and European sources state that both brothers were Baha’is 13 Thus, on criteria 1, 2 and 5, they can be accounted as having probably been Baha’is. The fact that their cousin Karim Khan Mafi was recorded as a Babi and later a Baha’i of Qazvin ( Mazandarani nd. , vol. 3, p. 385, vol. 6, p. 559) indicates a deeper Baha’i penetration into this family than just these two brothers There is also evidence of Baha’i penetration of the leadership of the Bakhtiyari tribe While 1 ʿ Ali Muhammad Varqa, a prominent Baha’i, was in prison in Isfahan, he is reported to have converted to the Baha’i religion his fellow prisoner, Iskandar Khan Bakhtiyari, a son of H . usayn-Quli Khan Ilkhani (chief) of the Bakhtiyari tribe ( Sulaymani 1947–75 , pp. 259–62; Malmiri 1992 , pp. 42–43; Varqa 1994 , pp. 23–24; Balyuzi 1985 , pp. 78–80). His brother, 1 ʿ Ali Quli Khan Sardar As’ad, one of the foremost leaders of the Constitutionalist Revolution, had, while in France, taken on a Baha’i, Mirza H . abibullah Shirazi (later 1 ʿ Ayn ul-Mulk), as tutor to his children and on their return to Iran, collaborated with him in translating books from French into Persian ( Milani 2000 , p. 43). Later in 1913, he met 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Paris and entertained him ( Faizi 1986 , p. 175). The Russian scholar and military official Alexander Tumanski, who was conducting research on the Baha’i community, reported in 1895 that he knew of two Bakhtiyari Khans among the sons of Huseyn Quli Khan who were Baha’is ( Shahvar et al. 2011 , vol. 1, p. 163, vol. 2, p. 81). If this statement refers to these two brothers, then Iskandar Khan satisfies criteria 1 and 2; while 1 ʿ Ali-Quli Khan satisfies criteria 2, 4 and 5 There are a few individuals who were higher placed in government but for whom the evidence is weaker (as mentioned above, this will generally be the case because they had a greater need to conceal their religious identity). For example, there are contradictory indications of the attitude towards the Babi and Baha’i religions of Mirza Y usuf Khan Ashtiyani Mustawfi ul-Mamalik (1812–1886), who was in charge of the State Treasury from the time of his father’s death in 1845 and also effectively the chief minister to Nasiru’d-Din Shah from 1867 to 1871 and from 1873 until 1884, when he was formally appointed Prime Minister and remained such until his death. In the time of the Bab, he was presented with two of the books of the Bab and is reported to have been won over by their contents ( Nabil 1970 , p. 592). The government newspaper of the time reports that, at the time of the public execution of Babis in Tehran after the attempt of the life of the Shah in 1852, he personally fired the pistol shots that killed Mulla Zaynu’l- 1 ʿ Abidin Yazdi, but he is reported to have later written to Baha’u’llah denying this ( Balyuzi 1985 , p. 446). His close companion Mulla H . asan of Sultanabad was an adherent of Baha’u’llah and it is reported that, when the latter was going to Baghdad to visit Baha’u’llah, Mustawfi asked him to ask Baha’u’llah for prayers that a son be born to him. Baha’u’llah is then reported to have given Mulla H . asan some sweetmeats with instructions that Mustawfi was to partake of these. Mustawfi then had a son whom he named H . asan and who inherited the title of Mustawfiyu’l-Mamalik ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, pp. 345–46). In 1868, he was instrumental in getting Baha’u’llah’s half-brother Mirza Rida Quli freed after he had been imprisoned in Tehran for being a “Babi” ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 5, p. 487). He is also reported to have eventually come to believe in Baha’u’llah through Mirza Mahm ud Khan Bal uch ( ‘Abdu‘l-Baha 1971 , pp. 92–93; Fu’adi Bushr u’i 2007 , pp. 400–1; Ishraq-Khavari 2004 , p. 242). He may thus be considered to have satisfied criteria 1, 4 and 5 for being a Baha’i Similarly, Mirza Sa 1 ʿ id Ansari Mu’tamin ul-Mulk (1815–1884) was, for many years, the Foreign Minister of Iran (1852–1873, 1880–1884). Although Ansari carried out a number of actions against the Babi and Baha’i movements, including taking part in the executions of Babis in 1852 and pressing for the exile of Baha’u’llah from Baghdad to Istanbul in 1862–3, he is also reported to have met Baha’u’llah in Tehran and to have been friendly towards the

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Ali Asghar, Mushir, Less, Act, Nasir, Sultan, Asghar, Uri, Misbah, Ross, Raise, September, Denial, Lines, Nasru, Tablet, Blood, Consul, Span, Reading, Majid, Faith, Fir, Amid, Steward, Record, Free, Kirman, Knowledge, Nusrat, Imam, Early, Col]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 9 of 13 Babis and Baha’is. When Mushir ud-Dawlih was Prime Minister, Ansari was dismissed from his post as Foreign Minister and was appointed the chief custodian of the Shrine of Imam Rida in Mashhad (1873–1880). One source reports that during the interrogation of the Baha’i H . aji 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Majid Nishap uri in Mashhad by the governor Rukn ud-Dawlih, Ansari urged Nishap uri to say some words of denial of his faith in order to save himself. Ansari is then reported to have said: “You know that Baha’u’llah mentioned my name in the Tablet to Nasiru’d-Din Shah and I also am a believer in this Cause. But it is necessary to preserve oneself. Come, the Prince [Rukn ud-Dawlih] does not want to spill your blood, so just say that I am not of this sect” ( Fu’adi Bushr u’i 2007 , p. 79; Ishraq-Khavari 1987 , pp. 687–99; see also Balyuzi 1980 , p. 446; Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, p. 39). Ansari’s knowledge of the new religion may have come from his cousin’s daughter, ¯ Agha Jan Shahanshah Khanum (see above). This anecdote suggests that the Shi 1 ʿ i culture of taqiyya (see above) may have lingered among some Baha’is in the higher echelons of Qajar society (such as Ansari), while it was disappearing among the generality of the Baha’is (exemplified by Nishap uri who refused to practice taqiyya and was executed). However, this is to be expected since these high-ranking individuals needed to keep themselves isolated from the Baha’i community for their own safety and so would also be less influenced by changes taking place in the culture of the community However, the situation is very complicated and not easy to unravel. For example, Mirza 1 ʿ Ali Asghar Khan Amin us-Sultan, who was Prime Minister for most of the latter part of Nasiru’d-Din Shah’s reign and also part of Muz.affaru’d-Din Shah’s reign, is said to have been a secret Baha’i in a report from Col. E.C. Ross, British Consul in Bushihr, in September 1888 ( Momen 1980 , p. 247). Although this statement is not corroborated in Baha’i sources, he was in correspondence with the Baha’i leadership and did act to protect the Baha’is on several occasions, most notably after the assassination of Nasiru’d-Din Shah when he acted energetically to suppress the initial rumour that this had been the work of “Babis”, and to establish the fact that it was a follower of Sayyid Jamalu’d-Din Asadabadi who was responsible ( Mazandarani 1974–5 , vol. 8 a, pp. 534–35; Sulaymani 1947–75 , pp. 454–55) Thus interestingly, he is an individual who satisfies criteria 2, 4 and 5 and may have become close to being a Baha’i in the 1890 s but then drifted away from the community and did not make any great effort as Prime Minister to contain the anti-Baha’i pogrom in Yazd in 1903 3. Identity as a Baha’i Based on Patterns of Behavior Finally, in this paper, I propose to examine the lives of two individuals who are not regarded as having been Baha’is in the standard Iranian or Baha’i histories, 14 and yet a close reading of the record of their lives yields several lines of evidence for both individuals indicating that they may indeed have been secret believers in the new religion or close sympathizers. These two are of interest in that they span the political spectrum, one being a staunch conservative and the other having eventually sided with the reformers 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . usayn Mirza Farmanfarma (1858–1939) was a Qajar grandee whose father, Fir uz Mirza Nusrat ud-Dawlih, was a brother of Muhammad Shah. Farmanfarma was himself closely connected with Muz.affaru’d-Din Shah. He was married to the Shah’s daughter and his sister was the Shah’s favorite wife. The starting point of our investigation is the fact that Nusrat ad-Dawlih appointed a Babi, Mulla Ibrahim Mulla-bashi, as the tutor to Farmanfarma and his older brother, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . amid Mirza Nasir ud-Dawlih, while he was governor of Sultanabad (in the late 1850 s). This must of course raise questions about the religious allegiance of Nusrat ad-Dawlih himself. Later, during the governorship of both Farmanfarma and his brother in Kirman in the 1880 s and early 1890 s, the Baha’is were free from harassment and this in a city that had several elements who were hostile to the Baha’is (Us. ulis, Shaykhis and Azalis). At this time, he employed a Baha’i, Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Khan, as his steward and the latter’s son, ‘Azizu’llah Misbah., as his secretary. Later his steward was another Baha’i, namely, ¯ Aqa Sayyid Nasru’llah Kashani ( Amanat 2012 , p. 377) When he was governor of Fars in the late 1910 s, Farmanfarma again defended the Baha’is ( Etemad 2012 ). Farmanfarma attended a f ê te at the Baha’i Tarbiyat School in Tehran in

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Firuz, Sarraf, Effendi, Active, Jamal, Thabit, Gough, Purchase, Khal, Nicolas, Land, February, Banan, July, Vali, Switch, Prima, Holy, Guest, Nasr, Hugh, Schools]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 10 of 13 about 1910 ( Thabit 1997 , p. 55) and sent his children to the Tarbiyat schools. 15 A property that Farmanfarma owned in Kirmanshah was rented by a Baha’i, Mirza Muhammad Sarraf Isfahani. The remains of the Bab were placed there for one or two nights on their way from Iran to 1 ʿ Akka in 1898. When the Baha’is approached Farmanfarma in 1920 to purchase the property as it was regarded as a holy site, he gave it to them without any recompense 16 Farmanfarma’s sons, Firuz Mirza Nusrat ud-Dawlih and Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Mirza, were among the Qajar princes who met 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Paris ( Faizi 1986 , p. 304; Jasion 2012 , pp. 140, 319). In a telegram dated 15 January 1917, Col. Hugh Gough, the British Consul in Shiraz—who was well informed about the Baha’i community in Shiraz as his Persian secretary, Mirza Fadlu’llah Banan, was a Baha’i—lists some of the prominent Baha’is in Shiraz, adding that “the Governor-General’s son Fir uz Mirza is also said to be one [a Baha’i].” 17 As mentioned above, Farmanfarma’s older brother, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . amid Mirza Nasir ud-Dawlih, protected the Baha’is during the time he was governor of Kirman. He married the daughter of one of the most active Baha’i women of Rafsanjan. There are thus many indicators that Farmanfarma and possibly his brother and son may have been crypto-Baha’is From the other end of the political spectrum was Muhammad Vali Khan Tunukabuni, who held the titles Nasr us-Saltanih and Sipahsalar-i A’z.am, and who was governor of Rasht 1899–1903. At first, he supported Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Shah but then emerged in February 1909 as commander of the Constitutionalist forces, which, after taking Rasht, marched on Tehran and entered it in July 1909, forcing Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Shah’s abdication. He was then Prime Minister several times and held some other important posts until his death in 1926. It is not possible to be certain what early connections he had with the Baha’i community, but it is possible this was through Sulayman Khan Tunukabuni (Jamal Effendi), a prominent Baha’i who was from the same Khal’atbari family as Muhammad Vali Khan (they were the largest land-owners in Tunukabun). In any case, in 1899, 1 ʿ Ali Quli Khan, a Baha’i from a prominent family, stated that the Baha’is of Rasht knew him to be a Baha’i when he was governor there and 1 ʿ Ali Quli Khan approached him as a Baha’i for help to obtain a passport to go to 1 ʿ Akka to assist 1 ʿ Abdu’l-Baha with translation work 18 The British Consul at Rasht reported that the people of Rasht in 1903 also thought that he was a Baha’i ( Momen 1980 , p. 375). Finally, the French Oriental scholar Nicolas reports that when he was French Consul in Tabriz in 1912, Muhammad Vali Khan (then Governor of Tabriz) called on him: “The conversation revolved entirely around the Bab, with whose doctrines my guest seemed to agree” ( Momen 1980 , p. 515). Muhammad Vali Khan was among those Iranian notables who met 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in Paris in 1913 and was in touch with the Baha’is there 19 Hence, although he is not listed as a Baha’i in any of the standard Baha’i histories or in any Iranian histories, the facts of his life do provide some prima facie evidence that he may indeed have been a crypto-Baha’i. It is also possible to speculate that his Baha’i sympathies may have been an underlying cause for his switch from the Royalist to the Constitutionalist side 4. Conclusions This paper has addressed the question of the nature of religious identity and the possible presence of many Baha’is or Baha’i sympathizers in the upper echelons of Qajar Iran. It has identified five criteria by which individuals can be identified as having been Baha’is and has suggested that, since none of these are usually conclusive by themselves, there should be several lines of evidence across more than one of these criteria before we label someone as possibly having been a Baha’i or a close sympathizer. It has listed a number of examples of people from the Qajar royal family and from among the highest echelons of the Qajar administration who fulfill these criteria. It has noted that they were from all shades of opinion across the political spectrum (from reformists to conservatives). It has also looked at two individuals who have not been claimed to be Baha’is in the usual Iranian and Baha’i histories, and yet, if a close study of their lives is made, considerable evidence can be accumulated that they may have been crypto-Baha’is or close sympathizers. In all, this paper indicates that there may have been many Baha’is in the upper strata of

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Al-Din, Arabi, Deal, Malik, June, Plan, Safa, Chal, Makes, Mecca, Longworth, Bid, Fut, Works, Najafi, Henry, Arbab, Regie, Centre, Non, Friend, Siyah, Farman]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 11 of 13 Qajar society, and that this is a factor that has not previously been sufficiently recognized and needs to be examined for the light that it may shed on other matters Funding: This research received no external funding Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest Notes 1 For more about this complex issue, see ( Lambden 2022 ; Maneck 1996 ). In his writings, MacEoin (see for example 1983, pp. 226–27) equates hikmat and taqiyya , which is incorrect, as I have indicated in the text. This matter is, however, more complex than can be dealt with in a footnote 2 For example, Jamal Effendi was sent to Iran to be 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha’s intermediary for a message sent privately to Amin us-Sultan ( ‘Abdu‘l-Baha 1971 , pp. 137–38) 3 Information was given to the present writer by Mr Hasan Balyuzi whose father, Muvaqqar ud-Dawlih, was governor of the Gulf Ports at the beginning for the twentieth century and a Baha’i; his mother was also a Baha’i; notes of interview, 23 June 1977. Similar information was given to the present writer by Fereydoun Hoveyda, whose father, Mirza H . abibu’llah 1 ʿ Ayn ul-Mulk, was an Iranian ambassador based in Beirut; personal communication, 25 April 2005. In this latter case, however, the mother was not a Baha’i 4 There may of course be a great deal of relevant, perhaps even definitive, information in Iranian government archives and in the Baha’i World Centre archives, but these are at present inaccessible 5 For Baha’i assertions that he was a Babi and then a Baha’i, see ( Mazandarani nd. , vol. 3, pp. 437–41 n). This is supported by a non- Baha’i Iranian historian ( Bamdad 1968 , vol. 3, p. 452). For those asserting he was not a Babi or Baha’i, see ( Mudarrisi-Chahardihi 1972 , pp. 167–71; Kazembeyki 2003 , pp. 272–3, n. 111). For more details of this controversy, see ( Momen 2015 , pp. 304–5 n) 6 See for example the letter of Amin us-Sultan to Mirza-yi Shirazi in Rajab 1309 ( Safa’i 1976 , p. 318), and a similar letter in Jamadi II 1309 in which he accuses those stirring up agitation against the Tobacco Regie of being Babis ( Najafi and Ras ul 1994 , vol. 2, p. 183). See also the dispatch of Henry Longworth, the British Consul at Trebizond, who states that Asadabadi is the head of the “ Babis” ( Momen 1980 , pp. 362–63) 7 ( Sifidvash 1999 , pp. 88–9). Although he has Baha’i descendants and some have claimed him as a Baha’i, it is clear from 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l- Baha’s words ( Sifidvash 1999 , p. 88; Mazandarani undated , vol. 7, p. 316) that he regarded him as a sympathizer rather than a believer 8 For example, Zill us-Sultan released the Baha’i 1 ʿ Ali Muhammad Khan Varqa from prison in 1883 partly because he was hoping that the Baha’is would assist him in his bid for the throne and partly becasue Varqa had assisted Zill us-Sultan’s confidant Haji Sayyah. in Tabriz ( Momen 2021 , p. 24) 9 See for example ( Feuvrier 1906 , pp. 101–2), who makes this assertion. Doctor Feuvrier was Nasir al-Din Shah’s personal physician in the early 1890 s 10 ( Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, pp. 36–37; Brookshaw 2008 , pp. 50–52); see also memorandum by Malik-Khusravi in ( Arbab 1990 , p. 507) which gives slightly different details 11 ( Sulaymani 1947–75 , vol. 7, pp. 420–47; Mazandarani undated , vol. 6, pp. 37–47; Mazandarani 1974–5 , vol. 8 a, pp. 208–18). See also ( Fu’adi Bushr u’i 2007 , pp. 88–9, 145; Ishraq-Khavari 1987 , p. 692; Afnan 1997 , p. 39; Malikzadih 1949 , vol. 1, p. 212; Cole 1998 , pp. 93–116; Cole 2002 ). On his poetry, see Kazzazi, Shaykh ur-Ra’is Qajar 33–34; the phrase used “ inkishafat-i qalbiyyih va fut uhat-i ghaybiyyih ” is probably a deliberate allusion to Ibn ul-‘Arabi’s al-Fut uhat al-Makkiyah and an assertion that Shaykh ur-Ra’is found in Palestine a parallel to the ‘revelations’ that Ibn ul-‘Arabi had experienced in Mecca 12 ( Zarqani 1982 , vol. 2, pp. 85–86, 88, 101, 116; Balyuzi 1987 , pp. 347, 369, 370, 372; Ishraq-Khavari 1966 , p. 209; Faizi 1986 , p. 173); D ust Muhammad Khan’s father, D ust 1 ʿ Ali Khan Mu’ayyir ul-Mamalik, had been a friend of Baha’u’llah and even visited him in the Siyah Chal prison 13 ( Mazandarani 1971 , undated, vol. 6, p. 559, vol. 8 a, p. 77) states that Niz.am al-Saltanih was a close sympathizer and his brother Sa 1 ʿ d ul-Mulk was a Baha’i but a report from the British Consul in Bushihr, Col. E.C. Ross, in September 1888, states that both brothers were Baha’is ( Momen 1980 , p. 247). Hasan Balyuzi who was closely familiar with all aspects of the Gulf confirmed that both were Baha’is; ( Momen 1980 , p. 247) (my footnote on this page was on the basis of the information given to me by Mr Balyuzi). See also ( Bamdad 1968 , vol. 1, pp. 448–56; Varjavand 1998 , vol. 3, pp. 2045–46) 14 By standard Baha’i historical sources, it is meant such works as ( Mazandarani 1971 , undated, 9 vols; ¯ Avarih 1923 ; Balyuzi 1980 , 1985 , 1987 ). By standard Iranian historical sources, it is meant such works as ( Bamdad 1968 ; Malikzadih 1949 ; Naz.im ul-Islam 1967 ; Kazembeyki 2003 ). 15 His daughter, Sattareh Farman Farmaian ( 1992 , p. 49), and his son, Khodadad Farmanfarmaian ( 1982 ), attended the Tarbiyat school (he was later director of the Shah’s Plan Organization).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Juan Ricardo, Los Angeles, America, Shu, South, Richard, Man, Marzieh, Press, George, Dominic, Jean, Cambridge, Isabel, India, Sir, Garden, Silence, Messenger, Iyan, Irfan, North, King, Laura, Charles, Dar, Delhi, Nehal, Madrid, Milli, Steven, Tipton, Dona, Sullivan, Javad, Brill, Taban, Rais, Ann, Georg, Minor, Ullah, Ridvan, Trust, East, Habibullah, Eye, Ans, Glory, Ronald, William, Habib, Asia, Ayat, Jean-Baptiste, Amri, Jamshid, Barney, Jadid, Baptiste, Witness, Corr, Oral, Angeles, Granville, Hand, Robert, Heart, Paul, Ear, Gardens, Yahya, Year, Rayhan, Get, Ricardo, Middle, Rabbani, Routledge, Rijal, Faithful, Adah, Genesis, Asr, English, Mehrdad, November, Cour, Berkeley, Covenant, Andalib, Ara, Oxford, Parviz, Persia, Cairo, Seena, Clifford, Fazel, Printing, Bah, Ghita, Africa, Socio, Landscape, Madsen, Young]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 12 of 13 16 ( Faizi 1986 , pp. 303–4). There are other hints of Farmanfarma’s allegiance to the Baha’i religion. Thus, for example, he named his estate and gardens in Tajrish north of Tehran the Ridvaniyyih (possibly after the Garden of Ridvan associated with Baha’u’llah); ( Farmanfarmaian 1982 ). 17 Telegram from Gough to Sir Charles Marling, British Envoy at Tehran, FO 248 1159, Public Record Office, London 18 1 ʿ Ali Quli Khan needed a passport to get to 1 ʿ Akka but his family had sent word to Muhammad Vali Khan that he should be detained at Rasht. “Khan, however, approached him and whispered in his ear, ‘The Baha’i Faith has reached America and they need translations of the sacred writings into English. I would therefore be useful to 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in 1 ʿ Akka. It is urgent that I should go to Him.’ The result was, the Governor issued one passport for Khan.” ( Gail 1987 , p. 100) 19 Tunukabuni had been given a copy of 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha’s book Mufawidat ( Some Answered Questions , edited by Laura Clifford Barney) He had, as a young man, heard an eye-witness account of the execution of Badi 1 ʿ , Baha’u’llah’s messenger to Nasiru’d-Din Shah, and has written a moving account of this on the margins of a page of this copy of Mufawidat . See ( Balyuzi 1980 , pp. 300–9) (including photographic reproduction of one page of the account of the execution of Badi’ in Tunukabuni’s hand-writing) References ‘Abdu‘l-Baha. 1971 Memorials of the Faithful . Wilmette: Bah á 2 ʼ í Pub. Trust Afnan, Habibullah. 2008 The Genesis of the Babi-Baha’i Faiths in Shiraz and Fars . Trans. and Annotated Ahang Rabbani. Numen Book Series; Leiden: Brill, vol. 122 Afnan, Muhammad. 1997. Abu’l-Hasan Mirza Shaykh ur-Ra’is ‘Andalib 63: 39–46 ‘Alaqiband Yazdi, H . aj ¯ Aqa Muhammad. 1910. Tarikh-i Mashr utiyyat. MS, Issued as vol. 2 of Iranian National Baha’i Series. Available online: https://www.afnanlibrary.org/tarikh-i-mashrutiyyat (accessed on 18 March 2023) Amanat, Mehrdad. 2006. Negotiating Identities: Iranian Jews, Muslims and Baha’is in the Memoirs of Rayhan Rayhani (1859–1939) PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA Amanat, Mehrdad. 2011 Jewish Identities in Iran: Resistance and Conversion to Islam and the Baha’i Faith . London: I.B. Tauris Amanat, M usa. 2012 Baha’iyan-i Kashan . Madrid: Nehal Arbab, Fur ugh. 1990 Akhtaran-i Taban . New Delhi: Mir’at Publications, vol. 2 ¯ Avarih, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . usayn. 1923 al-Kavakib ud-Durriyih . Cairo: al-Sa 1 ʿ adah, vol. 2 Balyuzi, Hasan Muvaqqar. 1985 Eminent Baha’is in the Time of Baha’u’llah: With Some Historical Background . Oxford: George Ronald Balyuzi, Hasan Muvaqqar. 1987 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha: The Centre of the Covenant of Baha’u’llah , 2 nd ed. Oxford: George Ronald, with minor corr Balyuzi, Hasan Muvaqqar. 1980 Baha’u’llah: The King of Glory . Oxford: George Ronald Bamdad, Mahdi. 1968 Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran . 6 vols., vols 1–4. Tehran: Zavvar Bellah, Robert N., Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven M. Tipton. 1985 Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life . Berkeley: University of California Press Brookshaw, Dominic Parviz. 2008. Instructive Encouragement: Letters of Baha’ullah and 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha to Baha’i women in Iran and India. In The Baha’is of Iran: Socio-Historical Studies . Edited by Dominic Parviz Brookshaw and Seena Fazel. London: Routledge, pp. 49–93 Browne, Edward Granville. 1926 A Year among the Persians . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Churchill, George P. 1906 Persian Statesmen and Notables: Biographical Notices . Confidential Publication. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing Cole, Juan Ricardo Irfan. 1998. Autobiography and Silence: The Early Career of Shaykh al-Ra’is Qajar. In Iran im 19. Jahrhundert und die Entstehung der Baha’i Religion . Edited by Cristoph Bürgel and Isabel Schayani. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, pp. 91–126 Cole, Juan Ricardo. 2002. The Provincial Politics of Heresy and Reform in Qajar Iran: Shaykh al-Rais in Shiraz, 1895–1902 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 22: 119–29. [ CrossRef ] Dhuka’i-Bayda’i, Ni 1 ʿ matu’llah. 1969 Tadhkirih-yi Shu’ara-yi Qarn-i Avval-i Baha’i . Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri, 126 B.E. vol. 3 Etemad, Gity. 2012 Biography of Fadlullah Banan , Copy in possession of the author Faizi, Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali. 1986 H . ayat H . adrat 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha . repr. Langenhain: Baha’i-Verlag Farman Farmaian, Sattareh. 1992 Daughter of Persia . Edited by Dona Munker. London: Bantam Press Farmanfarmaian, Khodadad. 1982. Interview Recorded by Habib Ladjevardi, 10 November 1982, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Iranian Oral History Collection, Harvard University. Available online: http://www.fasharvardedu/~iohp/farmanfarmaianhtml (accessed on 30 July 2007) Feuvrier, Jean-Baptiste. 1906 Trois Ans a la Cour de Perse . Paris: F. Juven Fu’adi Bushr u’i, H . asan. 2007 Tarikh-i Diyanat-i Baha’i dar Khurasan . Darmstadt: Asr-i Jadid Gail, Marzieh. 1987 Summon Up Remembrance . Oxford: George Ronald Gulpaygani, Mirza Abu’l-Fadl. nd Kashf ul-Ghita (Completed by Sayyid Mahdi Gulpaygani) . Ishqabad: no pub Hafezi, Yuhanna Yahya. 2011. Memoir: A Family Life in Iran 1850–1950. Translated by Jamshid Javad. vol. 1, privately published. Hedges, Paul. 2017. Multiple Religious Belonging after Religion: Theorising Strategic Religious Participation in a Shared Religious Landscape as a Chinese Model Open Theology 3: 48–72. [ CrossRef ] Ishraq-Khavari, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . amid. 1966 N urayn Nayyirayn . 123 B.E. Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Mohammad Ali, Mazda, Ahd, Mohammad, Daniel, Morozov, Babak, Fathi, Sima, Wisdom, Merced, Hands, Amir, Parsi, Farhang, Asrar, Arif, Datta, Hidayat, Sandy, Stanford, Athar, West, Shani, Tahir, Stephen, Abbas, Haven, Bih, Murtada, Chand, Khuda, Yale, Kabir, Gad, Days, Bidari, Inayat, Guide, Ini, Shahadat, Ideas, Susan, Dawn, Banin, Hunar, Ilahi, Hamilton, Nay, Farsi, Vahid, Sani, Khatab, Dundas, Soli, Riddle, Tani, Adab, Node, Fadil, Uli, Boris, Travels, Aydar]

Religions 2023 , 14 , 469 13 of 13 Ishraq-Khavari, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . amid. 1987 Muhadarat , rev. ed. 2 vols. in 1. Hofheim-Langenhain: Baha’i-Verlag Ishraq-Khavari, 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-H . amid. 2004 Tarikh-i Amri-yi Hamadan . Edited by Vahid Rafati. Hofheim: Baha’i-Verlag Jasion, Jan. 2012 1 ʿ Abdu 1 ʿ l-Baha in the West: A Biographical Guide of People Associated with His Travels . Paris: É ditions Baha’ies France Kazembeyki, Mohammad Ali. 2003 Society, Politics and Economics in Mazandaran, Iran, 1848–1914 . London: Routledge Curzon Khoshbin, Parivash Samandari. 2002 Taraz-i Ilahi . Hamilton: Mu’assasih-yi Ma’arif-i Baha’i, vol. 1 Lambden, Stephen. 2022 Wisdom-H . okmah . . H . ikmah-World Religions and Babi-Baha’i Concepts of Wisdom . Merced: Hurqalya Publications Available online: https://hurqalya.ucmercededu/node/2681 (accessed on 22 February 2023) Malikzadih, Mahdi. 1949 Tarikh-i Inqilab-i Mashrutiyyat-i Iran . 7 vols. 1328/1949. Tehran: Kitabkhanih-yi Suqrat. Malmiri, H . aji Muhammad Tahir. 1992 Khatirat-i Malmiri . Langenhain: Lajnih-yi Nashr-i ¯ Athar-i Amri bih Zaban-i Farsi va ‘Arabi Maneck, Susan. 1996. Wisdom and Dissimulation: The Use and Meaning of Hikmat in the Bah á ’ í Writings and History Bah á ’ í Studies Review 6: 11–23 Mazandarani, Fadil. 1971 Asrar ul- ¯ Athar . 5 vols. 128 B.E. Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri, vol. 3 Mazandarani, Fadil. nd Z . uh ur ul-H . aqq . 9 vols. Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri, vol. 3 Mazandarani, Fadil. 1974–5 Z . uh ur ul-H . aqq . 9 vols. vol. 8 (Parts a and b), 131–32 B.E. Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri Mazandarani, Fadil. undated Z . uh ur ul-H . aqq , 9 vols. vols. 5, 6 and 7. Undated manuscripts in private hands Mihrabkhani, R uhu’llah. 1988 Zindigani-yi Mirza Abu’l-Fadl Gulpaygani . Langenhain: Baha’i-Verlag Milani, Abbas. 2000 The Persian Sphinx: Amir Abbas Hoyeyda and the riddle of the Iranian Revolution . London: Tauris Momen, Moojan. 1980 The Babi and Baha’i Religions, 1844–1944: Some Contemporary Western Accounts . Oxford: George Ronald Momen, Moojan. 1985 An Introduction to Shi’i Islam . New Haven: Yale University Press Momen, Moojan. 1991. The Baha’i Community of Iran: Patterns of Exile and Problems of Communication. In Iranian Refugees and Exiles since Khomeini . Edited by Asghar Fathi. London: Mazda Publications, pp. 21–36 Momen, Moojan. 2008. The Baha’is and the Constitutional Revolution: The Case of Sari, Mazandaran, 1906–1913 Iranian Studies 41: 343–63. [ CrossRef ] Momen, Moojan. 2015 Baha’i Communities of Iran . Volume 1: The North of Iran (2015). Oxford: George Ronald Momen, Moojan. 2021 Baha’i Communities of Iran . Volume 2: The South of Iran (2021). Oxford: George Ronald Mudarrisi-Chahardihi, Murtada. 1972 Shaykhigari, Babigari . Tehran: Fur ughi, 1351 AH Nabil, Zarandi. 1970 The Dawn-Breakers: Nabil’s Narrative of the Early Days of the Baha’i Revelation . Wilmette: Baha’i Publishing Trust Najafi, M usa, and Ja’fariyan Ras ul. 1994 Sadih-yi Tahrim-i Tanbaku . Tehran: Amir Kabir, p. 1373 Naz.im ul-Islam (Kirmani). 1967 Tarikh-i Bidari-yi Iraniyan . 3 vols in 1, 1346 AH. Tehran: Bunyad-i Farhang-i Iran Rafati, Vahid. 2000. Namih-iy az Shaykh Muhammad 1 ʿ Ali Qa’ini khatab bih Jinab-i Intiz.am us-Saltanih ‘Andalib 76: 42–3 Rastigar, Nasru’llah. 1951 Tarikh-i H . adrat-i Sadr us.-Sud ur . Tehran: Mu’assisih-yi Milli-yi Matb u’at-i Amri, 108 B.E Safa’i, Ibrahim. 1976 Asnad-i Siyasi-yi Dawran-i Qajariyyih . Tehran: Babak, 2535 Shah Shahvar, Soli, Boris Morozov, and Gad G. Gilbar. 2011 The Baha’is of Iran, Transcaspia and the Caucasus . 2 vols. London: IB Tauris Sifidvash, ‘Inayat-Khuda. 1999 Tani chand az Pishgaman Parsi-nizhad dar ‘Ahd-i Ras uli . Dundas: Association for Baha’i Studies in Persian Sulaymani, 1 ʿ Azizu’llah. 1947–75 Masabih.-i Hidayat . 9 vols., 104–32 B.E./1947–1976. Vol. 1 (104 BE/1947); 2 (2 nd ed., 121 BE/1964); 3 (2 nd ed., 123 BE/1966); vol. 5 (118 BE/1961); 7 (129 BE/1972); 9 (132 BE/1975). vol 10 (photocopy of undated, unpublished typescript in author’s possession). Tehran: Mu’assasih Milli Matb u 1 ʿ at Amri Thabit, ‘Abbas. 1997 Tarikhchih-yi Madrasih-yi Tarbiyat-i Banin . New Delhi: Mir’at Publications Tsadik, Daniel. 2007 Between Foreigners and Shi’is: Nineteenth Century Iran and Its Jewish Minority . Stanford Studies on Jewish History and Culture. Stanford: Stanford University Press Usk u’i, Mirza H . aydar 1 ʿ Ali Sani’i. 1926 Tarikh-i Amri-yi ¯ Adharbayjan . Parts 1 and 2 were completed in 83 BE/1926; part 3 is undated Sandy: Afnan Library Varjavand, Parviz. 1998 Sima-yi Tarikh va Farhang Qazvin . 3 vols. Tehran: Nay Varqa, Mahdi. 1994. ‘Sharh.-i Ahval va Shahadat-i Jinab-i Varqa va Ruhu’llah’ Kh ushih-ha-iy az Kharman-i Adab va Hunar 5: 21–33 Zarqani, Mahm ud. 1982 Badayi’ ul- ¯ Athar . 2 vols. repr. Hofheim: Baha’i-Verlag Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.

Other Religion Concepts:

[back to top]

Discover the significance of concepts within the article: ‘Who Was a Bahā’ī in the Upper Echelons of Qājār Iran?’. Further sources in the context of Religion might help you critically compare this page with similair documents:

Iran, Minister of Justice, Prime minister, Government officials, Religious belief, State treasury, Religious identity, Supportive evidence, Patterns of behavior, Social reform, Political spectrum, Baha'u'llah, Religious training, Western scholar, Upper echelon, Social elite, MDPI, Iranian culture, Family clusters, Stanford University Press.