‘Tataḥ Śrī-Gurus-Tasmai Sūrimantraṃ Dadyāt’, ‘Then the Venerable Guru Ought...

[Full title: ‘Tataḥ Śrī-Gurus-Tasmai Sūrimantraṃ Dadyāt’, ‘Then the Venerable Guru Ought to Give Him the Sūrimantra’: Early Modern Digambara Jaina Bhaṭṭāraka Consecrations]

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religions Article ‘Tatah. ´Sri-Gurus-Tasmai Surimantram. Dadyat’, ‘Then the Venerable Guru Ought to Give Him the S urimantra ’: Early Modern Digambara Jaina Bhattaraka Consecrations Tillo Detige Independent Researcher, 9000 Ghent, Belgium; tillodetige@gmailcom Received: 14 April 2019; Accepted: 17 May 2019; Published: 4 June 2019 Abstract: As recent research on the former bhattaraka lineages of Western and Central India has shown, the early modern Digambara tradition, rather than constituting a distinct, and defective, ‘ bhattaraka era’, shows much similarity to contemporary Digambara Jainism Bhattaraka s were regarded and venerated as ideal renouncers. Many of their practices accorded to those of today’s Digambara muni s, and the bhattaraka sa˙ngha s also featured renouncers of the muni and ac¯arya ranks, long thought to have abruptly become obsolete in the late medieval period. This new understanding of early modern Digambara Jainism is corroborated by the present article, which deals with early modern bhattaraka consecration rituals ( pattabhiseka , diksa ). The study is mainly based on two genres of sources. Sanskrit bhattaraka consecration manuals ( diksa-vidhi , pada-sthapana-vidhi ), firstly, outline the preparations, the ritual proceedings, and the festivities to be held. Some vernacular songs of praise ( gita , etc.) of individual bhattaraka s, secondly, focus specifically on their consecrations. These song compositions confirm many of the manuals’ prescriptions, while also adding elements not attested in the latter. Read in conjunction, both sources allow a relatively detailed understanding of early modern bhattaraka consecrations, show they closely resembled contemporary Digambara initiations, and confirm the former venerability of early modern bhattaraka s in their own times Keywords: Jainism; Digambara; bhattaraka s; early modern Indian religious traditions; asceticism; mendicant initiation; consecration rituals; Sanskrit ritual manuals; vernacular songs of praise 1. Introduction In Western and Central India, seats and lineages of male Digambara Jaina renouncers called bhattaraka s were the stronghold of Digambara asceticism from the end of the late medieval period (1000–1350 CE) onwards and throughout the early modern period (1350–1800 CE) 1 It is often thought that the Western and Central Indian bhattaraka traditions declined and disappeared right after the 17 th and 18 th century CE rise and formalization of the Terapantha, a reform movement which, next to its ritual reforms, also opposed the bhattaraka s. However, a majority of bhattaraka lineages were continued up to the 19 th and 20 th century CE. While all bhattaraka lineages of Western and Central India have now been discontinued, in South India bhattaraka traditions continue to flourish, and new seats have been established in recent decades. For long, scholarship on Sultanate and Mughal era Digambara Jainism seems to have been strained under the influence of a limited understanding 1 The standard work on the bhattaraka s of Western and Central India remains Joharapurakara ( 1958 ). See also ( Deo 1956 , pp. 545–48; K¯asalivala 1967 , 1979 , 1981 , 1982 ; Jain 1975 , pp. 83–132; Sangave [1959] 1980 , pp. 269–70, 317–22; 2001 , pp 133–43; Cort 2002 c , pp. 40–42; Flügel 2006 , pp. 344–47; Jaina 2010 ; De Clercq 2011 ). Religions 2019 , 10 , 369; doi:10.3390 / rel 10060369 www.mdpi.com / journal / religions

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 2 of 31 of these contemporary, South Indian bhattaraka s, who are clothed, sedentary, and oversee large monastic properties. Early modern bhattaraka s have long been conceptualized as a type of ‘cleric’ or ‘administrator’, or as holding a position in between laypeople and renouncers. As such, bhattaraka s present and past are unfavorably contrasted to the naked, itinerant Digambara muni , a figure who has reappeared in increasing numbers during the 20 th century CE, a development often referred to as the ‘ muni revival’. Negative assessments of early modern bhattaraka s, and of early modern Digambara Jainism more broadly, were also informed by, and have in turn reinforced, contemporary perceptions of the period of ‘Muslim rule’ as an era of oppression and decline of indigenous traditions. These assumptions in turn derive from colonial depictions that served to contrast enlightened, colonial rule to preceding dark and despotic middle ages. Widely disseminated in popular Jaina and Hindu thinking, such understandings of the extended early modern period also spill over into scholarly analyses. In the case of the Digambara tradition, it takes the form of a tripartite historiography: the ancient and early medieval tradition; Sultanate and Mughal era Digambara Jainism as a distinct ‘ bhattaraka era’; and contemporary Digambara Jainism since the muni revival 2 Recent research gainsays such periodization by bringing to light deep continuities running right across the ‘ bhattaraka era’. In their own times, the Western and Central India bhattaraka s were considered venerable, ideal renouncers by the castes connected to them ( Detige 2019 ; forthcoming ). Deceased, early modern bhattaraka s were probably very commonly venerated with rituals like p uja and arati ( Detige 2014 , 2015 , pp. 162–67), and the present study adduces evidence that ritual veneration was also practiced of living bhattaraka s, as it is of today’s muni s ( Detige , in preparation b). At least some early modern bhattaraka s seem to have followed practices associated with ideal Digambara muni s, like itinerancy ( vihara ), rain-retreats ( caturmasa ), and, at least occasionally, nudity ( Detige forthcoming ). Far from an intermediary between renouncers and laypeople, the early modern bhattaraka s stood at the very apex of the ascetic hierarchy, above the muni s and acarya s. And contrary to what is commonly thought, the latter ranks were still in usage well into the early modern period ( Detige 2018 , Detige , in preparation a). Studies of funerary monuments ( Detige , in preparation a) and manuscript colophons ( Detige 2018 , esp. pp. 354–56) show that records of muni s disappear after the early 17 th century CE, while acarya s continued to flourish up to the end of the 18 th century CE. By then, the rank of the acarya , and that of the bhattaraka , were possibly applied to figures we would now recognize rather as pandita s or brahmacari s (ibid.). Yet, well into the Mughal period bhattaraka s as well as acarya s were perceived, depicted, and venerated as ideal renouncers and as distinguished muni s In sum, striking similarities exist between the late medieval and early modern bhattaraka traditions and today’s muni sa ˙ngha s. The case of bhattaraka consecration rituals ( pattabhiseka , pada-sthapana , diksa ) 3 constitutes another aspect that clearly shows the former status of early modern, Western Indian bhattaraka s as ideal renouncers and revered spiritual leaders, rather than mere clerics, and of the continuity of renunciant praxis, conduct, and ritual from the ‘ bhattaraka era’ to contemporary Digambara Jainism. In order to make this case, the present article presents a study and translation of available texts related to early modern bhattaraka consecrations ´Sastri ( 1992 , p. 84) already pro ff ered that the procedure of contemporary muni diksa was based on muni initiations in the former bhattaraka lineages, and Gough (forthcoming) showed the similarity between the consecration rites used in the contemporary Digambara muni sa ˙ngha s and medieval and early modern Digambara renunciant initiation. Next to the ritual veneration of early modern bhattaraka s, the case of initiation praxis might indeed constitute one of the best documented examples of the Digambara tradition’s continuity from the early modern to the contemporary era. Although beyond the scope of the present study, the importance of mantra within early modern Digambara consecration practice and other features of 2 This section draws from ( Detige forthcoming ). 3 Technically, diksa refers to renunciant initiation, pattabhiseka means the consecration or anointment to a seat ( patta ), and pada-sthapana means the ‘establishment’ or conferment of a rank. As is the case more often, the sources employed for the present article use these terms more freely and interchangeably, and I follow them in this.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 3 of 31 the rituals employed are also proof of the by then completed, and still preserved, ‘mantricization’ ( Dundas 1998 ) or ‘tantrization’ ( Gough 2017 ) of Jainism 2. Sources Notably two genres of texts are available attesting early modern bhattaraka consecration practice, both little-known, little-used in scholarship, or newly discovered. Undated Sanskrit manuals for bhattaraka consecrations ( Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi , Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi ), firstly, o ff er prescriptions for the organization of consecration rites and festivals. A shorter and a longer recension are found, the former preserved in a single manuscript, the latter known in three versions (Section 2.1 ). Bhattaraka gita s, secondly, are vernacular songs of praise of individual early modern bhattaraka s. Some of these compositions include references to their consecrations to the bhattaraka seat, and some even revolve around these events specifically (Section 2.2 ). In a combined reading, these two textual genres allow a relatively detailed understanding of early modern bhattaraka consecration practices. I first introduce both sources separately, and then proceed to draw from both to paint as complete a picture as possible of the consecration rituals, discussing its various, successive elements (Sections 3 and 4 ). 2.1. Consecration Manuals I found copies of two di ff erent manuals for the consecration of a bhattaraka in the manuscript collections ( bhandara ) of two former seats of the M ¯ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana bhattaraka tradition in Central India 4 The first manuscripts were discovered by chance while randomly browsing through manuscript bundles in the collection of the Sonagiri´sakha 5 bhattaraka s at the Bhattaraka Kothi in Sonagiri, Madhya Pradesh, which at the time of my visit in December 2013 was in a state of disarray. A manuscript with a shorter consecration outline (uncatalogued) has proven to be the thus far single existant version of this text, while other versions of a longer manual (no cat. no., cloth no. 806, ‘ Mantra sa ˙ngraha ’) were also found subsequently. A second copy, featuring important and unique additions (see next), was discovered in the Chandranatha Digambara Mandira in Karañja, Maharashtra, the home of the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana Karañjasakha (cat. no. 517, cloth no. 99, ‘ Bhattarakapada sthapana vidhi ’) in January 2015. By this time I had also come across a third version of this longer text edited (pp. 116–17) and translated into Hindi (pp. 117–18) by Jaina ( 2009 ). 6 His text stems from an edition by ¯ Aryika ´Sitalmati, itself based, according to Jaina ( 2009 , pp. 115–16), on a manuscript retrieved from a manuscript collection in Bediya, Gujarat by Acarya Sanmatis¯agara 7 Premi ( 1913 , p. 59) had obtained a manuscript of a bhattaraka consecration manual from Idara. Although Premi writes (ibid.) he only had a part of the text, from the contents he reports the copy seems to have been complete and clearly resembles the longer text, thus forming a fourth known copy of the latter. Although to date no further versions of either manual have been found in any of the other bhattaraka manuscript collections consulted in the course of my research, they can be anticipated to exist I follow the manuscripts in referring to the longer manual as the Bhattaraka - pada-sthapana-vidhi (‘Method for establishing the bhattaraka rank’, BPSV), occasionally using as a shorthand Pada-sthapana-vidhi , and to the shorter text as the Bhattaraka - diksa-vidhi (‘Method for the initiation of a bhattaraka ’, BDV), or Diksa-vidhi . I also refer to the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi of the Sonagiri 4 On these and other bhattaraka manuscript collections from Western and Central India, see ( Detige 2017 ). 5 Although nowadays commonly used in scholarship, the sakha (branch) denominations of the various M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana lineages (Sonagirisakha, Karañjasakha, Idarasakha, etc.) derive from Joharapurakara ’s ( 1958 ) seminal Bhattaraka Sampradaya . They were however not used by the lineages themselves (see Detige forthcoming ). 6 Jaina discusses and refutes the canonical authenticity (‘ agamokta ’) of the bhattaraka consecration manual in a broader argument against the legitimacy of the rank of the clothed bhattaraka in general (see again Section 3.8 ). Questions about the legitimacy of bhattaraka s are irrelevant to my concerns: the early modern bhattaraka s’ venerability from the perspective of Digambara Jains contemporary to them 7 I have not been able to consult the ¯ Aryika ´Sitalamati book Jaina ( 2009 , pp. 115–16) gives only the following, further bibliographical information for the source of his Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana text: Vividha Diksa-samskara Vidhi , 2002, pp. 69–77.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 4 of 31 manuscript as version S, that from Karañja as version K, and Jaina’s text recovered from Bediya as version B (v. S, v. K, v. B) Barring minor di ff erences, Jaina’s Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi is largely identical to that from Sonagiri. The Karañja manuscript stands out from these two, di ff ering more substantially at some points. Judging from scribal errors 8 as well as multiple additional phrasings which it alone carries, 9 the text from Karañja seems to represent a later version based on, but diverging from, a text resembling the more closely related Sonagiri and Bediya versions The shorter Bhattaraka - diksa-vidhi largely overlaps with the latter part of the Bhattaraka - pada-sthapana-vidhi The Bhattaraka - pada-sthapana-vidhi mostly adds prescriptions for preparations and preliminary rituals (Sections 3.1 – 3.3 ). The Diksa-vidhi largely limits itself to outlining the actual consecration rituals, following the Pada-sthapana-vidhi also into its descriptions of the concluding celebrations, and di ff ers from the parallel sections of the latter text only in its initial phrases (Section 3.4 ). Importantly, in the manuscripts the Bhattaraka - pada-sthapana-vidhi s occur within a set of outlines of initiation rites for various Digambara mendicant ranks. Also featured in the Sonagiri and Karañja manuscripts are a Laghu-diksa-vidhi , an outline of the method for a ksullaka (‘junior monk’) initiation; 10 a manual for ‘ Mahavrata-diksa ’ or ‘ Brhad-diksa ’, in e ff ect the method for a muni initiation; 11 and upadhyaya and acarya consecration manuals 12 Jaina ( 2009 , p. 121) also gives the text of the ¯ Acaryaand Upadhy¯aya-pada-sthapana-vidhi s, again from the ¯ Aryika ´Sitalamati booklet (referring to pp. 72–73 and p. 72 respectively), and it seems likly the Bediya manuscript also contained the full set of initiation manuals. My discussion below refers to these methods for initations into the other Digambara ascetic ranks whenever most pertinent, but I postpone a fuller analysis of these texts for another occasion. Obviously, a closer study of these texts and a consideration of their implications will be of much importance for our knowledge of the constitution of early modern bhattaraka sa˙ngha s. For one thing, the order in which the various initiation rites are given, that for the bhattaraka following that for the upadhyaya and acarya , confirms that the bhattaraka rank was at that time paramount In prescribing the recitation of a Gurv¯avali or lineage list as one of the concluding parts of the consecration (see below, Section 3.7 ), both the longer and the shorter manual refer to the M ulasa ˙ngha Nandyamnaya Sarasvatigacha Balatkaragana Kundakundacary¯anvaya. Next to everything we know about early modern bhattaraka consecration hence applies to this tradition (in short, the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana), as a single song composition is our only source o ff ering some indications of Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha bhattaraka consecrations (Section 2.2 ). However, other close parallels between Kasthasa ˙ngha and M ulasa ˙ngha practices indicate that other traditions probably held similar consecration practices as the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana, excepting probably specific details or procedural di ff erences. One source certainly confirms that Kasthasa ˙ngha bhattaraka –rank renouncers were similarly distinguised from lower ranking Kasthasa ˙ngha renouncers by possessing the S urimantra , 8 See footnotes 41, 45. See also footnotes 35, 36, and footnotes in the text editions for other di ff erences between the di ff erent versions of the longer manual 9 The most important addition consists of the mantras spelled out in the section of the S urimantra , not given in the other versions (Section 3.5 ). Also of interest is an additional specification of a worthy candidate-initiand (Section 3.1 ). And, of less consequence, there is a reference to the storage of the S urimantra manuscript in a treasure box (Section 3.5 ). See discussions below (Section 3 ), and footnotes to the text editions and translations in the appendices for other, minor additions and di ff erences 10 In the composition on Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra’s consecration in s. 1721 (1663 CE), however, his earlier ‘ laghu diksa ’ made him a brahmacari , not a ksullaka ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 227) 11 The manuscripts refer to the text variously as Brhad-diksa-vidhi and Mahavrata-diksa-vidhi , but towards the end the text refers to the newly initiated renouncer as a muni . The Karañja version also explicitly refers to the administration to the initiand of the Digambara muni ’s five mahavrata s (see below, Sections 3.1 and 4.3 ), samiti s, and 28 m ulaguna s, the Sonagiri text referring only to unspecified vows ( vrata ) 12 The manuals for the initiations into these other ranks found preceding the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi in the manuscripts are still reproduced (e.g., Padmanandi et al. 1982 , pp. 231–41), and are still used during diksa s ( Gough forthcoming ).

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 5 of 31 and we can presume the mantra was also imparted to them during their consecrations, as it was to Balatkaragana bhattaraka s (see below, Section 3.5 ). All manuscripts of the consecration manuals are undated Jaina ( 2009 , p. 122, see also Gough forthcoming ) remarked that the manual’s reference to the Gurvavali of the Balatkaragana indicates that the texts were composed no sooner than the 12 th century CE, when the epithet Nandyamnaya is first attested. It is, however, also possible of course that the inclusion of this appellation is merely a feature of the preserved copy, added to an earlier version of the text. Based on material features, I estimate that all manuscripts to which I had access (the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi s, from Karañja and Sonagiri, and the Sonagiri Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi ) date from later than the 15 th century CE and earlier than the 19 th century CE (perhaps 17 th or 18 th century CE). Given the proliferation of Balatkaragana branches in the 15 th and 16 th centuries, this might have been the time of formalization and recording of consecration practices, and the procedures prescribed by our sources perhaps best represent practices of the 16 th to 17 th and 18 th centuries CE In appendices to this article I present an edition and English translation of both manuscripts from Sonagiri: the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi (Appendix A ) and the shorter Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi (Appendix C ). I also o ff er an edition and translation of those sections of the Karañja Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi manuscript which di ff er most significantly from the other versions (Appendix B ). In my discussion of the texts below, I refer to Jaina ( 2009 , pp. 116–17) for the Bediya version of the longer recension. Significant di ff erences between the various versions of the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi are discussed in my analysis in the next section (Section 3 ), while minor variations are footnoted in my edition of the Sonagiri text in Appendix A . Notable di ff erences between the Pada-sthapana-vidhi and the parallel Diksa-vidhi sections are also analyzed below. Di ff erences in orthography, grammatical variants, exchange of words for synonyms, etc., are not systematically noted. Probable scribal errors are not necessarily amended, but those of some consequence are discussed in footnotes to the text editions 13 2.2. Bhattaraka Song Compositions Bhattaraka songs of praise are devotional and jubilant compositions singing the praises of individual bhattaraka s’ virtues ( guna-gana ), describing their subjects as ideal Digambara renouncers observing all the normative ascetic rules of conduct 14 As such, they can be read as expressions of the venerability ascribed to the early modern bhattaraka s by their contemporaries. Many of these song compositions also include biographical data like the renouncers’ caste, place of birth, and parents’ names, their beauty, learnedness, and dexterity, and their earlier lives both as laymen and as renouncers. References are found to their peregrinations ( vihara ), the image consecrations ( pratis.tha ) and pilgrimages they conducted, and the honors they received from rulers. Variously titled gita , jakhadi , hamaci , lavani , etc., such songs are found from the 15 th to the 18 th century CE. We know of several dozens of bhattaraka gita s, many edited, cited, or referred to in the work of Kast uracanda Kasalivala and other Jain scholars, others newly retrieved from manuscript copies ( Detige 2019 , pp. 276–77) Compositions are preserved relating to bhattaraka s of various lineages of Western and Central India, though the majority relate to incumbents of the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana. The greater availability of sources deriving from the latter tradition is a mere reflection of its regional predominance. Yet, examples of bhattaraka song compositions are also found on incumbents of M ulasa ˙ngha Senagana and Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha seats, and, again going from other close parallels between the practices of di ff erent bhattaraka traditions, we can surmise that their composition was a shared practice across traditions Chapa s or colophons, whenever available, reveal that these songs were composed by 13 Wherever encountered, I do reverse the idiosyncratic, early modern manuscripts’ swapping of ‘ va ’ and ‘ ba ’ 14 In introducing the bhattaraka gita s here, I draw from an earlier discussion in ( Detige 2019 , esp. pp. 274–79).

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 6 of 31 pupils of bhattaraka s, either lay pandita s or celibate brahmacari s, or by bhattaraka s themselves, in praise of their predecessors The quantity of preserved texts shows that bhattaraka praise hymns were commonly composed and constituted a distinct genre of devotional literature. We also find evidence that they were performed They served as benedictory verses ( ma ˙ngalacarana ) in welcoming visiting bhattaraka s and were used during the performance of arati (lamp o ff ering ritual) of the bhattaraka s ( Detige 2019 , pp. 278–79) We also have indications that such songs were used during bhattaraka consecrations. Thus, after the consecration of the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana Idarasakha Bhattaraka Gunakirti in D. u ˙ngarapura in s 1632 (1574–1575 CE), attractive women ( kamani ) reportedly sang ma ˙ngalagita s (auspicious songs) about the newly minted bhattaraka , and dancers and musicians with various instruments also presented songs in his praise ( Kasalivala 1969 , p. 454). The bhattaraka consecrations, and the festivities held in the margins thereof, might well have formed the inspiration for the composition of many of the bhattaraka gita s, notably of those songs which focused on the consecrations themselves A relatively substantial number of preserved bhattaraka gita s record their subjects’ consecrations Fifteen bhattaraka gita s at least refer to a bhattaraka ’s consecration, relating to in sum twelve individual bhattaraka consecrations, chronologically listed in Table 1 . 15 These compositions typically record the place and year of the consecration, sometimes also the precise date. Eight of these relate to 16 th century CE bhattaraka consecrations, four 17 th century CE, and three 18 th century CE. Not surprising given the general predominance of gita s from the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana, bhattaraka song compositions attesting their subjects’ consecrations are also predominantly found on incumbents from this tradition. Seven record the consecrations of four consecutive incumbents of the S uratasakha sub-branch which I refer to as the Baradolisakha (see Detige 2019 , p. 276, fn. 27), three compositions deal with the consecrations of as many individual bhattaraka s of Joharapurakara ’s ( 1958 ) Dilli–Jayapurasakha, which I refer to as the D . h undhadasakha (see Detige 2018 , p. 283), and one composition each relates to the Nagaurasakha, Idarasakha, Jerahatasakha, and Karañjasakha. One composition mentions the consecration of a Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha bhattaraka (see further below in this section) While in the present article the gita s’ records of the rituals that took place as part of the bhattaraka consecrations are of central concern, and are called upon in subsequent sections, the texts are of further interest too. A few name acarya s, muni s, brahmacari s, aryika s, and brahmacarini s present at the consecration events. These references constitute one of the sources allowing us to establish the occurrence of renouncers of muni and acarya ranks in the early modern period ( Detige 2019 ), and they provide a sample of the composition of the bhattaraka sa˙ngha s more broadly (see also Detige 2018 ). Names of attending pandita s and lay donors are also recorded, both sometimes recorded as playing a role in the ritual proceedings (Section 4.1 ). While compositions with long lists of names of attendees and participants may have been commemorative, literary texts (as pro ff ered in Detige 2019 , p. 280), they might also have functioned as vehicles for praise of the present renouncers and lay sponsors, and as such they might also have been actually performed during consecration festivities 15 To the fourteen attested compositions already listed in ( Detige 2019 , pp. 279–80), one can be added referring to the consecration of the Jerahatasakha Bhattaraka Narendrakirti in Siroñja in s. 1740 (1682–1683 CE), retrieved by ´Sastri ( 1992 , pp. 88–89) from a gutaka found in Siroñja (no further specifications) ´Sastri ( 1992 , pp. 88–89) edits parts of the text and discusses others As found in other gita s ( Detige 2019 , pp. 280–82), a series of pandita s and renouncers listed in the composition probably refers to attendees at the consecration: Muni Udayasagara and two unranked male renouncers, ´Subhakirti and Jayakirti, judging from their names and the fact that they are mentioned before Udayasagara probably at least muni s; three female renouncers, among which one aryika and one bai (probably brahmacarini ), a third one remaining unranked in at least ´Sastri’s account; and one brahmacari ( ´Sastri 1992 , p. 89).

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 7 of 31 Table 1. Chronological list of bhattaraka consecrations attested in song compositions Bhattaraka Name Lineage Date of Consecration Place of Consecration Source Prabhacandra D . h undhadasakha s. 1572 (1514–1515 CE) Campavati ( = Chaksu) manuscript, ¯ Amera sastrabhandara, Jaipur, gutaka no. 5, cloth no. 203, pp 230 B–31 B Visvasena Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha 16 th Century CE 16 D . u ˙ngarapura ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672) Ratnakirti Baradolisakha s. 1630 (1572–1573 CE) Jalanapura (probably Jalana, Maharashtra) ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 104) Gunakirti Idarasakha s. 1632 (1574–1575 CE) D . u ˙ngarapura ( Kasalivala 1969 ; 1981 , pp 234–35) Sahasrakirti Nagaurasakha s. 1634 (1576–1577 CE) ? manuscript, Bara Daraji Mandira, gutaka , cat. no. 148, pp. 52 B–55 B) Kumudacandra Baradolisakha s. 1656 (1598–1599 CE) Baradoli three compositions: ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 101–2, 233–34, 204–5) Abhayacandra Baradolisakha s. 1685 (1627–1628 CE) Baradoli two compositions: ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 105–6, 116–17) ´Subhacandra Baradolisakha s. 1721 (1663–1664 CE) Poravandara (Porbandar) 17 ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 226–28) Narendrakirti Jerahatasakha s. 1740 (1682–1683 CE) Siroñja ( ´Sastri 1992 , pp. 88–89) Devendrakirti D . h undhadasakha s. 1770 (1712–1713 CE) ¯ Amera ( Nyayatirtha 1985 b ) Mahendrakirti D . h undhadasakha s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE) Delhi ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a ) Devendrakirti Karañjasakha second half of the 18 th Century CE 18 ? ( Joharapurakara 1958 , pp 69–70, lekha 190) Some gita s merely mention their subject’s consecration, or describe it very summarily in their broader narratives of the bhattaraka’ s life and career, or amongst their verses of praise. Others, however, revolve specifically around the consecration and were clearly composed to eulogize, or commemorate, the consecrations themselves. I refer to these as patta-sthapana-gita s (‘songs on the consecration to the seat’). Among these are the three compositions from the D . h undhadasakha and that from the Nagaurasakha, and it is notably the two D . h undhadasakha compositions brought to light, edited, and discussed by Nyayatirtha ( 1985 a , 1985 b ) that will add to our knowledge of early modern bhattaraka consecrations as gleaned from our reading of the ritual manuals (Section 4 ). 19 The composition on the consecration of the Jerahatasakha Bhattaraka Narendrakirti, as reported by ´Sastri ( 1992 , pp. 88–89), also revolves around the bhattaraka ’s consecration, and also features some unique contents (Section 4.4 ). With the exception of the latest, that on Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra, the compositions on Baradolisakha bhattaraka s edited and discussed by Kasalivala ( 1981 ) mention only a few of the rituals performed at the consecrations. Yet they are relatively consistent in recording the names of lay patrons (Section 4.1 ) and the recitation of the S urimantra (Section 3.5 ), some also mentioning a practice of anointment (Section 4.2 ). The compositions on the Idarasakha Bhattaraka Gunakirti ( Kasalivala 1969 , pp. 453–54; 1981 , pp. 234–35) and the later Karañjasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti ( Joharapurakara 1958 , pp. 69–70, lekha 190) deal with their subjects’ entire lives. Yet, as already mentioned, the former, judging from Kasalivala ( 1969 , p. 454)’s account of it, seems to o ff er a lively picture of the festive atmosphere at the consecrations, including song and music. And the latter song touches upon similar 16 A single dated attestation of this bhattaraka stems from s. 1596 ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 294) 17 ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 80) 18 Bhattaraka died s. 1850, other attestation s. 1840 ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 76) 19 I thank John Cort for bringing my attention to and sharing both articles by Nyayatirtha.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Idea, Prior, Prime, Bhakti, Head, Muh, Missing, Hair, Due, Graphic, Kala, Good, Quality, Pitcher, Common]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 8 of 31 elements as the Western Indian patta-sthapana gita s in its verses on Devendrakirti’s consecration, notably its scheduling under an auspicious constellation ( muh urta ), the gathering of the fourfold community ( caturvidha sa ˙ngha ) of laypeople and renouncers for the event, the organization of festivities ( utsava ), the pouring of a pitcher ( kalasa , Section 4.2 ), and the guru establishing his pupil on his own seat, giving him a new name (Section 3.5 ). The single known composition recording a Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha consecration is, unfortunately, rather sparse with regards to details of the rituals performed. However, those few elements mentioned do accord to common M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana practice: the pouring of a pitcher, festivities held, and the incumbent bhattaraka Visalakirti himself establishing his successor Visvasena on the seat. Interestingly, the composition also refers to the initiand ‘taking Digambara diksa ’ (‘grahi diksa digam.bara’, Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672, see also footnote 55) Although the amount of detail of the ritual proceedings recorded thus varies greatly between individual song compositions, when read as a whole and in combination with the consecration manuals, the songs’ descriptions help us develop a reasonably good idea of the overall procedure of early modern bhattaraka consecrations. The song compositions often confirm the prescriptions of the manuals, adding to the latter specificity as well as ambience and a certain graphic quality (Section 3 ). Sometimes song compositions also attest features not prescribed by the vidhi s, among which a few seemingly important actions which, if presumed to have been practiced more commonly too, are oddly missing from the manuals (Section 4 ). Notable features are the initiand’s taking of or reflecting on ascetic vows (Section 4.3 ); his performance of kesaloñca , the pulling out of the hair of the head (Section 4.4 ); the gifting of ascetic paraphernalia to him (Section 4.5 ); an anointment of possibly the initiand’s head (Section 4.2 ); and a ritual called añjali performed by laypeople, next to more acknowledgement and detail of laypeople’s roles in the rituals and celebrations more generally (Section 4.1 ). 3. Early Modern Bhattaraka Consecrations as Prescribed by Ritual Manuals and Confirmed by Songs of Praise In my edition of the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi (Appendices A and B ), I divide up the text in eight sections, roughly thematically delineated ( A.1–8 ) . The Karañja Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi di ff ers most notably from the Sonagiri text in Sections 1 , 3 and 5 , and only these are edited, translated, and numbered as such in Appendix B (B.1, B.3, B.5). The shorter Bhattaraka - diksa-vidhi consists of close parallels to the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi s’ sections 4–8, and these are therefore numbered as such in Appendix C (C.4–8). The following sections of this article (Sections 3.1 – 3.8 ) largely overlap with the consecutive sections of the bhattaraka consecrations manuals: (Section 3.1 ) description and selection of a worthy candidate ( A.1, B.1 ) ; (Section 3.2 ) preparations and preliminary rituals ( A.2, B.2 ) ; (Section 3.3 ) recitation of Bhakti s ( A.3, B.3, and A–C.7 ) ; (Section 3.4 ) ablution of the initiand’s feet, praise of the bhattaraka ( bhattaraka - stavana ), and recitation of a bhattaraka ’s virtues ( gunaropana ) ( A–C.4 ) ; (Section 3.5 ) transmission of the S urimantra ( A–C.5 ) ; (Section 3.6 ) performance of p uja and other devotions of the newly consecrated bhattaraka , including avahana ( A–C.6, and A–C.8 ) ; (Section 3.7 ) recitation of the bhattaraka lineage ( Gurvavali ) ( A–C.7 ) ; and (Section 3.8 ) concluding festivities ( A–C.8 ) In each of the following sections of this article, I discuss the contents of the corresponding sections of the manuals, adding considerations of the broader implications of their contents, and referring to findings from other sources wherever possible or relevant. Prime among these are the bhattaraka gita s and their confirmations of specific elements from the manuals. Features of individual bhattaraka consecrations attested in gita s, but not confirmed by the manuals, are discussed separately in a subsequent part of this article (Section 4 ). 3.1. Description and Selection of a Worthy Candidate As noted, the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi adds prescriptions for preparations of the consecration not discussed in the shorter Diksa-vidhi . Before naming the rituals due to be performed prior to the consecrations (Section 3.2 ), it firstly defines who is a suitable candidate for the bhattaraka rank and how he should be nominated. Importantly, all three versions of the text agree that a prospective bhattaraka

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Carry, Ways, Shila, Change, Dharma, Yama, Quite, Sakala, Care, Sila, Ratna, Body, Satya, Jewel, Mind, Pale, Jewels, Dhari, Tera, Chastity, Sudha, Adi, Jina, Pam, Major, Padam, Faith, Ahim, Mean, Loved, Sam, Take, Self, Munim, Need, Mental]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 9 of 31 should be a muni already having the rank of ‘junior’ or ‘lower’ ( laghu ) acarya (‘ laghvacarya-padam [ . . ] munim ’). The candidate should furthermore be loved by the whole sa ˙ngha , well-versed in the sruta knowledge, steadfast in perpetuating the dharma of the jina , and adorned with the three jewels ( ratnatraya ) of right faith, knowledge, and conduct (‘ sakala-sam . ghabhirucitam . [ . . ] sruta-jñam jina-dharmmodharana-dhiram. ratna-traya-bhusitam ’, BPSV, v. S) The Karañja manuscript is unique among the three known versions in adding a further requirement for the initiand to be observing (to be ‘a storehouse of’) “vows, the samiti s and gupti s, self-restraint, mental restraint, concentration, and morality” (‘ vrata-samiti-gupti-yama-niyama-sam . yama-´sila-nidhanam ’ BPSV, v. K). It is not clear whether the terms yama , niyama , and sam . yama here carry any more specific, technical connotation. The three gupti s—restraint of mind, speech, and body—and the five samiti s—care in walking, speaking, accepting alms, picking up and putting down things, and excretory functions—are still stipulated for contemporary Digambara muni s. The term vrata might well refer to the five mahavrata or major vows of the Digambara muni— nonviolence ( ahim . sa ), truthfulness ( satya ), not stealing ( asteya ), chastity ( brahmacharya ), and nonpossession ( aparigraha ) 20 Its occurrence in conjunction with the gupti vows and samiti rules of conduct also seems to indicate this much. Outside of the context of their consecrations as well, songs of praise quite commonly describe bhattaraka s as observing this set of vows also referred to as the thirteen ways of (correct) conduct ( teraha caritra : five mahavrata s, five samiti s, three gupti s) 21 The 18 th century CE D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti is recorded to have taken, or more probably recollected, observed, or renewed, the five mahavrata s, five samiti s, and three gupti s during his consecration ( Nyayatirtha 1985 b , p. 36; see further discussion below, Section 4.3 ). The requirement of observance of these vows is one aspect (see also Sections 4.4 and 4.5 ) rendering the profile of an early modern bhattaraka -candidate recognizably close to that of an ideal Digambara renouncer as understood today. Yet a major question remains concerning the bhattaraka s’ and other early modern renouncers’ nudity, and here we need to take caution in our reading of the prescriptive manuals concerning the practical, early modern application of such vows. The Mahavrata - diksa-vidhi of the Sonagiri and Karañja manuscripts prescribes the muni -initiand to abandon his clothes during his initiation and to take the 28 m ulaguna s, one of which is nudity. If we take this for granted, this would mean that a bhattaraka -initiand already was a naked renouncer. However, evidence concerning the nudity or clothedness of early modern bhattaraka s is inconclusive, indications and attestations of both being found ( Detige forthcoming ), and less than that is known about early modern Digambara renouncers of other ranks. While it is often taken for granted that the change from naked to clothed renouncers occurred as a singular and decisive shift in the Sultanate period, it is much more likely that it was in reality far more gradual and not decisive, and that well into the Mughal era there existed a diversity of practices in di ff erent periods, regions, and perhaps traditions, less likely so between di ff erent branches of a single tradition As noted, we do not have a precise dating for any of the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi manuscripts Yet, the reference to a suitable bhattaraka -initiand as already being a muni and an acarya , observing the vows associated with these ranks as generally understood, is another confirmation of the preservation of these ranks in the early modern Digambara tradition, next to more ample proof from other sources ( Detige 2018 , in preparation a). The fact that the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi occurs together with similar outlines of the procedures for the initiation of an acarya , upadhyaya , muni , and ksullaka also shows that, at least in theory 22 , the early modern Digambara tradition had safeguarded its entire 20 As noted (footnote 11), the Sonagiri Mahavrata-diksa-vidhi ’s brief reference to the administration of ‘ vrata s’ to the muni -initiand is expanded in the Karañja manuscript’s listing of mahavrata s and other vows 21 e.g., ‘ samiti gupati adi e pale caritra tera prakara’ ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 56, 204); ‘ pam . ca mahavrata sudha la dhari | pam . ca samiti dhare am . ga udari || tranya gupati guru caritra pale | ’ (ibid., pp. 228–29) 22 While su ffi cient sources attest early modern muni s and acarya s up to respectively the early 17 th century CE and the late 18 th century CE, references to early modern upadhyaya s are found far more rarely ( Detige 2018 , p. 279; forthcoming ), and early modern ksullaka s are practically unattested (see Detige 2015 , pp. 146–47 on a 19 th century CE ksullaka ). One hypothesis, still

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Top, Standing, Mandal, Try, Hand, High, Age, Point, Young, Empty, Rajasthan]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 10 of 31 gamut of ascetic ranks, adding that of the bhattaraka on top of its hierarchy. This gainsays hitherto widespread conceptions of the absolute disappearance of the muni ( upadhyaya ) and acarya ranks in the period, of the bhattaraka sa˙ngha s solely being composed of celibate brahmacari s and lay pandita s, and of the bhattaraka s themselves as being mere clerics or intermediaries between laypeople and renouncers (see also Detige 2018 , 2019 , in preparation a). Instead, in the early modern period, the bhattaraka rank was a higher promotion for a muni or acarya . What distinguished the bhattaraka s from the latter, as already remarked by Gough ( 2017 , p. 296), or set them apart as “a special class of Digambara acarya s” (ibid., p. 297) was their possession of the S urimantra , transmitted to the initiand further in the consecration procedure as probably its single most empowering feature (see below, Section 3.5 ). At the same time, while the manual demands a muni , or an acarya , as an initiand, we also have some early modern sources attesting brahmacari s or even lay pandita s being initiated to the bhattaraka seat directly 23 The latter certainly must have been a common practice by the 19 th and 20 th century CE, 24 when the Western and Central Indian bhattaraka lineages were themselves coming to an end and the bhattaraka s no longer had pupillary circles of fully initiated renouncers as the ranks of muni and acarya had by then e ff ectively ceased to exist. In earlier centuries too, it was possible that specific seats or regions at times did not have a su ffi cient number of initiated renouncers of lower ranks to select from. On the other hand, new incumbents also seem to have been attracted from elsewhere if necessary, 25 and this certainly would have been possible given the transregional connections of early modern bhattaraka seats, as confirmed for example through the case of bhattaraka s consecrating incumbents of sister lineages (see Section 3.5 ). Further studies of the composition of specific bhattaraka sa ˙ngha s might bring to light regional di ff erences or certain patterns of historical development It is unclear what the laghu - acarya rank ( laghvacarya-pada ) attested in the Bhattaraka-padasthapana-vidhi ’s initial phrasing refers to precisely. It does not seem very likely that the term laghu would here refer to youth. Some Pattavali s include the number of years each incumbent had spent prior to his consecration to the bhattaraka seat, both as a layperson and as a renouncer (e.g., Hoernle 1891 , pp. 351–55; 1892 , pp. 74–77, 79). If we take these data at face value, bhattaraka s were on average consecrated between their early thirties and late forties, though some already in their twenties, and others as late as their sixties. We might expect that experienced renouncers, at least somewhat advanced in age, would have been preferred for this high-ranking position, but particularly charismatic or talented renouncers might indeed have been consecrated to the seat at a relatively young age. Yet again others only reached the bhattaraka rank at a much more mature age Though also building up to a rather weak hypothesis only, we could also try to understand the term laghu - acarya in relation to the figure of the mandalacarya 26 The latter rank, or title, is attested quite commonly at the time of the proliferation of Balatkaragana branches in the 15 th and 16 th century CE and in some Balatkaragana lineages (Bhanapurasakha, Nagaurasakha) still in the 17 th and 18 th century CE. A mandalacarya originally, at least theoretically, seems to have been responsible for a certain region of his superior bhattaraka ’s wider sphere of influence. At some point, successions of mandalacarya s often claimed bhattaraka -status for themselves. It is noteworthy that there is no outline of the procedures for the consecration of a mandalacarya among the various initiation manuals found in the manuscripts. This probably indicates that it was not considered a separate ascetic rank, but rather to be verified through further research, is an early modern conflation of the ksullaka and brahmacari ranks, or perhaps rather the suppression or substitution of the former by the latter. This much would certainly seem plausible if we conceive of early modern, fully-initiated renouncers ( muni s, and beyond) as generally clothed, in which case one of these lower steps of renunciation might have seemed redundant 23 As a later example, one Pandita Ma ˙ngalacanda was consecrated on the Karañja Balatkaragana seat at the turn of the 20 th century CE ( Detige 2015 , p. 152) 24 See Premi ( nd. ) [reprint without bibliographic information], who reports, and deplores, the preparations for the consecration of a brahmacari to the empty Idara seat after it had been empty for fifteen years since the death of Bhattaraka Kanakakirti 25 Again standing as a later example of this (cf. footnote 23), Pandita Ma ˙ngalacanda who was consecrated on the Karañja Balatkaragana seat was a native of Nainavam., Rajasthan ( Detige 2015 , p. 152) 26 I here draw from the discussion on mandal¯acarya s in ( Detige 2018 , pp. 311–20).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Stage, Desha, Alaya, Alive, Sara, Circle, Amam, Final, Uri, Asana, Hold, Temple, Caity, Lack, Desa, Days, Icon, Kum, Don, Heard, Leader, Look]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 11 of 31 a distinction for an acarya . The mandalacarya then stood in between the acarya and the bhattaraka in the ascetic hierarchy, probably closer to the former, distinguished from the latter again because of the bhattaraka ’s monopoly over the S urimantra , which granted him the privilege of icon consecrations (see Section 3.5 ). The term laghu - acarya could then be taken to refer to an acarya who was not (also) a mandalacarya , although it might otherwise be exactly these mandalacarya s who could be thought of as qualified to make the final promotion up to the highest ascetic rank of bhattaraka . Another, at least slightly more probable interpretation presents itself in the fact that bhattaraka s were themselves also understood to be acarya s and were regularly referred to such. A laghu - acarya could then apply to an acarya lower than the ‘ bhattaraka -type acarya s’. Either way, the lack of further attestations of the term laghu - acarya also indicates that it was probably not a fully formalized rank What I distinguish as the first section of the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi concludes with short instructions for the selection procedure of a suitable candidate, the choosing of an auspicious moment for the consecration to take place, and the dispatching of invitations 27 for the event. The latter ought to be done by the leader of the lay congregation ( sa ˙nghadhipa , v. S & B; sa ˙nghadipati , v. K). While the text is slightly ambiguous, it also seems to present it as the latter’s responsibility to look for a worthy candidate in the first place and to deliberate on his fitness with the whole fourfold sa ˙ngha ( caturvidha-sa ˙ngha ), lay men and women and male and female renouncers. The text thus points out the involvement of the lay community in the selection of a new bhattaraka . I have indeed sometimes heard accounts of the large extent of the lay community’s say in the selection of a successor to a deceased acarya in today’s muni sa ˙ngha s. And yet it probably often was the former bhattaraka , when still alive or by some proclamation before passing, who held the prerogative of electing his successor Typically, this could have been his favorite pupil or the most skilled or learned renouncer of his circle of pupils. This probably happened in the case of bhattaraka s consecrating their own successors (see below, Section 3.5 ). According to Kasalivala ’s ( 1981 , p. 235) account of the composition on Bhattaraka Gunakirti, the latter announced a pupil of his to become his successor at a festival seemingly especially organized for this purpose. It certainly seems to have been very common for the fourfold sa ˙ngha to gather for bhattaraka consecrations, as it is explicitly recorded in several song compositions, 28 and gita s also o ff er more indications of the responsibilities and roles of laymen in the consecrations rituals and festivals (see Section 4.1 ). The manual continues by indicating that, apparently once a candidate has been accepted by all, an astrologically auspicious moment ( lagna ) 29 needs to be determined for the consecration Immediately after its Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi , the Karañja manuscript indeed continues with a ‘ Description of the auspicious and inauspicious constellations for initiation and consecration ’ ( Diksa-pattabhiseka-naksatra-phalaphala-varnana ). The Pada-sthapana-vidhi texts themselves, in the next section, proceed with prescriptions for preparations of the consecration event and rituals to be performed by laypeople in the days leading up to the consecration 3.2. Preparations and Prefatory Rituals A colorful pavilion ( mandapa ), stage or platform ( vedi ), and throne ( si ˙nh¯asana ) are to be erected for the consecration. Laypeople should hold a festival ( mahotsava ) in a temple ( caity¯alaya ) performing 27 ‘ -amam . tranapatram . ’ , v. S; ‘- amantranapatrim ’, v. B; ‘- amantrana-patrikam ’, v. K. Version K adds that the invitation letter ought to be colored with kumkuma (‘ kum . kumam . kitam ’) 28 Compositions on the Baradolisakha Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra, Poravandara, s. 1721 (1663 CE, ‘ caturvidha sa ˙ngha ’, ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 80, n. 1); ‘ sa ˙ngha caturvidha ’, ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 227)); D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti, Delhi, s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE, ‘ d uri desa syaum . abiya ji sa ˙ngha caturavidhi sara ’, ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423)); Karañjasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti, second half of the 18 th century CE (‘ caturvidha srisa ˙ngha milavuna ’, ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 69, lekha 190)). Other compositions’ listings of attending renouncers can also be taken as confirmations of the gathering of the fourfold sa ˙ngha , even when they don’t explicitly use the term caturvidha sa ˙ngha , e.g., the composition on the consecration of the D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti in ¯ Amera in s. 1770 (1712–1713 CE, ( Nyayatirtha 1985 b , p. 36); (see also Detige 2019 , pp. 279–82)) 29 ‘ lagnam . grhitrva’ , V. B. V. S has ‘ lagnim ’, and V. K omits, probably both due to scribal error.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Shanti, Pearl, Day, Married, East, Atha, Homa, Lines, Drops, Santi, Jal, Area, Adhi, Pearls, Garland, Flower, Mandala, Subha, Render]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 12 of 31 the ´Santika- , Ganadharavalaya- , 30 Ratnatraya- , and other p uja s 31 Like many contemporary vidhana s or mahap uja s (collective p uja s), these rituals seem to have lasted for several days, for the manuscript repeats its prescription to perform the ´Santika and Ganadharavalaya rituals ( arcana ) on the auspicious day selected for the consecration. After this, a procession with water pitchers ( jalayatra-mahotsava ) ought to set out. The auspicious number of 108 pitchers ( kalasa ) filled with (water su ff used with) herbs are to be brought on and established on a svastika . It is not explicated who the singular individual is who ought to establish the pitchers (‘ sthapayet ’), possibly the pratisthacarya referred to later (see Section 3.4 ). Happily married lay women ( saubhagyavati stri ) make another svastika on the ground with lines of sandalwood paste and pearls. On top of it the throne ( si ˙nhasana ) for the initiand should be erected, and he should be seated there facing east. It is here that the actual consecration and the rituals most closely surrounding it will begin, as prescribed in the next sections of the manual Individual bhattaraka gita s regularly confirm elements of the preparatory rituals and festivals prescribed by the Pada-sthapana-vidhi An account of the pattabhiseka of the Balatkaragana D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti in ¯ Amera in s. 1770 (1712–1713 CE, Nyayatirtha 1985 b , p. 36; see also below, Section 4 ) relates how the initiand, a muni , was seated on a throne (‘ si ˙nghasani ’), and above his head a parasol (‘ chatra ’), a symbol of reverence, was spread. A composition on the consecration of Devendrakirti’s successor Mahendrakirti in Delhi in s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE) shortly refers to the performance of further unspecified p uja s before the diksa . Through these, the poem says, obstacles were removed (‘ vighana d uri vidariyo ’, Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423), which indicates that such rituals were understood to render the consecration auspicious and successful. In his hamaci on Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra, the poet ´Sripala records the performance of jinap uja , santika , homa (a fire ritual), vidhana , and a jalayatra , the latter also featuring coconuts ( ´sriphala ), before the consecration of ´Subhacandra on an auspicious date and time (‘ subha muh urata ’) in s. 1721 (1663–1664 CE, Kasalivala 1981 , p. 227). According to Kasalivala ’s ( 1969 , p. 454) account of the composition on Bhattaraka Gunakirti, a procession ( jal usa ) of ornamented elephants, palanquins, and other vehicles went out before his consecration, and the whole area was perfumed with flower garlands 32 Reminiscent of jalayatra s as they are still performed today, women decked out with jewels and decorated clothes (‘no less then goddesses’) went out carrying pitchers ( kumbha ) on their head filled with fragrant water, which was subsequently used for Gunakirti’s pattabhiseka 3.3. Recitation of Bhaktis The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi next prescribes that an announcement be made of the commencement of the ritual for conferment of the bhattaraka rank 33 Immediately after this, we find a first reference to the recitation of Bhakti s. The Digambara Bhakti s are ancient devotional texts, of which independent sets exist set in both Prakrit and Sanskrit. They are used by laypeople during the veneration of jina icons or living renouncers, at fasts, and annual festivals 34 The Bhakti s are already attested as forming part of renunciant initiations in medieval texts, and they are still used during contemporary Digambara initiations ( Gough forthcoming ). Although their usage is not mentioned in the patta-sthapana-gita s, the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi prescribes in sum five Bhakti s ( Siddha- , ´Sruta- , ¯ Acarya- , ´Santi- , and Sam¯adhi-bhakti ) to be recited at three di ff erent moments during the consecration ritual. The di ff erent versions all agree that firstly the Siddha- , ´Sruta- , and ¯ Acarya-bhakti ought to be recited immediately after the announcement of the ritual’s commencement. The Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi 30 See ( Gough 2015 ) and ( Gough forthcoming ) on the usage of the Ganadharavalaya-mandala during Digambara diksa s 31 Version K drops the term ‘ mahotsva ’, festival, speaking directly of the p uja s being held 32 Elsewhere, Kasalivala ( 1981 , p. 235) speaks of a jalayatra and jal usa (also?) mentioned in the composition as going out in celebration of the establishment of a stepwell 33 ‘atha bhattarakapadapratisthapanakriyamityadi uccarya’ , v. S ‘atha ‘bhattarakapadapratisthapanakriyayam’ ityadi uccarya’ , v. B ‘atha bhattarakapadapratisthapanakriyayam. pu.’ , v. K 34 On the bhakti s, (see Cort 2002 a , p 733; Cort 2002 b , pp 79–80) On their usage during Digambara initiations, (see Gough forthcoming ).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Yogi, Step, Purity, Gift, Dual, Odd, Paris, Iti, Pari, Get, Isa, Tata, Wash, Sata, Idam, Shata, Dance, Sides]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 13 of 31 joins in on the Pada-sthapana-vidhi ’s outline only in the subsequent steps, but both texts agree that further on during the consecration, after the avahana (see below, Section 3.6 ), single bhakti s ought to be recited twice more: the ´Santi-bhakti before, and the Samadhi-bhakti after the Gurvavali (see below, Section 3.7 ). In the first occurrence of Bhakti recitation, the texts from Sonagiri and Bediya hold that a singular individual ought to recite (‘ pathet ’) the first three bhakti s. The version from Karañja, however, has a plural optative form (‘ patheyuh ’). All three versions use the singular optative ‘ pathet ’ for the third bhakti recitation (‘ samadhi-bhaktim . pathet ’, ‘he ought to read the Samadhi-bhakti ’) and use the, in regards to number, inconclusive absolutive form for the second (‘ santi-bhaktim . krtva ’, ‘after having performed the ´Santi-bhakti ’). It is, thus, not always clear who ought to read out the various Bhakti s, but in contemporary Digambara muni diksa s both the initiand and the consecrating guru read out specific Bhakti s ( Gough forthcoming ), and the Karañja version presumably refers to these two participants, even if through a plural rather than a dual verbal form 3.4. Ablution of the Initiand’s Feet, Bhattaraka-Stavana, and Gunaropana After the recitation of the first three Bhakti s, the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi prescribes the pratisthacarya to wash the feet (of the initiand) with water from the 108 pitchers brought on before, spelling out a mantra to be recited at this time stating the purity of the water 35 This is the text’s single reference to the figure of the pratisthacarya , the acarya in charge of the consecration ( pratistha ), in this case not of an icon but of a bhattaraka . In contemporary diksa s, icon consecrations, and mahap uja s, a lay ritual specialist sometimes referred to as pratisthacarya ( Gough 2017 , p. 286), a sort of pandita -cum-MC, is typically in charge of at least the less esoteric aspects of the proceedings. Given that it would be odd for a guru to wash a pupil’s feet, here too the term probably refers to a layperson rather than the consecrating bhattaraka-guru The initiand’s feet are then to be touched ‘from all sides’, meaning probably by all those attending, and we can imagine a crowd thronging around the initiand. At this time some verses of praise of the bhattaraka ( bhattaraka-stavana ) are to be recited starting with ‘ aidam . yugin- ’ (v. K & B) 36 Given that it is only the transmission of the S urimantra in the next section (Section 3.5 ) which seems to turn the initiand into a bhattaraka , the hymn probably concerns praise of the figure of the bhattaraka more generally, rather than of the individual initiand. The Pada-sthapana-vidhi s next prescribe the performance of gunaropana , the attribution of virtues, possibly the recitation of the virtues, vows, rules of conducts, etc., which a bhattaraka -rank renouncer ought to observe, and their administration to him. This is the closest the manuals get in terms of referring to the initiand’s taking of vows, attested more explicitly in gita s (see Section 4.3 and, already, Section 3.1 ). It is around this point of the proceedings that the Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi commences. Though it closely follows the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi in its outlines of further rituals and actions (Sections 3.5 – 3.8 ), it di ff ers from the latter text in its initial lines. It o ff ers alternatives to some actions and, in doing so, is also a little more explicit about the interactions between initiand and guru. In its first phrase, the Diksa-vidhi refers consecutively to the performance (‘giving’) of devotion to the teacher (‘ guru-bhaktim . dattva ’), clearly by the initiand; the gift of a tilaka by the guru, to the initiand undoubtedly, this step more or less replacing the feet ablution of the Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi ; the recitation, not clear by whom, of a hymn ( stavana ) starting with the words or dealing with detachment ( nirveda ) and skillfulness 35 While versions S & B only give the mantra, which itself su ffi ciently clearly indicates what is to be done, Jaina ’s ( 2009 , p. 116) version somewhat superfluously adds that ‘he’ ought to do precisely what is described in the mantra, making an ablution of both the initiand’s feet with water from the 108 pitchers (‘ iti pathitva kalasastottara´sata-toyena padau paris.ecayet | ’).] 36 Jaina ( 2009 , p. 118) translates as ‘Of this era’ (‘ isa yuga ke ’). Version S seems to read ‘tata idam . yogi nrtyadi’ , which seems to demand some dance of the yogi, the initiand. While it is not unusual for attending laypeople to dance during contemporary Digambara initiations (see Detige , in preparation b), it seems too late at this point for the initiand to engage in dance The disagreement between the otherwise closely related versions S and B indicates this is probably an error of the Sonagiri manuscript’s scribe.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Act, Key, Svet, Senior, Simple, Lies, Reason]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 14 of 31 ( saustava ), a closer parallel again to the bhattaraka-stavana referred to in the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi ; recitation of the words ‘ santi jinam ’ (etc.?) while (?) touching the guru’s feet, clearly by the initiand; and finally the gunaropana , which, as this text clarifies, ought to be performed by the guru 3.5. Transmission of the S urimantra Certainly an important part of early modern bhattaraka consecrations, and probably the most central, empowering act, seems to have been the transmission of the S urimantra . Multiple variants of the typically well-secreted S urimantra are used to consecrate icons ( m urti ) by both Digambaras and ´Svet¯ambaras ( Gough 2017 ) and to initiate ´Svet¯ambara acarya s ( Gough forthcoming ). 37 As a part of early modern bhattaraka consecrations, it is prescribed by both the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi s and the Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi , confirmed in several song compositions, 38 and also attested by other sources 39 Gough ( 2017 , p. 296) already understood the imparting of the S urimantra to the bhattaraka -initiand as “the key ritual action in distinguishing between an acarya and a bhattaraka ”. In describing the ideal bhattaraka in his composition Sanghastaka , Brahmacari Jñanasagara also glosses a renouncer of this rank as possessing the S urimantra ( Joharapurakara 1964 , p. 232). Interestingly, Jñanasagara was a ffi liated to the late 16 th / early 17 th century CE Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka ´Sribh usana ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 298). This forms a so far unique, though unsurprising, confirmation that the S urimantra was also used in the Kasthasa ˙ngha, where it was probably similarly passed on to its bhattaraka s during their consecrations, as in the M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana. The importance attached to the S urimantra , and the reason for its transmission to the highest-ranking renouncers, bhattaraka s, probably lies in its usage within image consecrations (see Gough 2017 ). Dundas ( 1998 , p. 45) however remarks that ´Svetambara S urimantra s were “more than a simple formula involved in the installing of a senior ascetic or an image”, and also need to be seen in relation to issues of authority in situations of sectarian strife, and as expressive of specific attitudes towards Jain teachings (ibid., pp. 45–46). Though we lack further information about the S urimantra of even the Balatkaragana, and especially that of other traditions, I take it however that the various Balatkaragana sister and daughter lineages, which were typically on good footing, used the same S urimantra (see below in this section) In nearly identical formulations, the longer and the shorter consecration manuals both allow for two ways of transmitting the S urimantra . Either the S urimantra is passed on from guru to initiand directly, or it is transmitted through a paper copy. We have evidence that, in the case of the first procedure, the living guru could either be the direct teacher of the initiand or the bhattaraka of another lineage coming over to perform the consecration. In the former case, the incumbent bhattaraka apparently abdicated to personally anoint his successor 40 Gita s certainly o ff er attestations of bhattaraka s consecrating their own successors and, at that time, giving them a new name. Thus, in the 16 th century CE, the Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka Visvasena was consecrated by his guru Visalakirti in D . u ˙ngarapura ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672). A patta-sthapana-gita on the seventeenth century CE Baradolisakha Bhattaraka Kumudacandra explicitly asserts that he was consecrated and given the S urimantra by his guru Ratnakirti in Baradoli in s. 1656 (1598–1599 CE, Kasalivala 1981 , p. 56, and ibid., no. 1). Another composition adds that Kumudacandra was given his new name by the abdicating Bhattaraka Ratnakirti during the consecration ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 233). In s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE), Bhattaraka Devendrakirti consecrated his successor Mahendrakirti on the D . h undhadasakha seat ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423). And in the 37 On the S urimantra in ´Svetambara Jainism, (see also Dundas 1998 ). 38 The S urimantra is mentioned in compositions on the consecration of the D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti, Delhi, s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE, ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423), see below) and several Baradolisakha bhattaraka s: Kumudacandra, Baradoli, s. 1656 ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 101–102, 233–34, 205); Abhayacandra, Baradoli, s. 1685 (ibid., p. 105); ´Subhacandra, Poravandara, s. 1721 (ibid., p. 228) 39 (See Gough 2017 , pp. 296–97) 40 In manuscript colophons and funerary monuments’ inscriptions, we find attestations of a title ‘ sthaviracarya ’ which seems to have been used precisely for retired bhattaraka s ( Detige 2018 , p. 329).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Patra, Stone, Power, Cases, Main, Speak, Manner, Post, Dies, Paduka, Vice, Piece, Param]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 15 of 31 second half of the 18 th century CE, in yet another Balatkaragana branch, Bhattaraka Devendrakirti of Karañja was established on the seat and at that time given a new name by his guru Bhattaraka Dharmacandra ( Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 69, lekha 190) While the consecration manuals’ reference to the guru might, thus, have referred to the abdicating bhattaraka , we also know of cases in which a seat’s new incumbent was consecrated by the bhattaraka of a sister lineage—another branch, that is, of the same tradition. This second manner of transmitting the S urimantra would presumably have been practiced typically when an incumbent bhattaraka had passed away before anointing his successor. This might also have been a fairly usual procedure, given that bhattaraka s, probably often senior renouncers, may well have regularly passed away unexpectedly The consecration manuals’ slight ambiguity of speaking of the ‘guru’, never explicitly referring to the incumbent bhattaraka , might in fact be taken as consciously allowing for this latter option, even if in this case the relation between the initiating bhattaraka and the initiand is not the same, close teacher–pupil ( guru-´sisya ) relationship as in the case of a bhattaraka anointing his actual, probably often years-long, pupil. Both recensions of the consecration procedure refer to the transmission of the ‘traditional S urimantra ’ or the ‘ S urimantra of the tradition’ (‘ paramparagatam . s urimantram ’) 41 It is assumed that di ff erent seats of a single tradition, e.g., those of the various Balatkaragana branches, by default used the same S urimantra , which precisely would have facilitated bhattaraka s of one lineage to anoint new incumbents of other branches 42 We have two probable attestations of this procedure from the Balatkaragana, where bhattaraka s of neighboring seats were called upon to install a new incumbent. In s. 1721 (1663–1664 CE) ´Subhacandra was given the S urimantra and established on the Baradoli seat not by his predecessor Abhayacandra but by one Gachapati Dharmabh usana from the South, probably Bhattaraka Dharmabh usana who was then on the Karañja seat (´Subhacandra hamaci; Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 227–28). Half a century later, in s. 1770 (1712–1713 CE), the D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti was consecrated in ¯ Amera by Candrakirti, most probably the bhattaraka of that name then incumbent in the Nagaurasakha ( Nyayatirtha 1985 b , pp. 34, 36). It indeed seems quite plausible that Devendrakirti’s own guru Jagatkirti had died before anointing his successor, given that Jagatkirti’s paduka (memorial stone with carvings of the commemorated renouncer’s feet) at the Kirtistambha Nasiyam . in ¯ Amera was consecrated in s 1771 ( Detige 2014 , p. 28), such monuments probably often finalized and consecrated only some time after their subject’s death As mentioned, next to the direct transmission of the S urimantra from guru to initiand, the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi and Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi both o ff er a second method, or a third method when counting our distinction between transmission from either the previous bhattaraka of the seat or an incumbent of another seat. At the end of his life, 43 an incumbent bhattaraka can write down the S urimantra on a piece of paper, which is then sealed, properly stored, and, according to the version from Karañja, covered with stamped paper and deposited in a treasure box (‘ r upya-patra-chadita-sam . putikayam muktam . bhavati ’) 44 The Diksa-vidhi adds that this manuscript ought to be entrusted to the main devotees and (?) a good pupil ( sisya ), not clarifying whether lay or renunciant. While it could also be taken 41 BPSV Versions S & B, as well as the BDV, also speak of ‘the S urimantra suitable for the post’, which the guru ought to give to the initiand (‘ srigurustasmai tatpadayogyam . param . paragatam . s urimantram . dadyat ’). Version K, however, changes this form into a dative (‘ sriguruh. tasmai padayogyaya | param . paragatam . s urimantram . dadyat ’), thus applying the term ‘suitable for the rank’ to the initiand instead of to the S urimantra . Although the term was indeed used in this context earlier on in all BPSV versions, in the description of a suitable candidatemuni, it can probably be taken as a confusion in the Karañja manuscript at this point, confirming it is a copy, here defective, of a text closer to the other versions 42 As noted, Dundas ( 1998 , pp. 45–46) notices, vice-versa, the relation between speculations about the power of the S urimantra and ´Svetambara sectarian strife 43 ‘- ayuh. prante ’, v. S; ‘ ayuh. prante ’, v. B; ‘ ayuh. pramte ’, v. K; ‘ svayuh. pramte ’, BDV 44 Jaina ( 2009 , p. 118) interprets the Pada-sthapana-vidhi ’s ‘ muktam . bhavati ’ as ‘he (the bhattaraka ) dies’, after having written down the S urimantra . The Karañja version’s added locative ‘in a treasure box’ seems to confirm the interpretation that it is rather the manuscript being deposited (‘ muktam ’). I do give Jaina’s reading a chance in my translation of the Diksa-vidhi , which has ‘ muktah. syat- ’.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Man, Hands, Seed, Surprise, Atu, Sadhu, Lords, Rite, Bija, Impossible, Ham]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 16 of 31 as a method to secure the continuity of the lineage when even inviting an initiating bhattaraka from another lineage proved impossible, the Balatkaragana branches generally seem to have been su ffi ciently interconnected to always have had recourse to the latter option. Instead, the manuals in fact prescribe the transmission of the S urimantra via a paper copy in the absence of a sadhu worthy of the bhattaraka post, towards the end, it can be understood, of the incumbent bhattaraka ’s life The Sonagiri and Bediya Pada-sthapana-vidhi s indicate that, later on it appears, once a suitable candidate has been found, a man ought to hand over the S urimantra manuscript to ‘him’. While the Karañja Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi omits this latter passage, the Diksa-vidhi clarifies that this signifies ‘the one engaged in the bhattaraka rank’ (‘ bhattarakapadasthaya ’), which I take to be the initiand. A more straightforward interpretation would perhaps be ‘the one being in’, or already having the bhattaraka rank, referring then to a bhattaraka from another seat coming over to consecrate the candidate once the latter has been found. In that case, however, it seems there would be no need for the former to read the S urimantra from a paper, taking it, as pro ff ered before, that di ff erent Balatkaragana branches probably used the same S urimantra . Both Sonagiri manuscripts, the Pada-sthapana-vidhi and the Diksa-vidhi , also mention a rite of ‘establishing’ the manuscript, the former explicating that it is to be performed by the man handing it over 45 This procedure might have been applied in the case of many consecrations on which gita s remain silent about the manner of transmission of the S urimantra . It seems probable especially in the case of the pattabhiseka of the 18 th century CE Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti. No consecrating bhattaraka is mentioned in an otherwise relatively detailed composition, and Mahendrakirti is said to have recited the mantra and himself performed kesaloñca —the ritual pulling out of the hair from the head—an act otherwise typically performed at least partially by the initiating renouncer ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , pp 422–23, see below, Section 4 ). 46 Although the Karañja Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi often seems the faulty copy, as noted it also stands out from the more closely related versions from Sonagiri and Bediya because of some additional phrasings not included in the latter versions. By far the most important among the latter is a long section in which it supplies three mantras to be recited, seemingly, surrounding the transmission of the S urimantra . The first of these starts with the Namokaramantra ( Pañcanamaskaramantra ), the obeisance to the five paramesthin s or ‘supreme lords’, the well-known five Digambara figures worthy of veneration ( arihanta s or jina s, siddha s, acarya s, upadhyaya s, and ‘all s¯adhu s’, the latter mostly taken to mean muni s); 47 adds salutations to the supreme renouncer ( paramaham . sa ) and the paramesthin ; a series of seed syllables ( bija-aksara ) with vocalic variations on the syllable ‘ ham ’; and an invocation of the jina 48 ‘At the right moment for the diksa to take place’ (‘ diksavelayam ’), this mantra should be imparted at the top of the head of the initiand, repeated 38 times. A second mantra, to be recited 37 times, largely repeats the latter parts of the first, now also using variations of ‘ hram ’ as bija-aksara s. The third, short mantra again o ff ers obeisance to the renouncer ( ham . sa ) and is indicated to be repeated 17 times. This unique section of the Karañja manuscript concludes by stating that ‘in between these three [mantras] one [more] mantra ought to be given’, the latter presumably the actual S urimantra not disclosed here The manuscript then turns to the procedure for transmission of the S urimantra through a paper copy, henceforth running parallel with the other versions again 45 ‘tatpatrasthapanikavidhi’ , BDV; ‘ tatpatrasthapanakividhi’ , v. S (a scribal error or a vernacular phrasing entering the manuscript?) The Bediya version refers only to an unspecified establishing (‘ sthapanikadhi ’, probably a syllable ‘ vi ’ missing due to a scribal or editorial error). The Karañja version refers to the rite of the establishment of the rank ( pada ) (‘ tatpadasthapanavidhih ’) rather than of the manuscript ( patra ). Although reference to the bhattaraka consecration rite in general is not unfitting at this point, this is probably another point where the Karañja manuscript is flawed 46 In the composition on the sixteenth century CE Gunakirti, we read that his bhattaraka diksa was carefully planned by his guru Sumatikirti, but Kasalivala ’s ( 1969 ; 1981 , pp. 234–35) account of the composition does not make it clear whether Gunakirti was ultimately consecrated at the hands of Sumatikirti as well 47 The five obeisances of the Namokaramantra are similarly featured as part of many longer Jain mantras ( Dundas 1998 , p. 35) 48 The same mantra is still used in contemporary muni diksa s ( Gough forthcoming ), which needs not by itself surprise us, given that these use editions of texts similar to those of our manuscripts (see footnote 12).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Element, Pran, Jaya, Renders, Dana, Karai, Triple, Eyes, Sandal, Bow, Hail, Puja, Yati, Namo, Gifted, Karan, Vam, Corpus]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 17 of 31 3.6. ¯ Avahana and Bhattaraka Puja After describing the possibilities for the transmission of the S urimantra , both manuals announce the method for the performance of avahana . The manuscripts’ term avahana functions here as a short-hand for the standardized, tripartite mantra-preamble which typically introduces a Digambara p uja ¯ Avahana , the invocation of the object of veneration, is itself only its first part, the second and third parts being sthapana , the establishment of the object of veneration, and sannidhi-karan.a , its placing in the nearness of the devotee. While the shorter Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi only spells out the avahana , the Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi s also communicates the mantras for the sthapana and the sannidhi-karana In each, the object of veneration is the bhattaraka . The fact that the avahana follows immediately after the recitation of the S urimantra indicates it is precisely the latter that turns him into a subject suitable for veneration, or at least that which establishes him as a bhattaraka and renders him venerable in that capacity specifically. The latter is probably more accurate if we take it early modern bhattaraka s had typically already had an earlier ascetic career as a muni ( upadhyaya ) and / or acarya , at which point they would already have been suitable objects of veneration. In confirmation of this, in all known versions the upadhyaya and acarya consecration manuals also give avahana verses for renouncers newly consecrated to these ranks, and in the latter case laypeople are also prescribed to perform eightfold p uja (‘ astatayim. istim ’) of the newly minted acarya After the avahana , the bhattaraka consecration manuals add another mantra, slightly di ff erent in both texts, but in both cases repeating some parts of the avahana verses. This latter mantra is said to be meant to be recited while applying a tilaka of camphor and sandal to the feet of the initiand, by now bhattaraka . Both manuals then proceed with prescribing the recitation of ´Santi-bhakti , Gurvavali (see next), and Samadhi-bhakti . The texts in other words give the standard preliminary to p uja ( avahana ), but do not, at this point, refer to the performance of an eightfold p uja of the bhattaraka Bhattaraka p uja is, however, duly prescribed after the Gurvavali section, when both texts similarly instruct all renouncers ( yati ) to give guru-bhakti and to bow (‘ guru-bhaktim . datva | sarve yatinah. pran.amam. kuryuh || ’, BPSV v. S, section 8 , variants in other BPSV versions and BDV) and all laypeople to also perform eightfold p uja (‘ tatasca sarve upasakah. astayim-isthim. krtva guru-bhaktim. datva pranamamti ’, ibid.). Our sources on bhattaraka consecrations here o ff er important proof of the ritual veneration of living, early modern bhattaraka s, adding to our prior knowledge of the performance of such rituals of deceased bhattaraka s evident from other sources, notably the combination of bhattaraka puja and arati texts and bhattaraka s’ funerary monuments ( Detige 2014 ; 2015 , pp. 162–67) We again find some confirmations of this element from the manuals in the corpus of bhattaraka gita s. In his jakhadi , Pandita Akairama reports how p uja , and praise, of Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti were performed after his consecration in s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE, ‘ guru p ujana vam . dana karai ji ’, Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423). And according to Kasalivala ’s ( 1969 , p. 454) reading of Jayadasa’s account, a century and a half earlier in s. 1632 (1574–1575 CE), all the sadhu s of the sa ˙ngha accepted the newly consecrated Bhattaraka Gunakirti as a guru, and coconuts were gifted to him while shouts of ‘ jaya jaya ’ (hail, hail!) were heard everywhere The manuals’ triple avahana verses o ff er further indications of the extent to which early modern bhattaraka s were regarded by their contemporaries as ideal, venerable renouncers, beyond their featuring as an object of veneration in the avahana and p uja . Importantly, the mantras refer to the bhattaraka as a paramesthin (‘ paramabhattarakaparamestinn- ’, with orthographic variants in both manuals, all versions). Much unlike contemporary bhattaraka s in the eyes of most of today’s Western and Central Indian Jains, early modern bhattaraka s were thus included among the paramesthin s, the five classes of venerable beings ( arihanta s, siddha s, acarya s, upadhyaya s, and sadhu s), probably more specifically as acarya s. This understanding of the bhattaraka s as a type of acarya s is also confirmed by the reference to the bhattaraka as a ‘leader and acarya of dharma’ ( dharmacary¯adhipati ) in both the triple avahana mantras and the subsequent mantra meant to be recited while applying a tilaka to the bhattaraka ’s feet. This term is not attested elsewhere, and most certainly was not a formal ascetic rank. The latter mantra also includes the Prakrit phrasing ‘ namo ¯ayariyanam ’, ‘salutations to the ac¯aryas ’, well-known

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Natural, Bole, Nayaka, Wide, Patron, Great, Bare, Maha, Blessings, Believe, Gifts, Patte, House, Lesser, Bones, Lore]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 18 of 31 from the Namokaramantra . This could be taken as linking the bhattaraka (s) to the acarya s of ancient lore, although our historiographical understanding should probably be that of a natural, historical connection between both, rather than a discontinuity in need of rhetorical patchwork Gurvavali s (also Pattavali , Virudavali , see next) indeed depict the bhattaraka lineages as a continuation of earlier acarya lineages. Early modern acarya s on the other hand were clearly less highly authorized and of lesser standing than both the bhattaraka s contemporary to them and the premodern acarya s. The bhattaraka rank, once again, developed as an addition to the premodern Digambara ascetic hierarchy, superseding the acarya rank at the apex 3.7. Gurvavali Recitation The consecration manuals next prescribe another element which is still featured as part of contemporary Digambara initiations: the recitation of a Gurvavali or lineage text 49 Gurvavali recitation is also prescribed in the consecration manuals for ksullaka s ( Laghu-diksa-vidhi ) and muni s ( Mahavrata-diksa-vidhi , Brhad-diksa-vidhi ). The manuscripts merely supply the standard, generic formula in which the names of the subsequent seat-holders of the lineage of the newly consecrated bhattaraka are still to be inserted: ‘on the seat of so and so, a bhattaraka of such and such a name’ (‘ amukasya patte amuka-namavan bhattarakah ’, v. S, and variations). However, as mentioned before, both texts do refer to the incumbent bhattaraka s as standing in the M ulasa ˙ngha Nandisa ˙ngha / Nandyamnaya Sarasvatigaccha Balatkaragana Kundakundacaryanvaya 50 Here, we are reminded that everything we believe we can derive from these prescriptive texts about early modern bhattaraka consecrations, and initiations of lower renouncers, applies to this tradition only Gurvavali s are found in multiple copies in former bhattaraka seats’ manuscript libraries, especially in gutaka s — bound manuscripts or ‘notebooks’ often holding an anthology of a wide variety of di ff erent genres of texts. Verses of praise added for at least the more recent incumbents di ff erentiate most manuscript Gurvavali s from the mere sequence of successive incumbents’ names needed for the initiand’s confirmation of his a ffi liation as part of his consecration. Yet the recitation of the lineage list at this time might have been an additional purpose for recording Gurvavali s in gutaka s, next to the far more numerous usage of bare-bones succession lists also in image inscriptions Bhattaraka gita s themselves regularly feature verses about their lineage’s successions, giving the names of the successive incumbents interspersed with some praise of each. In doing so, one composition indicates that a lineage list was also performed in song at the Baradolisakha Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra’s consecration in s. 1721 in Poravandara (‘ birudavali bole ’, Kasalivala 1981 , p 228) 3.8. Concluding Festivities After the lay community’s expression of devotion and formal p uja veneration (Section 3.6 ), both manuals enjoin the newly consecrated bhattaraka to give his blessings, to the leader of the lay congregation ( sa ˙ngha-nayaka ) according to the Diksa-vidhi , to the donor (‘ datre ’, the patron of the consecration) and all lay Jains according to the Pada-sthapana-vidhi s ( upasaka , v. B & S; ´sravaka , v. K) Both vidhi s then instruct all lay folks to bring gifts from their own houses to congratulate the newly consecrated bhattaraka (‘ navina bhattarakam ’, BPSV v. K). The Pada-sthapana-vidhi ’s Sonagiri and Bediya copies add that this ought to be accompanied with great festivities (‘ maha-mahotsavena ’). References to such concluding festivities, or at least to festivities more generally ( utsava , mahotsava , etc.), can also be 49 Technically a Gurvavali or lineage of teachers ( guru-sisya lineage) di ff ers from a Pattavali or list of incumbents. In early modern Digambara tradition however this distinction is not made, di ff erent manuscripts regularly identifying one and the same text through either of both titles 50 The Karañja version of the BPSV drops the epithet Nandyamnaya , like other textual as well as epigraphic sources also regularly do.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Indri, Mili, Palai, Pata, Saha, Jati, Daya, Pur, Golden, Poor, Panca, Saba, Eka, Sira, Feed, Mani, Lotus, Hoc, Picchi, Baida, Teka, Kaman, Basi, Gha, Dalu, Karya, Kiya, Ones]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 19 of 31 found in the patta-sthapana-gita s, 51 including the performance of music and song after the consecration of Bhattaraka Gunakirti mentioned before ( Kasalivala 1969 , p. 454) The Bhattaraka-diksa-vidhi concludes with mentioning a meal o ff ered to the whole sa ˙ngha (‘ sarva-sam . gha-bhojanam ’). This can probably be taken to mean both renouncers and laypeople, appropriate provisions separately made for both as in contemporary praxis The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi adds that the patron ought not only to feed the sa ˙ngha but also make an o ff ering of cloth(es) etc. to the sa ˙ngha (‘ vastradina sam . gharcanam ’), which in this case must refer to the renouncers’ congregation Jaina ( 2009 , p. 120) argues on the basis of this fragment that early modern bhattaraka s were clothed, while acarya s and upadhyaya s contemporaneous to them were not, given that the consecration manuals for the latter ranks contain no such mention of cloth gifted to them upon their promotions. However, as noted, we don’t have conclusive evidence concerning the nudity or clothedness of early modern Digambara renouncers, be it bhattaraka s or of other ranks (see Section 3.1 ). But in light of the plentiful evidence of a clear ascetic hierarchy with the bhattaraka s at the top, the implication of Jaina’s interpretation that naked acarya s and upadhyaya s (and muni s) were subordinated to clothed bhattaraka s seems very unlikely. The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi s conclude in ordering that beggars, poor people, and orphans should also be satisfied 4. Further Glimpses from Songs of Praise Although most bhattaraka gita s o ff er only very partial, unsystematic, or ad hoc accounts of specific bhattaraka consecrations, they largely confirm the rites prescribed by the manuals, at the same time presenting us a more vivid account of the rituals, preparations, and festivities. Some songs also add elements not included in the manuals’ outlines, including a few seemingly important ones. This is the case, most notably, for the compositions on the pattabhiseka s of two consecutive M ulasa ˙ngha Balatkaragana Dh undhadasakha bhattaraka s, Bhattaraka Devendrakirti in Amera in s. 1770 (1712–1713 CE), and Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti in Delhi in s. 1792 (1734–1735 CE). Notable additional elements attested in either or in both texts concern the role played by laypeople in the festivities and rituals, amongst other in the performance of a ritual referred to as añjali (Section 4.1 ); the anointment of the initiand with kalasa pitchers (Section 4.2 ); the initiand’s taking or probably rather recollection of the five mahavrata vows, five samiti regulations, and three gupti restraints (Section 4.3 ); his performance of kesaloñca , the pulling out of the hair (Section 4.4 ); and the gifting of ascetic paraphernalia to the initiand: a water pitcher ( kaman.dalu ), whisk ( picchi ), and lotus (Section 4.5 ). Here is the relevant section from Nemacanda’s account of the consecration of Bhattaraka Devendrakirti, as edited by Nyayatirtha ( 1985 b , p. 36): Eka jati pandita pañca saba mili kalasa kañcana dhaliya | ¯ Añjali saha ghasirama jheli sam . ga jyo sujasa kiya || 6 || Si ˙nghasani baida sri munirajaï sira para chatra dharayaji | Kavali kamandala pichika daya upakarana livayaji || teka || Livaï upakarana samjama lidho pañca mahavrata mani dharya | Pañca samiti triya gupati palai pañca indri basi karya | One yati [and] five pandita s 52 together poured the golden pitcher 51 Compositions referring to the consecrations of Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka Visvasena, D. u ˙ngarapura, 16 th century CE (‘ utsava ’, Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672); Baradolisakha bhattaraka s Kumudacandra, Baradoli, s. 1656, (‘ pratistha pata mahotsava ’, ibid., p. 101); Abhayacandra, Baradoli, s. 1685 (‘ uchava ’, ‘ mahochava ’, ibid., p. 105); ´Subhacandra, Poravandara, s. 1721 (‘ mahochava ’, ibid., p. 80, n. 1); and Karañjasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti, second half of the 18 th century CE ( utsava , Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 69, lekha 190) 52 I follow Nyayatirtha ( 1985 b , p. 36) in his reading of ‘one yati and five pandita s’ rather than, another possibility, ‘one yati , a pandita , and thepañca ’; compare next composition.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Wise, Jaga, Saham, Elders, Chaj, King, Kari, Fame, Merchant, Jaba, Taba, Glory, Kam, Senses, Ura, Tana, Rava, Nija, Fixed, Karin, Tibari, Mahima, Liyo, Adala, Vicari, Manners, Dhana, Principal]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 20 of 31 As he poured the añjali , Saha Ghasirama brought fame to the sa ˙ngha (?, sam . ga = ?) The king-like muni was seated on a throne, above his head a parasol spread Taking lotus, kamandalu, and picchi as insignia of compassion Taking the paraphernalia, he took renunciation, keeping the five mahavrata s in mind He observed the five regulations ( samiti ) and the three restraints ( gupti ), bringing his five senses under control In his composition on the pattabhiseka of Devendrakirti’s successor Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti a little over two decades later, Pandita Akairama touches upon similar elements as Nemacanda, while again adding a few more features unrecorded in the manuals ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423): Kari p uja mahima sri jine´svara vighana d uri bidariyo || Taba s uri mantra ucari mukhasyom . loñca nija karasyom . liyo | Satavam . ta s ura sadhira samarasa bhava niramala tharapiyo || Jayakara sabada ucara karatam . kalasa masataka dhaliya | ´Sri rava kiraparamaji nija sujasa jaga visatariya || 3 || Diksa vidhi saba jugati syom. ji kinhim. subudhi vicari | Kauli kam . adala pichika ji daya upakarana sudhari || Purava vidhi jaba añjuli ji jheli saham . tibari || Tihim . bara chaj uramaji paradhana pañca milya dhana | Gachapati gurupada diyo mili kari sakala pañca mahajana | Performing p uja and praise of the jina , he removed all obstacles, then pronounced the S urimantra , with his own hands pulled out the hair from his head The virtuous wise man, steadfast and equanimous, fixed his pure mind Shouting ‘Hail!’, he poured the pitcher over the top of the head, ´Sri Rava Kiraparamaji spread his glory through the world | 3 | Wisely and considerately he organized the consecration rite according to all [correct] methods He took hold of [?, sudhari ] lotus, kamandalu, and picchi , insignia of compassion When Saha Tibari poured the añjali according to the manners of old, at that time Chajuramaji [and the] foremost, virtuouspañca united, together thepañca of mahajana s gave the rank of leader of the gaccha [and] guru 4.1. Participation and Role of the Laity, ¯ Añjali A first point recorded in more detail in the song compositions than in the manuals is the participation of laypeople, both patrons and pandita s—scholars or ritual specialists. A list of some of the attending pandita s is included in both D . h undhadasakha pattabhiseka compositions, both also referring to the presence of 51 pandita s ( Detige 2019 , pp. 281–82). The compositions also name other laymen, probably prominent members of the Digambara communities. At least one of the D . h undhadasakha texts also gives a role to thepañca, the committee of elders (compare footnote 52), and references to mahajana s, members of the merchant gild, are found elsewhere too. Particularly common are records of sa ˙nghapati s, principal patrons known to have sponsored icon consecrations, pilgrimages, and—we can add here—renouncer’s consecrations. The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi indeed identified the latter as main actors in the selection procedure of the bhattaraka candidate and the preparations for the consecrations, and here we see them taking part in the rituals and reaping fame for their service and donations.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Sahi, Gold, Padi, Honor, Anointed, Uttam, Kula, Jala, Layman, Pause, Nirmala, Kare]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 21 of 31 The three compositions reporting the consecration of the Baradolisakha Bhattaraka Kumudacandra in Baradoli in s. 1656 (1598–1599 CE) all record the name of Sa ˙nghapati Kahanaji ( Kasalivala 1981 , pp. 101, 204, 233), the former song most explicitly confirming Kahanaji was the main patron of the consecration festival (‘ kare pratistha pata mahotsava ’, ibid., p. 101). ´Sripala’s hamaci on the Baradolisakha Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra’s consecration in Poravandara in s. 1721 (1663–1664 CE) records a list of sa ˙nghapati s who apparently came to the consecration from elsewhere (ibid., p. 227). Compositions on other consecrations in the same lineage, of Bhattaraka Abhayacandra in Baradoli in s. 1685 (1627–1628 CE, ibid., p. 105) and Bhattaraka Ratnakirti in Jalanapura in s. 1630 (1572–1573 CE, ibid., p. 104) respectively list several sa ˙nghavi s, and one sa ˙nghapati and two sa ˙nghavi s In the composition on Devendrakirti’s consecration, Saha Ghasirama reaps fame by pouring the ‘ añjali ’ ( añjali ). In the composition on Mahendrakirti, this action was performed by Saha Tibari, while Rava Kiriparama (Krparama) took the honor of pouring the pitcher (see next section), and Chajuramaji and thepañca are said to have recognized (?) the newly consecrated bhattaraka as guru. The precise meaning of the añjali ritual remains somewhat obscure, but probably involves a pouring of water or other liquids with cupped hands. Although not dictated by the manuals, its attestation in both compositions indicates it might have been another common part of the consecration festivals We can also pause to consider the signification of the ‘ jati ’ who at the consecration of Bhattaraka Devendrakirti poured a kalasa together with the pandita s. In the modern period, there sometimes occurs a specific Digambara ascetic rank called yati , used to designate a celibate close to but below a bhattaraka ( Detige 2018 , pp. 310–11). In the early modern period, however, the term is used for renouncers of any rank. I, therefore, assume the ‘ jati ’ who assisted the pandita s in pouring the golden pitcher was a full renouncer 4.2. Anointment The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi ’s instructions as we saw included a procession with pitchers and their subsequent use for the ablution of the initiand’s feet. In the case of Mahendrakirti, it is clear that Rava Kiriparama poured a pitcher over his head instead, performing a mastakabhiseka (head anointment) of sorts. Other songs attesting anointments however fail to indicate whether it was the initiand’s head or feet being anointed. A composition on the consecration of Bhattaraka Kumudacandra in s. 1656 (1598–1599 CE) refers to the 108 pitchers of pure water we encountered in the vidhi s’ prescriptions (‘ eka sata atha kumbha re dhalya nirmala jala atisara ’, Kasalivala 1981 , p. 205). According to ´Sastri ( 1992 , p. 89), the composition on the consecration of the Jerahatasakha Bhattaraka Narendrakirti in s. 1740 (1682–1683 CE) also mentions an abhiseka (lustration) with 108 pitchers. A layman also poured a kalasa during the consecration of the 16 th century CE Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka Visvasena in D . u ˙ngarapura (‘ tinaï avasari sripala sahi kula kalasa cadavyo ’, Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672) With reference to the Karañjasakha Bhattaraka Devendrakirti in the second half of the 18 th century CE, a song seems to indicate that the guru poured the kalasa (‘ kalasa dhaluni nija padi sadguruna ’, ibid., p. 69, lekha 190). A reference to the pouring of a kalasa , unspecified by whom, is also found in the composition on the consecration of the Baradolisakha Bhattaraka ´Subhacandra in s. 1721 (‘ dhale kalasa uttam . ga ’, Kasalivala 1981 , p. 227) 4.3. Mahavratas Three further additions to our knowledge of early modern bhattaraka consecrations as reconstructed from the manuals also concern the initiand, and are major parts of today’s muni initiations. A first of these is the reference to the five mahavrata s, five samiti s, and three gupti s in the composition on Devendrakirti, also found in another section of the related composition on Mahendrakirti ( Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423) As noted (Section 3.1 ), the reference to this set of ascetic rules, also summed up as the tera(ha) caritra (thirteen ways of conduct), is very common in bhattaraka gita s as part of the observances ascribed

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Silence, Pull, Endurance, Bhavana]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 22 of 31 to them more generally 53 The Bhattaraka-pada-sthapana-vidhi profiled a suitable candidate for the bhattaraka rank as a muni, as a ‘junior acarya ’, and, according to the Karañja version’s addition, as one observing the ( maha)vrata s, samiti s, and gupti s (Section 3.1 ). And from Kasalivala ’s ( 1969 , p. 454; 1981 , p. 234–35, see also Detige 2019 , pp. 282–83) account of the composition on Bhattaraka Gunakirti, we learn that he had first taken the five mahavrata s at a function in D . u ˙ngarapura organized by Sa ˙nghapati Lakharaja. While Kasalivala does not report an attestation of the muni rank from the composition, a muni is presumably what Gunakirti became at that time. As noted, the Karañja Mahavrata-diksa-vidhi , the outline for the initiation of a muni , also included the administration of the five mahavrata s to the initiand, the Sonagiri version remaining imprecise about which vows ( vrata ) ought to be taken (see footnote 11) Despite some examples to the counter (see above, Section 3.1 ), I take it that, at least in the Sultanate and early Mughal period, as a standard practice bhattaraka -initiands were muni s already. The fact that the bhattaraka consecration manuals do not explicitly prescribe the taking of specific vows but only feature a reference to gunaropana (Section 3.4 ) might also be taken as a confirmation that bhattaraka -initiands already observed the muni vows. Devendrakirti’s ‘taking’ of the five mahavrata s, five samiti s, and three guptis during his bhattaraka consecration would then constitute a mere renewal of vows, or an act of contemplation thereof, rather than his first taking of these precepts. Nemacanda’s phrasing also seems to indicate that rather than newly adopting them, Devendrakirti concentrated on the five major vows and observed the five samiti s and three gupti s while controlling his senses. Albeit not in explicit connection to the vrata s, the composition on Mahendrakirti’s consecration also depicts the initiand as steadfastly and equanimously focusing his mind. Today, such a state of concentration also seems to be an expectation, or a good practice for Digambara initiands 54 4.4. Kesaloñca Prime among the additional features of the bhattaraka consecrations attested by the D . h undhadasakha compositions is also Mahendrakirti’s pulling out his hair ( kesaloñca ). Although this act, a central feature of contemporary Digambara muni diksa s, is not referred to in the bhattaraka consecration manuals, it is noteworthy that both Sonagiri manuals (BDV, BPSV) proceed with a mantra meant to accompany kesaloñca (‘ kesotpatanamantram ’, BPSV manuscript) Kesaloñca is furthermore also prescribed as part of the initiation of a ksullaka and a muni in the respective vidhi s of both the Sonagiri and Karañja manuscripts Kesaloñca , the previous case of the taking of the mahavrata s, and the receiving of ascetic paraphernalia discussed next, might all have been actions already performed by the initiand in his prior ascetic career. Or, in as far as they were repeated during the initiation to these higher ranks, the bhattaraka as well as acarya and upadhyaya consecration manuals’ silence about them might be understood as indicating that this much seemed self-evident to the manuals’ authors or users While the fact that Mahendrakirti pulled out his hair himself might be an indication that no consecrating bhattaraka was present, as pro ff ered above (Section 3.5 ), today initiands commonly pull out their own hair before their diksa , leaving only a few strands of hair to be pulled out by the initiating renouncer, and for this would be praised for their endurance. Interestingly, and uniquely, according to ´Sastri ’s ( 1992 , p. 89) reading of the composition on the M ulasa ˙ngha Jerahatasakha bhattaraka , Narendrakirti before his consecration in Siroñja (Madhya Pradesh) in s. 1740 (1682–1683 CE) was first decked out with clothes and jewels and was taken to a temple where he took o ff his whole 53 Compositions on the Baradolisakha bhattaraka s Kumudacandra ( Kasalivala 1981 , p. 204), Ratnakirti (ibid., p. 104), and Abhayacandra (ibid., p. 116), the Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka Vijayakirti ( Kasalivala 1982 , pp. 194–95), and the D . h undhadasakha Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti, the latter also referring to the twelve recollections (‘ dvadasa bhavana ’, Nyayatirtha 1985 a , p. 423) 54 As I observed it at a ksullaka-diksa in Jaipur on 7 December 2014 (see also Detige , in preparation b).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Hood, Pim, Ajmer, Civil, Chi]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 23 of 31 outfit and performed kesaloñca 55 Remarkable because of its singularity in early modern sources, such accoutrement and parading of the initiand is again fully recognizable from contemporary Jain praxis. Here, it certainly seems to indicate that Narendrakirti was not yet a muni or acarya , but instead directly initiated into bhattaraka -hood as a layman or at most brahmacari , since fully-initiated renouncers would not typically be expected—or allowed—to take on civil clothes, let alone jewelry 4.5. Renunciant Paraphernalia Finally, both D . h undhadasakha patta-sthapana-gita s also record the gifting of a water pitcher ( kamandalu ), whisk ( picchi ), and lotus ( kavali, kauli ) to the initiand. This di ff ers from contemporary Digambara initiations, in which instead of a lotus, a scripture ( ´sastra ) is sometimes gifted as a third item next to the common ascetic paraphernalia of kamandalu and picchi . Yet a third, independent attestation indicates that the gifting of a lotus was probably a common practice, the lotus also mentioned in connection to the other two in a composition on the consecration of the Nagaurasakha Bhattaraka Sahasrakirti in s. 1634 (1576–1577 CE) (‘ pim . chi-kamam . dalu-sahita-kauli ’, Ajmer Gutaka, cat. no. 148, pp. 42 a–55 a) While the bhattaraka consecration manuals make no mention of ascetic props, the gifting of kamandalu and picchi are mentioned as part of the initiation of a ksullaka and a muni in, respectively, the Laghu-diksa-vidhi and Brhador Mahavrata-diksa-vidhi of both the Sonagiri and Karañja manuscripts This confirms that not only bhattaraka s, but other early modern renouncers too, resembled contemporary Digambara renouncers in wielding these ascetic insignia. The donation of kamandalu and picchi to the newly minted bhattaraka s would then again have been a mere gift-giving practice in which a new set of these items was o ff ered to a renouncer who already carried them from earlier on in his ascetic career. Nowadays, muni s’ whisks indeed seem to be annually and ceremoniously renewed, new picchi s being o ff ered by laypeople at specifically organized functions ( picchi-parivartana-samaroha , see, shortly, in Detige , in preparation b) 5. Conclusions Most of the elements prescribed by the bhattaraka consecration manuals are su ffi ciently confirmed by song compositions or other sources to take it for granted that they commonly featured in actual consecration practice. This is also the case for what seems to have been the central act of the consecration: the transmission of the S urimantra . In further studies we will, however, need to exercise caution in our reading of elements like the Mahavrata - diksa-vidhi ’s prescriptions for the muni -initiand to dispense with his clothes during his initiation, or when considering the possible early modern application of vows like nudity. We have little reason to structurally doubt the contents of the song compositions, yet it is not certain whether those elements not prescribed by the vidhi s, but attested in songs, sometimes in single compositions only, formed part of early modern bhattaraka consecrations more generally, across Western and Central India, and throughout the centuries. If so, it remains a question why the manuals failed to include these seemingly important acts in their outlines. As a partial explanation, it is possible that the procedures for some parts of the proceedings were preserved as nontextualized knowledge Today, acarya s nor muni s receive the S urimantra as part of their initiation, although contemporary Digambara muni -initiands do receive the Varddhamanamantra ( Padmanandi et al. 1982 , p. 233). Other probable elements of early modern bhattaraka consecrations, however, like the contemplation of the five mahavrata s, five samiti s, and three gupti s, and the pulling out the hair ( kesaloñca ), are crucial parts of contemporary muni initiations. Ablution of the initiand, recitation of Bhakti s, Gurvavali , and recitation of the desired qualities and virtues for the specific rank into which he is being initiated 55 In the words of ´Sastri (ibid., p. 89, or of the composition itself?) Narendrakirti thus took ‘ muni diksa ’. As noted, the composition on the consecration of the Kasthasa ˙ngha Nanditatagaccha Bhattaraka Visvasena in 16 th century CE D. u ˙ngarapura also states that the initiand ‘took Digambara initiation (‘ grahi diksa digambara ’, Joharapurakara 1958 , p. 270, lekha 672).

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Empire, Borne, Conception, View, Mash, West, Field, Grand, Eras, Merit, Mass, Culture, Grant, Sign, Southern, Author, Flanders, Line, Ours]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 24 of 31 ( gunaropana ) are also still practiced. The performance of p uja veneration of early modern bhattaraka s is now su ffi ciently well-known for us not to be surprised by the veneration similarly of living bhattaraka s It is also performed of today’s South Indian bhattaraka s, and although little-known, p uja veneration of contemporary Digambara muni s and especially acarya s is a fairly common practice, especially on mass events like image consecrations and, indeed, renouncers’ initiations ( Detige , in preparation b) The performance of rituals by laypeople in the days leading up to the consecration ( Gough forthcoming ), the grand and festive setting, and the view that laypeople accrue much honor and merit through patronizing and participating in consecrations are also recognizable dimensions of contemporary Digambara initiations. These all form part of the continuity of Digambara initiation praxis from the early modern period, and perhaps beyond, to the present times I have not been able to observe bhattaraka consecrations among the still flourishing lineages in Southern India, which would of course form an interesting ground for comparison. Another field of further inquiry, beyond the scope of the present paper and my linguistic competences, is researching (the availability of) analogous textual sources from South India contemporary to the Western and Central Indian texts discussed here. As mentioned, a more in depth discussion of the pada-sthapana-vidhi s for other ranks included in the manuscripts of the longer bhattaraka consecration outline is also postponed for another occasion Meanwhile, apart from showing the considerable similarity of early modern bhattaraka consecration rituals to contemporary Digambara praxis, and perhaps more importantly, our study of bhattaraka consecration manuals confirms a few crucial insights concerning early modern Digambara Jainism more broadly. The sources and the ritual procedures attested o ff er proof of the former venerability of early modern bhattaraka s. They appear as paramesthin s, as standing in line with the ancient and medieval acarya s, and as a special, higher class of acarya s in the sa ˙ngha s of their own times. The late medieval origins and the continued early modern usage of the bhattaraka rank as a superimposition at the very apex of the prior Digambara ascetic hierarchy, rather than an inferior substitute after the latter’s breakdown, is now beyond doubt. Our sources also confirm the preservation and usage in the early modern period of the ascetic ranks of acarya and muni , that of the upadhyaya less plentifully attested, and the manuals’ theoretical confirmation of the ksullaka rank not yet borne out by records of early modern individuals, this rank perhaps having been conflated with that of the brahmacari While early modern bhattaraka s are nowadays often denounced for, supposedly, having been overly concerned with tantric practices (‘ yantra-tantra-mantra ’), the similarity between the tantric initiation praxis in the West and Central Indian bhattaraka sa˙ngha s and those of contemporary muni s stands as one example of the likeness, rather than disparity, of early modern and contemporary Digambara renouncers. Both understood as venerable ascetics in their own milieus, both equally engaged in tantric practices. In contrast to the contemporary historiography of the early modern period, our sources and their Digambara authors’ voices show no sign of any self-conception as belonging to an oppressed and declining tradition. Instead, a picture appears of a flourishing ascetic culture with diverse renunciant communities and dynamic practices, well-organized, transregionally connected, well-supported by lay communities and wealthy sponsors, and eager, able, and apparently allowed to flaunt itself to the broader society. The present study, then, confirms that in many ways the Digambara Jaina tradition in the Sultanates and Mughal Empire prospered, stood in continuity with earlier eras, and in turn also resembled ours much closer than generally thought Funding: Research partly facilitated by a grant of the FWO, Research Foundation Flanders (2012–2016) Acknowledgments: Of taxpayers’ financing of my hometown’s public library, a wonderful place to work. Salutes to those Jains from throughout the centuries whose traditions are represented here, hopefully not misrepresented Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Send, Tam, Sim, Chata, Yatra, Beloved, Tato]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 25 of 31 Appendix A. Bhattaraka-Pada-Sthapana-Vidhi , Sonagiri Manuscript, Text, and Translation [Section A.1: description and selection of a worthy candidate] atha bhattarakapadasthapanavidhirlikhyate |||| laghvacaryapadam sakalasam . ghabhirucitam | idam yogi 56 srutajñam . jinadharmmodharanadhiram | ratnatrayabh usitam. bhattarakapadayogyam. munim. drstva caturvidhasam . ghaih. sahalocya lagnim 57 grhitvopasakamukhyah. samghadhipah. sarvatramantranapatram presayet | Now the rite for establishing the bhattaraka rank is written. Upon finding [seeing] a yogi with the rank of junior acarya , beloved by the whole sa ˙ngha , a muni well-versed in the sruta knowledge, skilled in uplifting the jina dharma, endowed with the three jewels, worthy of the rank of bhattaraka , after deliberating with the fourfold sa ˙ngha , having determined an auspicious date, the sa ˙nghadhipa , the chief of the laypeople ( upasaka ), should send around an invitation letter [Section A.2: preparations and preliminary rituals] tato vicitrasobhanvitam mandapam | mandapam 58 vedika sim . hasanam cakarayet | Sarve upasakam cetyalaye 59 | santikaganadharavalayaratnatrayadi | p ujamahotsavam ca kurvam . ti | lagnadine santikam | ganadharavala 60 yarcanam vidhaya jalajatramahotsavam ca vidhaya kalasan || 108 aniyasasarvausadhi | tanmadhye ksiptva tan | svastikopari sthapayet || Tatah. saubhagyavati stri bhumau camdanena chata dapayitva mauktikaih. svastikam. karayitva tasyopari | sim . hasanam . sthapya tatra p urvabhimukham . tam bhattarakapadayogyam. munimasayet || atha bhattarakapadayogyam. munimasayet 61 || Then a colorful and beautiful pavilion ( mandapa ), a platform ( vedika ), and a throne ( si ˙nhasana ) should be constructed. And in a temple all the laypeople ( upasaka ) should perform a great festival with the ´Santika, Ganadharavalaya, Ratnatraya, and such p uja s. On the auspicious day, having performed the ´Santika and Ganadharavalaya veneration ( arcana ), and having held a great festival with a procession of water pitchers (‘ jalajatramahotsavam ’ , jala-yatra ), having brought 108 pitchers, having mixed in all herbs, he ought to establish them on top of a svastika . Then, after happily married women ( saubhagyavati stri ) have drawn lines on the ground with sandal [and] have made a svastika with pearls, [and] after setting up a throne ( si ˙nhasana ) on top of it, that muni worthy of the rank of bhattaraka out to be seated there facing East. Now that muni worthy of the rank of bhattaraka out to be seated [Section A.3: recitation of Bhakti s] atha bhattarakapadapratisthapanakriyamityadimuccarya siddhasrutacaryabhakti pathet | Having pronounced “Now the ritual for the establishment of the bhattaraka rank”, etc., he ought to recite the Siddha- , ´Sruta- , and ¯ Acarya-bhakti [Section A.4: ablution of the initiand’s feet, bhattaraka-stavana , and gunaropana ] 56 Compare v. K (Appendix B ). 57 Probably scribal error for ‘ lagnam ’, as in version B 58 This repetition, not present in the Karañja and B. versions, probably a scribal error 59 ‘ caityalaye ’ in versions B & K 60 The manuscript here has a crossed out ‘ yaratnatrayadi | p ujamahotsavam . ’ , a corrected scribal error 61 This repetition probably a scribal error, only ‘ atha ’ belonging to the next line already. See also next footnote.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Atra, Ahana, Better, Bees, Lord, Goes, Excellent, Aum, Agreement, Wax, Eye, Pram, Ehi, Pathan, Fit, Thah, Tat, Mama, Tada, Sya, Karp]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 26 of 31 tatah panditacarya siddhasrutacaryah 62 || aum hr um 63 paramasurabhi 64 dravyasam . darbha parimalagarbhatirtham . bup urnasuvarnakalasastauttarasata tatha toyena padau parisecayamiti svaha || 65 tata idam . yogi nrtyadi 66 | bhattarakastavanam | pathan padau samam.tat paramr.sya gunaropanam. kuryat | Then the panditacarya [utters]: “ Aum . hr um , I make an ablution of both feet with the water [from] 108 golden pitchers filled with water from a sacred place su ff used with the fragrance of the most pure substances, svaha !” Then, after touching both feet from all sides reciting the praise of the bhattaraka ( bhattaraka - stavana ) “ idam . yoginrtya ” 67 etc., the attribution of the virtues ( gunaropana ) ought to be performed [Section A.5: transmission of the S urimantra ] tatah srigurustasmai tatpadayogyam param . paragatam s urimantram dadyat athava tatpadayogyamunerabhavacchri bhattarakenayuh | pram . te tatpadayogyas urimantram patre 2 68 likhitva tatpatram . madanadidravyairvestayitva muktam . bhavati 69 | tada tatpatrasthapanakividhikrtah. puman tatpatram tasmai dadyat | Then the honorable guru ought to give him the traditional S urimantra fit for that rank, or, in the absence of a muni worthy of that rank, the S urimantra suitable for that rank having been written on a piece of paper by the honorable bhattaraka at the end of his life, that paper is deposited enveloped with bees’ wax and such substances. Then the man performing the procedure of the establishing of that paper ought to give him that paper [Section A.6: av ahana ] athav¯ahanadividhi 70 || aum hrum namo ayariyanam || dharmmacaryadhipataye 71 paramabhattarakaparamesthinnatre hi 2 72 sam . vausat. ahvananam || 1 || aum hr um namo ayariyanam | dharmacaryadhipataye paramabhattarakaparamestinna 73 tistha 2 thah. thah. sthapanam || 2 || aum hr um namo ayariyanam | dharmacaryadhipate paramabhattarakaparamestinatra mama sannihit[o] 74 bhava 2 vasat sannidhikaranam || 3 || ityahvanadikam . krtva || tatasca aum . hr um . namo ayariyanam || dharmaca 75 ryadhipateye 76 sakala | srutam . budhiparapraptaya | paramabhattarakaya namah || aum . a anena karp uracam . danena padayostilakam dadyat || Now the method of invocation ( avahana ): “ Aum . hr um , namo ayariyanam (salutations to the acarya s)! 77 O, leader, acarya of dharma! O, most excellent bhattaraka -supreme lord ( paramesthin ), 62 Again, the repetition of ‘ siddhasrutacarya ’ from the previous phrase, missing from versions B and K, is probably a scribal error. We get a feeling the scribe was copying from another manuscript (rather than being dictated the text), his eye here having caught onto the ‘ . . uccarya ’ of the preceding phrase, resembling the ‘ panditacarya ’ after which he goes at fault 63 Version K omits this seed syllable hrum 64 Correcting a scribal error ‘ subhabhi ’ 65 Jaina ’s ( 2009 , p. 116) version adds “ iti pathitva kalasastottarasata-toyena padau parisecayet | ’, “having recited thus [the aforementioned mantra], he ought to anoint both feet with water from 108 pitchers.” 66 Versions B and K have ‘ tatah. aidam. yuginetyadi ’. Given that it is typically version K which o ff ers forms di ff ering from versions B and S, its agreement with version B here probably means ‘ idam . yogi nrtyadi’ is an error of version S; see discussion in Section 3.4 . 67 See previous footnote 68 ‘ 2 ’ indicates a repetition of the preceding word, thus ‘ patre patre’ . Similar in further cases 69 Jaina ( 2009 , p. 118) interprets ‘ muktam . bhavati ’ as ‘he (the bhattaraka ) dies’; see discussion in Section 3.5 . 70 To be corrected to ‘ athavahanadividhi ’ Jaina ( 2009 , p. 117) reads ‘ atha avahanadividhih ’, version K has ‘ athavahanadividhih ’ 71 Here and in the next case, version B has three times the vocative ‘ dharmacaryadhipate ’, as in the third repetition in this section, which seems to fit better here, next to the vocatice ‘ paramabhattarakaparamesthinn -’, than the dative ‘ dharmacaryadhipataye ’, so I translate all as vocative ‘O, Dharmacaryadhipati !’ 72 Jaina ’s ( 2009 , p. 117) version as well as the Karañja manuscript have ‘ ( . . ) atra ehi ehi ’ 73 Version B and K here add ‘ atra ’, typically included in this standardized ritual phrase, probably omitted here by scribal oversight 74 Illegible on my documentation of the manuscript 75 Scribal error 76 Probably scribal error, doubting between both forms used before, dative ‘ dharmacaryadhipataye ’ and vocative ‘ dharmacaryadhipate ’. Versions B and K have the dative, which seems the best fit here 77 From here on, I leave Prakrit passages in the mantras untranslated, because of, arguably, their more formulaic nature.

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Nam, Sth, Ocean, Duna, Mam, Cam, Sopi, Asta, Trena, Bank, Ghe]

Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 27 of 31 here here, sam . vausat , 78 ahvanana ! Aum . hr um , salutations to the acarya s! O, leader, acarya of dharma! O, most excellent bhattaraka -supreme lord, be established, established (tistha tistha) , thah. thah , sth¯apana ! Aum . hr um , namo ayariyanam ! O, leader, acarya of dharma! O, most excellent bhattaraka -supreme lord, be near me, near me, vasat , sannidhi-karana ! And then, having performed the avahana etc. as such, with camphor and sandal a tilaka ought to be applied to both feet with [the recitation of] this [mantra] ( anena ) 79 : “ Aum . hr um , namo ayariyanam ! Salutations to the Dharmacaryadhipati , the highest bhattaraka , who has reached the other bank of ( = mastered) the whole ocean of sruta knowledge, aum . a !” [Section A.7: recitation of Gurv avali and Bhakti s] tatah. santibhaktim. krtva || gurvavali pathitva || sri m ulasam . ghe nam . disam . ghe ta 80 sarasvatigacche balatkaragana 81 sri kum . dakum . dacaryanvaye amukasya patte amukanamavan || bhattarakah iti kathayitva || samadhibhaktim . pathet || Then after performing the ´Santi-bhakti [and] reciting the gurvavali (succession list of the bhattaraka lineage) [as follows:] “In the revered M ulasa ˙ngha Nandisa ˙ngha Sarasvatigaccha Balatkaragana Kundakundacaryanvaya, on the seat of so and so, a bhattaraka with such and such a name.” Having declared thus, he ought to recite the Samadhi-bhakti [Section A.8: bhattaraka puja , concluding festivities] tatasca gurubhaktim . datva | sarve yatinah. pranamam. kuryuh || tatasca sarve upasakah. astayim 82 isthim krtva gurubhaktim. datva pranamamti | tatah. sopi bhattarako datre sarvebhyascasisam. datva | tatah. sarva upasikah 83 nijanijagrhan | mahamahotsavena varddhapanamaniya 84 || tam . varddhapayam . ti data sarve | sam . gha bhojayitva || vastradina sam . gharcanam . kuryat | yacakan | dinanathasca tarppayet 85 || iti bhattarakapadavidhih |||| And then, after having performed devotion to the teacher ( guru-bhakti ), all the renouncers ( yati ) ought to bow. And then all the laypeople bow after making eightfold o ff erings (‘ asta[ta]yimisthim ’) and giving guru-bhakti . Then, after he, the bhattaraka , has given blessings to the [consecration’s] patron and to all, then with great festivities all the lay women present congratulatory gifts to him, having each brought [these] from their own houses. After feeding the whole sa ˙ngha , the patron ought to make an o ff er of cloth etc. to the sa ˙ngha ( sa ˙ngharcana ). Beggars, the a ffl icted ones, and orphans ought to be satisfied. Thus, the method for the bhattaraka rank Appendix B. Bhattaraka-Pada-Sthapana-Vidhi , Karañja Manuscript, Text, and Translation of Selected Sections [Section B.1: description and selection of a worthy candidate] atha bhattarakapadasthapanavidhih | evam vidh[i] munim laghvacaryapadam sakalasam . ghabhyucitam 86 | aidam yugina srutajñam jinadharmmodharanadhiram | ratnatrayabh usitam vratasamitigupti | yamaniyamasam . yamasilanidhanam | bhattarakapadayogyam munim drstva | caturvidhasam . ghaih. saha | alocya sam . grhitva | sakalopasakamukhyah. samghadhipatih. sarvatra mantranapatrikam kum . kumam . kitam . presayet | Now the rite for establishing the bhattaraka rank. The procedure is such: Upon finding (seeing) a muni , with the rank of junior acarya , beloved by the whole sa ˙ngha , versed in the sruta knowledge of 78 Bija-aksara s (seed syllables) like ‘ sam . vausat ’ are untranslatable 79 V. K reads ‘aum . am | anena mam . trena sahem . duna cam . danena’ 80 Superfluous aksara 81 Scribal error, should be vocative ‘ balatkaragane ’ 82 Scribal error, ‘ astatayim ’ 83 V. B places this responsibility with all the laypeople, not only the women, ‘ upasaka ’ ( Jaina 2009 , p. 117) 84 V. K & B have ‘ varddhapanamaniya ’. I follow Jaina ’s ( 2009 , p. 120, n. 117) interpretation of varddhapana as ‘congratulatory gift’ (actually vardhapanaka ) 85 Jaina ( 2009 , p. 117) has ‘ santarpayecca ’ 86 Probably scribal mistake for ‘ sakalasam . ghabhirucitam ’ of version K & B.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 28 of 31 [available in] this age, skilled in uplifting the jina dharma, endowed with the three jewels, a storehouse of vows ( vrata ), the samiti vows, gupti vows, forbearance ( yama ), self-control ( niyama ), mental restraint ( sam . yama ), and morality, a muni worthy of the rank of bhattaraka , [and] after deliberating with the fourfold sa ˙ngha [and] having determined [an auspicious date], 87 the sa ˙nghadhipati , chief of all the laypeople ( upasaka ), should send around an invitation letter marked with kumkuma [Section B.3: recitation of Bhakti s] atha bhattarakapadapratisthapanakriyayam. pu. siddhabhaktim. ´srutabhakti acaryabhaktim. ca patheyuh | Now in the ritual of the establishment of the bhattaraka rank, p u [ = ?] 88 They ought to recite the Siddha-bhakti , ´Sruta-bhakti , and ¯ Acarya-bhakti [Section B.5: transmission of the S urimantra ] tatah. sriguruh. tasmai padayogyaya | param . paragatam s urimantram dadyat || tadyatha || aum namo araham . tanam . namo siddhanam | namo aïriyanam. namo uvajjhayanam. namo loë savva sahunam | aum paramaham . saya paramestine | ham . sah. ham . sah. ham . ham . ham . hum . h um . hom . haum . jinaya namah. jinam sam . sthapayami sam . vausat. a 38 diksavelayam | tatha [sira?]simastake | etanmam . trenopacaraniyam | tatha aum paramaham . saya paramestine | ham . sah. ham . sah. ham . ham . hram . hraum . hrim . hrem . hrah. jinaya namah. jinam sthapayami sam . vausat | a 37 | aum . hrim . arham . sri namo ham . sah. namo ham . sah || a 17 | etesam. trayanam. madhye ekam mam . tram . datavyam | Athava tatpadayogyamunerabhavat | sri gurun.a bhattarakena | ayuh. pramte | tatpadayogyam s urimantram . patre likhitva tatpatram . madanadidravyai vestayitva r upyapatrachadita sam . putikayam . muktam bhavati | tada tatpadasthapanavidhih. krtah || Then the honorable guru ought to give that one who is fit for the rank the traditional S urimantra As follows: “ Aum . , namo araham . tanam . , namo siddhanam . , namo aïriyanam . , namo uvajjhayanam . , namo loë savva sah unam.. Aum. [Salutations] to the supreme renouncer ( parama-ham . sa ), to the supreme lord ( paramesthin )! Ham . sah. ham . sah. ham . ham . ham . hum . h um . hom . haum . Salutations to the jina ! I make the jina abide nearby, sam . vausat !” And at the right moment ( velayam ) for the diksa , on top of the head, that mantra is to be imparted 38 times. As well as, 37 times: “[Salutations] to the supreme renouncer ( parama-ham . sa ), to the supreme lord ( paramesthin )! Ham . sah. ham . sah. ham . ham . hram . hraum . hrim . hrem . hrah. Salutations to the jina ! I make the jina abide nearby, sam . vausat !” [And,] 17 times: “ Aum . hrim . arham . sri namo ham . sah. namo ham . sah. ” In between these three [mantras] one mantra ought to be given. Or, in the absence of a muni worthy of that rank, the S urimantra suitable for that rank having been written by the honorable bhattaraka guru on a piece of paper at the end of his life, that paper having been enveloped with beeswax and such substances, [and] covered ( chadita ) with a stamped ( r upya ) leaf of paper, that manuscript is deposited (‘ muktam . bhavati’ ) in a treasure box (‘ sam . putikayam . ’) . Then, the rite of the establishment ( sthapana ) of that rank 89 is done Appendix C. Bhattaraka-Diksa-Vidhi , Sonagiri Manuscript, Text, and Translation [Section C.4: ablution of the initiand’s feet, bhattaraka-stavana , and gunaropana ] bhattarakadiksavidhih || gurubhaktim . dattva pascadgurostilakadanam . tato nirvedasaustavetistavanam santijinamityuccaryya guroh. satpadau paramr.sya gururgunaropanam. kuryat The method for the consecration of a bhattaraka : After having performed guru-bhakti , the application of a tilaka from the guru, then a hymn [on?] ‘otherworldliness and skillfulness’. After pronouncing thus: “ ´Santi jinam ”, after rubbing both venerable feet of the guru, the guru ought to perform gunaropana 87 ‘ lagnam ’ as in v. B missing, scribal error 88 Compare versions S & B, which indicate this much ought to be recited as an announcement (‘ ityadi uccarya ’, v. B; ‘ ityadimuccarya ’, v. S). Perhaps the manuscript’s abbreviation ‘ p u ’, of which signification I am unclear, is an indication of the latter 89 Probably scribal error for ‘ patra ’ of other versions, see discussion in Section 3.5 , footnote 45.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 29 of 31 [Section C.5: transmission of the S urimantra ] sri gurustasmai tatpadayogyam param . paragatam s urimantram dadyat athava tatpadayogyasadhorabhavadguruh. svayuh. pramte tatpadocitam. surimantram. patre likhitva tatpatram. madanadidravyairvastayitva muktah. syattada tatpatram. mukhyasraddhebhyastatha susisyaya samarppayet tatpatrasthapanikavidhi krbharastatpatram. bhattarakapadasthaya dadyat The honorable guru ought to impart the traditional S urimantra proper for the post to him. Or, in the absence of a sadhu worthy of that [ bhattaraka ] rank, at the end of his life, the guru may die after having the S urimantra appropriate for that post written down on a piece of paper [and] having enveloped that leaf with beeswax and other substances. In that case, it may be so that this leaf ought to be given to the principal, faithful people and to a good pupil. Performing the method ( vidhi ) of the sthapana of that leaf, he ought to give that paper to the one engaged in [obtaining] the bhattaraka rank [Section C.6: av ahana ] athavahanadividhih. aum. hrim. arham. namo aïriyanam. dharmacaryadhipate paramasure bhattarakaparamestinnatra ehi 2 samvausaditya 90 aum namo aïriyanam. dharmacaryadhipataye srutabdhiparagaya namah. anena padayostilakam. dadyat Now the procedure of the invocation etc. “ Aum . hrim . arham . namo aïriyanam . O, Dharmacaryadhipati! O, parama-s uri ! O, bhattaraka-paramesthin , here here, sam . vausat ! Thus, the a[hvanana] Aum . namo airiyanam . Salutations to the dharmacaryadhipati , who has crossed ( = mastered) the ocean of sruta knowledge!” With this, a tilaka ought to be given on both feet [Section C.7: recitation of Gurv avali and Bhakti s] tatah. santibhaktim. krtva gurvvavalim. pathitva sri mulasamghe namdyamnaye sa[ra] 91 svatigacche balatkaragane sri kumdakumdacaryanvaye ‘mukapatte’ mukanamavan bhattaraka iti samudiryya Then after performing the ´Santi-bhakti , after reciting the Gurvavali as such: “In the venerable M ulasam . gha Nandyamnaya Sarasvatigacha Balatkaragana Kundakundacaryanvaya, on a given seat, a bhattaraka with such and such a name,” having recited this, [continued in next section] [Section C.8: bhattaraka puja , concluding festivities] samadhibhaktim pathet tatasca gurubhaktim. datva sarve yatayah. pranamam. kuryyuh. tatah sarve upasaka astatayimistim. vidhaya pranameyuh. bhattarakah. samghanayakayasisam. dadyat sravaka nijanijagehadvarddhapanamaniya bhattarakam. vaddhapiyeyuh. sarvasamghabhojanam. visarj[j?]anamiti || he should recite the samadhi-bhakti . And then, having performed guru-bhakti , all the renouncers ( yati ) ought to bow, and all the laypeople ought to bow after making eightfold o ff erings. The bhattaraka ought to bless the leader of the lay congregation ( sa ˙nghanayaka ). The laypeople ought to present festive gifts to the bhattaraka , having brought [these] each from their own house. [Then there is] an o ff ering of a meal to the whole sa ˙ngha . Thus [the vidhi ] References Cort, John E. 2002 a. Singing the Glory of Asceticism: Devotion of Asceticism in Jainism Journal of the American Academy of Religion 70: 719–42. [ CrossRef ] Cort, John E. 2002 b. Bhakti in the Early Jain Tradition: Understanding Devotional Religion in South Asia History of Religions 42: 59–86. [ CrossRef ] Cort, John. E. 2002 c. A Tale of Two Cities: On the Origins of Digambara Sectarianism in North India. In Multiple Histories: Culture and Society in the Study of Rajasthan . Edited by Lawrence A. Babb, Varsha Joshi and Michael W. Meister. Jaipur and New Delhi: Rawat Publications, pp. 39–83 90 = ‘ sam . vausadityavahana ’ 91 Scribal error, missing syllable.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 30 of 31 De Clercq, Eva. 2011. Bhattarakas and Digambara Monastic Lineages of Fifteenth Century Gwalior: Glimpses from Raïdh u’s Writings Journal of Asian History 45: 63–83 Deo, Shantaram B. 1956 History of Jaina Monasticism from Inscriptions and Literature . Poona: Deccan College Detige, Tillo. 2014. Worshipping Bhattarakas Jaina Studies: Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies 9: 27–30 Detige, Tillo. 2015. The Bhattarakas of Karañja (Lada): Triveni Sa ˙ngama at Jaina Kasi. In Sanmati, Essays Felicitating Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah on the Occasion of His 80 th Birthday . Edited by Luitgard Soni and Jay Soni Bengaluru: Sapna Book House, pp. 143–76 Detige, Tillo. 2017. Manuscript Collections of the Western and Central Indian Bhattarakas Jaina Studies: Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies 12: 36–39 Detige, Tillo. 2018. Satpatraya samarpittam . : Manuscript Copies and the Early Modern Digambara Sa ˙ngha. In Gift of Knowledge: Patterns of Patronage in Jainism . Edited by Christine Chojnacki and Basile Lecl è re. Bengaluru: Sapna Book House, pp. 274–370 Detige, Tillo. 2019. "Guna kah um. ´sri guru": Bhattaraka Gitas and the Early Modern Digambara Jaina Sa ˙ngha In Early Modern India: Literature and Images, Texts and Languages . Edited by Maya Burger and Nadia Cattoni Heidelberg and Berlin: CrossAsia-eBooks, pp. 271–85 Detige, Tillo. Forthcoming. Digambara Renouncers in Western and Central India, c. 1100–800. In Brill’s Encyclopedia of Jainism . Edited by Knut Jacobsen, John E. Cort, Paul Dundas and Kristi Wiley. Leiden: Brill Detige, Tillo. In preparation a. ‘ Nityam . pranamanti ’: Funerary monuments of Digambara acarya s, muni s, and female renouncers from Western India (16 th to 18 th century CE) Detige, Tillo. In preparation b. The Ritual Veneration of Living Digambara Jaina Renouncers. Dundas, Paul. 1998 Open Boundaries: Jain Communities and Cultures in Indian History . Edited by John C. Cort Albany: State University of New York Press, pp. 31–52 Flügel, Peter. 2006. Demographic Trends in Jaina Monasticism. In Studies in Jaina History and Culture: Disputes and Dialogues . Edited by Peter Flügel. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 312–98 Gough, Ellen. 2015. The N . amokar Mantra’s Forgotten Brother Jaina Studies: Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies 10: 32–34 Gough, Ellen. 2017. The S urimantra and the Tantricization of Jain Image Consecration. In Consecration Rituals in South Asia . Edited by Istv á n Keul. Leiden and Boston: Brill, pp. 265–308 Gough, Ellen. Forthcoming. The Tantric Initiation of a Jain Monk. In Tantric Communities in Context . Vienna: Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia Hoernle, A. F. Rudolf. 1891. Two Pattavalis of the Sarasvati Gachchha of the Digambara Jains Indian Antiquary 20: 341–61 Hoernle, A. F. Rudolf. 1892. Three Further Pattavalis of the Digambaras Indian Antiquary 21: 57–84 Jain, Muni Uttam Kamal. 1975 Jaina Sects and Schools . New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company Jaina, Ratanacandra. 2009 Jainaparampara Aura Yapaniya Sa ˙ngha (Dvitiya Khanda) . ¯ Agara: Sarvodaya Jaina Vidyapitha Jaina, Pi Si, ed. 2010 Bhattaraka Parampara . Jayapura: Jaina Anu´silana Kendra, Rajasthana Visvavidyalaya Joharapurakara, Vidyadhara. 1958 Bhattaraka Sampradaya . Solapura: Jaina Sam . skriti Sam . raksaka Sa ˙ngha Joharapurakara, Vidyadhara. 1964. Jaina Sa ˙ngha ke chah. amga Anek¯anta 17: 231–32 Kasalivala, Kast uracanda. 1967 Rajasthana ke Jaina Sam . ta: Vyaktitva Evam . Kr ◦ titva . Jayapura: ´Sri Di. Jaina A. Ksetra ´Sri Mahaviraji Kasalivala, Kast uracanda. 1969. Bhattaraka Gunakirtti ka pattabhiseka Vira-Vani 21: 453–54 Kasalivala, Kast uracanda. 1979 Kavivara B ucaraja Evam . Unake Samakalina Kavi . Jayapura: ´Sri Mahavira Grantha Akadami Kasalivala, Kast uracanda. 1981 Bhattaraka Ratnakirti Evam. Kumudacandra, Vyaktitva Evam. Kr ◦ titva . Jayapura: ´Sri Mahavira Grantha Akadami Kasalivala, Kast uracanda. 1982 ¯ Acarya Somakirtti Evam . Brahma Yasodhara . Jayapura: ´Sri Mahavira Grantha Akadami Nyayatirtha, Anupacanda. 1985 a. ¯ Amera gaddi ke Bhattaraka Mahendrakirti ka Dilli mem. pattabhiseka Vira-Vani 37: 421–23 Nyayatirtha, Anupacanda. 1985 b. ¯ Amera mem . pattastha antima Bhattaraka Devendrakirti Vira-Vani 37: 34–36.

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Religions 2019 , 10 , 369 31 of 31 Padmanandi, Muni, Muni Devanandi, and ¯ Aryika Kulabh usanamati. 1982 Humbuja- ´Sramana-Siddhanta Pathavali Jayapura: ´Sri Digambara Jaina Kunthu Vijaya Granthamala Samiti Premi, Nath urama. 1913. Bhattaraka (4) Jaina Hitaisi 8: 57–70 Premi, Nath urama. nd. Idar ki Gaddi Jain Hitaisi , 459–64 Sangave, Vilas A. 1980 Jaina Community—A Social Survey , rev ed Bombay: Popular Prakashan First published 1959 Sangave, Vilas A. 2001 Facets of Jainology. Selected Research Papers on Jain Society, Religion and Culture . Mumbai: Popular Prakashan ´Sastri, Ph ulacandra. 1992 Parvara Jaina Samaja ka Itihasa . Jabalapura: ´Sri Bharatavarsiya Digambara Jaina Paravara Sabha © 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http: // creativecommonsorg / licenses / by / 4.0 / ).