Chapter 15 - Non-Jain cults, customs and beliefs

Among the non-Jaina cults mentioned in Somadeva's Yasastilaka the most prominent is, of course, that of Candamari, which forms the starting point of the story. As we have already seen, human sacrifice was an essential feature of the worship of that goddess, and a detailed, though to some extent fantastic, description of her appallingly gruesome shrine occurs in Book I. Candamari is only another form of Candika, whose cult is much earlier than the tenth century, as is evident from the descriptions of the goddess and her blood-stained temple in works like Bana's Kadambari and Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Book VI. In the latter work the deity is called also Katyayani and Kadambari. Subandhu in his Vasavadatta likewise refers to the shrine of Katyayani alias Canda while describing the city of Kusumapura or Pataliputra. In Bhavabhuti's Malatimadhava, Act V, the goddess appears as Karala or Camunda to whom a human victim is about to be offered by a Kapalika. In Vakpati's Gaudavaho she appears as Vindhyavasini, to whom a lengthy hymn is addressed by Yasovarman (vv. 285-338), the goddess being called also Candi, Sabari and Narayani. The hymn in question refers among other things to the human victim and the custom of selling human flesh, as in our work.2 The self-torture described by Somadeva as being practised by certain fanatics in the temple of Candamari³ is mentioned in another context in Bana's Harsacarita (Book V), which refers, for instance, to the burning of Guggulu resin on the head while supplicating the Mahakala Siva, and the offering of flesh cut out of one's own body as an oblation in the fire. The offering of slices of one's own flesh to Camunda is mentioned in Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala composed in the eighth century. The Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang, in the first half of the seventh century, describes a temple, at Prayaga (Allahabad), where certain devotees committed suicide in the hope of gaining 'the paradise of the gods." 1 'yatra bhagavati katyayani candabhidhana svayam nivasati ' 2 'visasijjantamahapasudamsana (v. 319 ) ; 'suranti viravikkayavikkamamiha jaminimasanesu ' (v. 327 ). The comm. remarks devismasane vira siddhaye mahamamsavikrayam kurvantiti kaulagamadisu prasiddham . See Chap. XIII for further details. 3 See Chap. II. 4 'anyatra sirovidhrta viliya managuggulu vikala navasevakanuniyamanamahakalam, aparatra nisitasastronikrttatmamamsahomaprasa- taptavargam ' 5 kimva camundayah purastiksnaksurikavidaritoruyugalasamucchalalohitapankilabhutalam mamsakhandairbalim dadami ' Ratnaprabha's Sanskrit version. 6 Watters: On Yuan Chwang, Vol. I. p. 362. A similar practice has been traced on the island of Mandhata in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces. Here, until recent times, devotees were in the habit of dashing themselves over

The cult of the Devi, who is known under different names, Candika, Katyayani, Bhavani, Durga etc., seems to have been widely prevalent from about the seventh century onwards. The cult, as ordinarily practised, represents what is known as Sakti worship, and must be distinguished from the abnormal ritual mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka. There are, for instance, two rock-cut temples dedicated to Durga at Mamallapuram, now the village of Mahabalipuram, known also as the Seven Pagodas, on the sea-coast, about forty miles south of Madras. The excavations at this place date from the second quarter of the seventh century A. D.' The temples are locally known, the one as Kotikal Mandapa, and the other as Draupadi's Ratha. The former is a primitive-looking shrine consisting of a hall, about 22 feet long and eight feet wide. The latter is a beautifully carved little shrine with a domical roof, and contains a bas-relief figure of Durga. In front of the temple is a huge rock-cut figure of Durga's vehicle, the lion. There are, besides, various sculptural representations of the goddess on some of the other temples and rocks at Mamallapuram. A number of crudely fashioned figures of the goddess and her lion are also carved on some of the isolated rocks near the Shore Temple facing the sea. In the so-called Draupadi's Ratha the bas-relief figure of Durga is four-armed and portrayed standing on a lotus pedestal with two worshippers kneeling at her feet. These features are also seen in the bas-relief representation of the goddess in one of the large panels on the walls of the temple known as the Varahamandapa. Other panels, which represent the goddess with eight arms, and trampling on the head of a buffalo, occur on the facade of the Trimurti Temple and in the the Birkhala cliffs, at the eastern end of the island, on to the rocks by the river brink, where the terrible god Kala Bhairava resided. The last such offering to Kala Bhairava was witnessed in 1824. It is significant that the shrine of Candamari is called Mahabhairava in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. It is said that about the time when a Chauhan Rajput named Bharat Singh took Mandhata from Nathu Bhil in 1165 A. D., a priest named Daryao Nath used to worship Omkara Siva on the island. There is a legend that Daryao Nath by his austerities shut up Kali Devi, the consort of Kala Bhairava, who fed on human flesh, in a cave, for the protection of the pilgrims. The mouth of this cave is still shown. It was also arranged that Kala The Bhairava should in future receive human sacrifices at regular intervals. disciples of Daryao Nath still enjoy lands on account of the worship of Omkara Siva. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 293 ff. It is difficult to separate fact from fiction in these traditions; but an abnormal variety of Tantric cult seems to have grown up, evidently at a later time, on the island of Mandhata, and no doubt represented a debased type of Saivism or Tantricism resembling the Vamamarga described in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. 1 See Appendix III. 2 See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part II.

interior of the Varaha Temple. The story of Durga slaying the Buffalo Demon was popular not only in India but in Java; and a remarkable bas-relief showing the fight of the goddess with the demon, regarded as one of the finest specimens of Indian art, is found in the so-called Mahisasuramandapa. The eight-armed goddess, astride on her lion, is represented as shooting arrows at the demon whose colossal figure is seen slightly receding before her, with one of his followers slain and another apparently wounded. It is also noteworthy that, in the bas-reliefs in the Draupadi's Ratha and the Varahamandapa, one of the worshippers is shown as cutting off the tresses of his hair with a sword as a votive offering to the goddess. Such practices are, of course, far different from the various forms of self-torture practised in connection with the cult of Candamari, or Candika, as described by Somadeva and others. The practices described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka evidently belong to an abnormal variety of the cult, which appealed to the fanaticism of a limited class of worshippers. But the cult of the Devi, in the ordinary sense of the term, had a much wider appeal; and old temples dedicated to the Goddess are found in various parts of India. The cult was, as stated below, popular Sift 1 The scene is represented on a much smaller scale in a beautiful panel discovered near the Siva temple at Bhumara of the early Gupta period (see Appendix III). The goddess is four-armed with a sword in one hand and a trident in another. She stands with her left foot on the head of the buffalo and grasps his tail with one of her hands. See plate xiv (b) in R. D. Banerji's monograph on the temple. 2 Some of the old temples dedicated to Devi may here be mentioned, many of which have been rebuilt in later times. The temple of Amba Bhavani on the summit of the hills of Arasur at the south-western extremity of the Aravalli range is an important centre of pilgrimage, and lays claim to a remote antiquity. The ancient town of Darbhavati or Dabhoi, about twenty miles to the south-east of the city of Baroda, contains a temple dedicated to Bhadra Kalika Mata (Bhadrakali). It is situated to the right of the famous Hira Gate at Dabhoi on the east side of the old fort, and stands on the site of an older shrine in honour of the same goddess. It was probably built by Vishaldev Vaghela about 1255 A. D. 'Its dimensions are small, but the whole outer face has been so broken by mouldings, and ornamented by sculptures, large and small, as to render it typical of the rich thirteenth century style in Gujarat.' The temple is, in fact, one of the most important architectural monuments of the pre-Muslim period in Gujarat. Another Devi temple known as Kalka Mata or Kalka Bhawani stands on the lofty summit of the hill of Pavagadh situated about twenty-five miles north-east of Baroda. The goddess has been worshipped on the rocky peak for many centuries as the guardian deity of the hill. 'The shrine, which is visible from a distance of many miles in the plains below, is no doubt very ancient, being mentioned as a place of pilgrimage under the rulers of Anhilvad Patan.' the present building is probably of a much later date. Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, pp. 1 xi, lxxxvii, 191. An ancient temple of Devi or Candika, venerated by Rajputs throughout Malwa and Mewar, exists at the small village of Antri in the Garoth District of Indore State. The present temple is, however, a modern structure built with the materials collecte: from the ruins of an older shrine. 50 But

at royal courts, as it was believed to promote success in warfare. The temples and sculptures at Mamallapuram, which was essentially a royal foundation, prove the popularity of the cult of Durga, probably for similar reasons, during the rule of the Pallavas in the south from the seventh century onwards. The Pallavas were supplanted by the Colas, and it is noteworthy that Vijayalaya, the founder of the line of the imperial Colas, built a Durga temple at Tanjore after his conquest of the city about the middle of the ninth century A. D.2 It may be noted that about this time, in Northern A small temple dedicated to the god Samba (Sambhu) and Devi stands outside the village of Dighi, six miles dus east of Kajgaon Station in the East Khandesh District, a couple of miles from the frontier of Hyderabad (Deccan). ' The temple consists of a porch in front, a mandapa on pillars with a high dome, an antarala or passage leading to the sanctum or garbhagrha and the sanctum or small linga and a large standing shirne itself.' The sanctum contains a image of Devi. A niche on the north wall of the mandapa contains a dancing figure of Camunda. She has four hands and an emaciated body, but the scorpion usually to be found in her stomach is absent. She holds a trident, a skull-mace (khatvanga) and a skull-cup (nara-kapala). Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1920, pp. 75, 99. Close to the island of mandhata in the Narmada, a small ravine on the north bank of the river, popularly known as the Rawana nala, contains 'a prostrate figure 18 feet in length, rudely carved in bold relief on four basalt slabs laid end to end. It has ten arms, all holding clubs and pendent skulls, but only one head . On its chest is a scorpion, and at its right side a rat, while one foot rests on a smaller prostrate human figure.' The huge image no doubt represents Camunda or Mahakali, and was evidently intended to be placed in a colossal temple which was never completed. The bed of the ravine is covered with huge basalt rocks, slightly carved in some places, which doubtless had the same destination.' Imperial Gazetteer of India , Vol. IX, p. 296. 1 Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 140. Temples of Durga appear to have been built in different parts of medieval India. An inscription discovered in the village of Dirghasi, four miles to the north of Kalingapatam in the Ganjam District, records the erection of a mandapa in front of a temple of Durga at Dirgharasi or Dirghasi in the Saka year 997 (1075 A. D.), by a Brahmana chieftain named Ganapati in the service of the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I of Orissa (1068-1078 A. D.). R. D. Banerji: History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 246. There is a ruined temple of Durga of about the twelfth century, near the village of Balsana in the West Khandesh District of Bombay Presidency. Inside the shrine stands the mutilated image of the goddess. The temples at Balsana suffered badly at the hands of the Muslim invaders. An inscription on the stone lintel of a ruined temple bears See Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey a date corresponding to 1148 A. D. of India, Western Circle, 1919, pp. 46, 56. There is an old temple called the temple of Devi Hinglaj in the village of Baridelchi near Mehidpur Town in Indore State. The edifice has been partially rebuilt, as the sikhara and the garbhagrha are modern, but the porch in front has four well -carved medieval pillars. Inside the shrine is an old image which is a very good representation of the killing of the buffalo demon by Durga (Mahisamardini). Progress Report of ASI, Western Circle, 1920, p. 102.

India, Durga or Bhagavati was fervently worshipped by some of the GurjaraPratihara emperors of Kanauj.¹ Somadeva is not the only Jaina writer of the tenth century A few decades earlier, Devasena who refers to the cult of Candika. in his Bhavasamgraha (verse 76) mentions the killing of goats at the altar of Candika and the worship of the Kula' with wine : while Siddharsi in his Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha (Book IV) refers to the worship of Candika with wine and describes drinking bouts and merrymaking in the forecourt of the shrine of the goddess with their evil consequences . So far as Somadeva is concerned, the cult of Candika is located by him in the city of Rajapura in the Yaudheya country, which has been variously identified as the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, or Bahawalpur If the Yaudheya country is State in the Punjab, south of Multan.3 supposed to be the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, Rajapura may perhaps be identified with Rajpura in Patiala state, now an important junction on the North Western Railway. Somadeva describes Rajapura as full of magnificent temples, and it is obviously the capital of the Yaudheya It may be country, but we cannot be certain about its identification. noted in this connection that a Rajapura is mentioned by Yuan Chwang,* and it has been identified with the Rajapuri frequently mentioned in the Rajatarangini, the modern Rajauri in the province of Jammu in Kashmir. We have no evidence to connect Rajapuri with the Candika cult, but the Chinese traveller describes the inhabitants from Lampa to Rajapura as of rude violent dispositions' and as 'inferior peoples of frontier (i. e. barbarian) stocks', reminding one of the Sabaras who were in the habit But few ancient remains of worshipping the goddess under different names. have been discovered at Rajauri, and a recent survey revealed nothing except a few architectural fragments belonging to temples similar to those of Kashmir proper. The site of Rajapura is, as a matter of fact, of 1 The Partabgarh inscription of Mahendrapala II (946 A. D.) has, for instance, two verses in praise of Durga almost at the beginning. Nagabhata II (first half of 9 th century), Bhoja I (second half of 9 th century) and Mahendrapala I (end of 9 th and early 10 th century) are described as ardent devotees of Bhagavati. or Durga (parambhagavati-bhakta). El, Vol . XIV, p. 176 ff. 2 Kula means Sakti. For details see Introduction to Kulacudamani Tantra (Tantrik Texts). 3 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde depuis Kanishka, p. 44. 4 Watters: On Yuan Chwang, vol. I, p. 284. 5 Kak: Antiquities of Bhimbar and Rajauri (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 14). 658

little importance with regard to the cult of Candamari. Somadeva's account is in some respects so graphic and detailed that he seems to write from first-hand knowledge of the cult, as it was practised by certain zealots in his time somewhere in the Deccan. The Mahayoginis are described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book I, in connection with the temple of Candamari. The description is rather fantastic, but the author's purpose is to depict the terrific aspect of these deities and represent them as fit companions of Candamari. In Book III the spy is declared to have communed with the Mahayoginis and acquired supersensuous knowledge. These references are interesting as illustrating the fact that the cult of the Yoginis was prevalent in the tenth century. It is noteworthy that the circular temple of the sixty-four Yoginis at Bheraghat, thirteen miles from Jubbulpore, has also been assigned to the tenth century. This peculiar shrine 'consists of a huge thick wall along the outer edge of a circular platform, inside which there is a circular row of pillars and pilasters arranged in two concentric circles'. There is a flat roof supported on the pillars and pilasters. According to Cunningham, the temple of the Sixty-four Yoginis was originally a simple circular enclosure, containing the images of the Yoginis, the wall being of the same height as the statues. He concluded that the circular cloister, as it at present stands, is the work of two different periods: the old circular wall, with its inscribed statues, belonging to the tenth century; and the cloister, with its roof, being the work of queen Alhanadevi in the twelfth century. The actual number of images in the shrine including various other figures is more than eighty. Most of them are seated, with the names of the deities inscribed on the pedestals in letters of the tenth century. For example, Sri-Thakini, Sri-Virendri, Sri-Phanendri, Sri-Ksatradharmini, Sri-Bhisani, Sri-Gham tali, Sri-Jaha, Sri-Dakini, SriLampata, Sri-Indrajali, Sri-Isvari, Sri-Aingini, Sri-Candika, Sri-Ajita, Sri Pimgala, Sri-Varahi, Sri-Erudi, Sri-Vibhatsa, Sri-Kamada, Sri-Ranajira etc. A beautiful figure of Mahisamardini is called Sri-Teramva. The existence of a separate temple for the worship of the sixty-four Yoginis shows the popularity of Tantric cults in the tenth century. It is interesting to note that, under the lotus on which Sri-Sarvatomukhi is seated is another fullblown lotus, the calyx of which bears the Tantric emblem of crossed triangles (Satkona), with the mystic formula Hrim in the centre.³ 1 See Chap. IV. 2 R. D. Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments,p. 69. 3 See the detailed description of the images in Banerji (op. cit.)

Another temple dedicated to the sixty-four Yoginis exists at Khajuraho in Chhatarpur State in Central India. The script of the brief inscriptions on its walls does not indicate a period much , if at all, anterior to 900 A. D.'; and the temple has accordingly been assigned to the first half of the tenth century. Three other temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginis are known to exist, viz., 1) at Surada in the Patan or Pattana State , one of the Tributary States of Orissa; 2) at Ranipur-Jural in the same State; and 3) in Coimbatore District, Madras. It is a remarkable fact that all the known temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginis are circular, except the one at Khajuraho, which is 'peculiar in being oblong"." Somadeva refers to the Mothers in connection with the cult of Candamari. In his description of the temple of the goddess, in Yasastilaka Book I, he speaks of the Matrmandala or the group of the Mothers as being worshipped there by certain fanatics, who had torn out their intestines to please those deities.* The Seven Mothers are here brought into relation with a horrid and ferocious cult, but they had also a benign aspect, and are well-known as the guardian deities of the early Calukyas, as stated in their copper-plate grants. Sculptural representations of these deities have been The Seven Mothers, found at Aihole and other places in the Deccan.* four-armed, each with a child, figure among the sculptures on the south wall of Cave XIV at Ellora, popularly known as Ravana-ka-kai: each has her cognizance on the base below.5 There is a very well-executed sculpture representing the Seven Mothers on a stone slab, built into the wall of a step-well, out in front of the temple of Siddhesvara at Haveri in the Dharwar district. On most of these slabs each goddess holds a child on her lap to denote motherhood, but they are absent on this; and they are generally flanked by Siva on one side and Ganapati on the other. Next to Siva, in this case, is Brahmi or Brahmani, the female counterpart of Brahma, below her being Brahma's vehicle, the goose. Next is Mahesvari, Siva's counterpart, with his bull Nandi, beside whom is Vaisnavi seated over Garuda. After her come Kaumari, counterpart of Kartikeya, with his peacock; Varahi with a buffalo instead of the boar; Indrani or Aindri with the elephant, and, lastly, Camunda with a dog, but sometimes a dead body. This last Mother is shown as a skeleton with long pendent breasts. 1 For detailed references see Indian Antiquary, 1908, p. 132. 2 'kacittiksnapurusapakrstasvaki yatrayatra dolanatosyamanamatrmandalam . There is another reforence to the Matrmandala in Book I. See Chap. IV. 3 Bhandarkar: Early History the Dekkan, p. 83. Third edition. 4 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts, p. 45. 5 Burgess: A Guide to Blura Cave Temples, p. 24.

Each goddess has four arms, and in their hands they carry symbols belonging to the gods they represent. The arrangement is not always the same.' Various sculptures representing Siva and the Seven Mothers are found in the temples at Un in the southern part of Indore State. The worship of the goddess Aparajita is mentioned by Somadeva in Book III as part of the general description of the court life of Yasodhara. In three verses recited by a bard the blessings of the goddess are invoked for the success of the king in warfare. We are told that Aparajita, called also Ambika, grants victory to kings on the battlefield, and is herself incarnate in their arms and weapons. The stars are the pearls on her hair, and the sun and the moon are her eyes: the celestial river is her robe, and the oceans are her girdle, and the Meru mountain is her body. She is worshipped by Indra, Siva, Brahma and Visnu. It is clear from the Devimahatmya section of Markandeyapurana (chap . 88 ff.) that Aparajita, Ambika, Durga, Katyayani, Gauri, Bhadrakali etc. are different names of Candika; they are to be regarded rather as different forms of Candika, and worshipped on different occasions for special purposes. The meditation of Aparajita is recommended in the medieval Tantric work Isanasivagurudevapaddhati in the course of the ritual prescribed for the worship of Gauri; and it is interesting to note that one of the rites is The ensure his victory in war." meant for the king and prescribed to same work treats in detail of the worship of Durga, who is significantly described as capable of destroying hostile armies . Aparajita is thus one of those deities whose worship was favoured at the royal court as a means to vanquishing the enemies of the king. We learn further from Yasastilaka that the worship of Aparajita took place on the Mahanavami day, and the occasion is, in fact, more important than the name of the goddess. The Mahanavami festival is mentioned 1 Cousens (op cit.), p. 87. For some other details see the Vocabulary apponded to the English Translation of the Naisadhacarita, under Ambika. 2 See Appendix III. In the Chaubara Dera temple the sculpture occurs twice on doors. An elaborately carved door bears the Seven Mothers with Siva in the centre, all dancing. Over a door in the small Siva temple to the north of the Chaubara Dera we have representations of the Seven Mothers with Siva piaying on a lyre. One of the lintels in the temple of Nilakanthesvara represents Stva as dancing with the Seven Mothers. 3 Yasastilaka 3. 459-461. 4 .......abhayavarakaram dhrtankusapasini, vidhrtasasikalam smaredaparajitam || ' ( Mantrapada) 23. 51. 5 Ibid. 23. 57 6 ' athava satrusainyadinigrahe paramesvarim ' Ibid. 25, 18

by Somadeva also in Book I, wherein we are told that Maradatta invited the populace to the temple of Candika on the pretext of celebrating the festival, although it was not the proper season for it. Srutasagara in his commentary defines Mahanavami as the ninth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Caitra. Another Jaina writer, Udayavira, in his ParsvanathaMahanavami rites among non-Jaina carita (chap. IV) includes the cults and practices and assigns them to the bright fortnight of Caitra and Asvina.2 It was usual to celebrate the festival in the latter month, and Mahanavami was the ninth day of the bright half of Asvina, marking the culmination of the Navaratra rites commencing from the pratipad of that month. Strictly speaking, the term mahanavami was applied to the eighth lunar day of the bright half of Asvina when in conjunction with the Mula constellation, and the eighth as well as the ninth day was appointed The Garudapurana for the worship of the goddess Camunda or Durga.³ (chap. 134) gives a similar definition of Mahanavami, but mentions a different constellation.* The Devipurana (Chap. XXII) gives a detailed account of the Mahanavami rites which had a special significance for the king. On the eighth or astami day nine wooden pavilions were erected, or even one, wherein was installed an image of Durga made of gold or silver or earth or wood. The goddess could also be worshipped in a symbolic way in a consec rated sword or a spear. The king repeated in silence mystic formulas before the goddess and sacrificed an animal after midnight for obtaining victory, the flesh and blood of the victim being offered to the goblins by repeating the Mahakusika formula. The king then took a ceremonial bath and hit a paste model of his enemy with a sword and presented it to Skanda and Visakha. This is a remarkable feature of the Mahanavami cult and illustrates all the more clearly its connection with the king and his security and military plans. The corresponding account in Garudapurana (chapters 134 and 135) gives some additional details. The Durga image is provided with diverse weapons, and appears to have eighteen hands; the left ones holding 1 'akalamahanavamimahamisasamahuta samastasamantamatyajanapadah ' 2 'caitrasvinasuklastamyam mahanavamyam gotradevatavisesapujadi ' 3 Cf. purusarthacintamani p. 59 : hemadrau bhavisyottare - bhasvayuksukkupaksasya astami mulasamyuta | sa mahanavami nama trailokye'pi sudurlabha || kanyagate savitari suklapakse'stami tu ya | mulanaksatrasamyukta sa mahanavami smrta || astamyam ca navamyam ca jaganmoksapradambikam etc. 4 'sukastamyamasvayuje uttarasadhaya yuta | sa mahanavamityukta khanadanadi caksayam || navami kevala capi durga caiva tu pujayet | mahavratam mahapunyam sankaradyairanusthitam || '

various objects, a skull, a shield, a mirror, a bell, a flag, a noose, a drum etc., and the right ones the weapons, spear, lance, club, dart, bolt, arrows etc. Nine other attendant deities with sixteen hands, Ugracanda, Candanayika, Canda, Aticandika etc., are also worshipped and a five year old buffalo is sacrificed in the latter part of the night. It is probable that of the two accounts that in the Devipurana records an older version of the Mahanavami cult.¹ and The ninth day of the bright fortnight of Asvina was, generally speaking, sacred to the Devi, and nearly always the navami cult is brought into relation with the king and his surroundings. We may refer, for instance, to Visnudharmottarapurana (Khanda II, chap. 158), which prescribes the worship of Bhadrakali and that of the royal insignia arms and weapons on that day: the goddess is worshipped by the king in a decorated pavilion near the barracks (sibira), and he has to keep awake the whole night. Similarly, the worship of the goddess Camunda on the aforesaid tithi is prescribed in Skandapurana, Prabhasakhanda (chap. 242 of Prabhasaksetramahatmya). The same text describes a great festival in honour of Yogesvari, a form of Durga, commencing from the fifth night of the bright half of Asvina, the main feature being the mystic presentation of a sword to the goddess; while on the ninth day, after the sacrifice of animals, the king at the head of his army leads a procession with the image of the goddess in a chariot (Ibid. chap. 83). These and similar references help us to understand the nature of the Mahanavami festival, which may be regarded as a magic rite for the success of the king in warfare, or perhaps as a quasi-military festival celebrated under the patronage of the king, and in which he actively participates. A statement in Devipurana (chap. XXII) seems even to suggest that the Mahanavami rites were put forward as a kind of substitute for the ancient horse-sacrifice.2 The allusion to Mahanavami in Somadeva's Yasastilaka, corroborated by similar references in the Puranas, shows its popularity as a 1 The Mahanavami cult survives to some extent in the great Durga Puja festival of Bengal and Assam, celebrated in the bright half of Asvina on the same tithis as those prescribed in the Puranic texts cited above. The mytholgical background is different, and the image of the ten-armed Durga, standing on a lion and piercing the Buffalo demon with a lance, is accompanied on either side by the subsidiary images of Laksmi, Sarasvati, Karttikeya and Ganesa. The eighth and the ninth are the great days of worship, and animal sacrifices are not entirely absent. Prominence is given to the tenth or the Vijaya Dasami day when the images are immersed in rivers and streams. 2 asvamedhamavapnoti bhaktina surasattama | mahanavamyam pujeyam sarvakamapradayika || 22. 28.

court festival; and it is mentioned also in Bana's Harsacarita, Book VIII, which refers to the sacrifice of buffaloes on the occasion." Somadeva does not indeed speak of animal sacrifices in connection with Mahanavami; and it is quite possible that they were sometimes omitted, specially when the festival was celebrated under the auspices of a court like that of the Rastrakutas, susceptible to the influence of Jaina ideas. 6 Mahanavami is followed by Dipotsava or the Festival of Lights, corresponding to the modern Diwali. The short description of it addressed to the king by a bard in Yasastilaka 3. 462-4 refers to the whitewashed palaces and the white flags and the rows of lights on the lofty terraces of the edifices of the city; and speaks of the women excited by gambling', the gaiety of courtesans, and the sweet notes of music. According to Padmapurana (Uttarakhanda), the Dipotsava commences on the fourteenth day of the dark half of Karttika, and importance is given to a ceremonial bath on that day followed by a salutation to Yama. The illuminations take place in the evening; temples, buildings, shrines, assembly-halls, stables and fortifications are decorated with lights as are also river-banks, tanks, gardens and gateways. Next day the king entertains the citizens in a large-scale reception; and the Dipotasva seems to have provided a suitable occasion for promoting cordial relations between the ruler and the ruled. The king is expected to gratify the various classes of people on the joyous occasion, the good men with courtesy and others with food and drink and the learned with conversation and the inmates of the inner apartments with presents of cloth, betel, flowers, camphor and saffron and various delicacies. The village headmen are rewarded with gifts, and money presents are made to the tributaries; while ornaments are distributed among troops, ministers and kinsmen. Seated on a raised platform, the king witnesses bull-fights, and reviews the assembled clansmen and the troops and the actors, dancers and minstrels. An interesting item is the ceremonial fastening of the Margapali, a wreath of Kusa and Kasa grass with numerous streamers, to a pillar of the fort or a tree, under which are assembled the horses, elephants and the cattle to ensure protection against disease. During the night the people indulge in gambling, and at midnight the women of the city cast out Alaksmi, the goddess of poverty, from their homes to the sound of drums and music. The most important item of the nocturnal festivities is the worship of the 1 'mahanavamimaham mahisamandalanam '. The citation in purusardhacintamani (op. cit.) goes on to say sa punya sa pavitra ca sudharmasukhadayini | tasyam sada pujaniya camunda mundamalini || tasyam ye chupahanyante pranino mahisadayah | sarve te svargatim yanti tam papam na vidyate || 2 See also Chap. VII. 51

demon king Bali. He is painted in gay colours, with the Vindhya range in the background (?), within a circle on the floor, and worshipped with all kinds of lotus blossoms and with wine, flesh and varieties of food. The king, too, and with his ministers and priests, worships Bali for a happy new year, passes the night without sleep in company with actors, dancers and singers (Chap. 122). The Dipotsava depicted by Somadeva in Yasastilaka is a secular festival; and the Padmapurana, too, emphasizes the prominent role played by the court and its entourage in the festivities. But the details given in the Purana indicate also its religious aspect which it has not entirely lost even today. In Bengal, for example, the goddess Kali is worshipped on the Diwali or Dipanvita night; while the Jainas celebrate the festival of lights on the new moon of Karttika as a commemoration of the nirvana of Mahavira, The Dipotsava or Diwali, like the ancient Jewish festival of Light', called also Hanukkah 'Rededication,"¹ may be described as a secular festival with a distinctly religious background.* The Padmapurana (op. cit.), which calls the festival of lights Dipavali or Dipotsava, designates it also as Kaumudi and gives the derivation of the name." The festival is also called Kaumudi in Vamanapurana 92. 58, which describes how it was instituted in honour of Bali after his imprisonment by Visnu. But the Kaumudi, properly so called, was a festival of the moonlight, and so different from the Dipotsava or Diwali. Somadeva refers to the Kaumudi festival in Yasastilaka VII. 27, and it is also mentioned in The 1 It was an annual eight-day festival instituted in 165 B. o. to celebrate the re-establishment of worship in the temple after the interruption caused by the persecution under Antiochus IV. The illumination of houses on every one of the eight evenings was a characteristic feature of the celebration. The illumination was originally solely domestic; later, lamps were lighted in the synagogues also.' Moore: Judaism, Vol. II, p. 50. 2 The earliest festival of lights seems to have been celebrated in Egypt in connection with the cult of the goddess Neith of Sais, the capital of the Kings of the XXVIth dynasty, as recorded by Herodotus, II. 62. He says that, on the night of the sacrifice, lamps were kept burning in the open air round about the houses. These lamps were saucers full of salt and oil, the wick burning all night. The illumination took place not only at Sais but throughout all Egypt. Herodotus travelled in Egypt about 450 B. C. * 'kusabdena mahi jneya muda harse tato dvayam | dhatutve nigamaiscaiva tenaisa kaumudi smrta | kau modante jana yasmannanabhavaih parasparam | hrstatustah sukhapannastenaisa kaumudi smrta | kumudani baleryasyam diyante tena sanmukha || ardhyartham parthivaih putra tenaisa kaumudi smrta | ' n 4 The queen Ramadatta is described as witnessing the celebration of the Kaumudi festival by the women of the city from a high pavilion ( "kaumudimahotsava ' samayamalokamanaya tamahotsangasamasinaya ).

Uddyotanasuri's Kuvalayamala which assigns it to the full moon of the autumn. An earlier reference to the Kaumudi festival occurs in Aryasura's Jatakamala (XIII) in the story of Unmadayanti: the city is decorated with flags and the ground bestrewn with flowers; songs, dance and music are in full swing; luxury goods are exposed for sale and the streets thronged by gaily dressed crowds. It is noteworthy that there is no reference to artificial illumination which is a characteristic of the Dipotsava. The Kaumudi was, in fact, a glorification of the autumnal full moon. It was a popular festival, being also mentioned in Mudraraksasa, Act III and Malatimadhava , Act VII, and seems to be identical with the Kaumudijagara noticed in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 4. 42. According to the Jayamangala commentary thereon, the latter festival took place on the full moon night of Asvina, the chief amusements being swings and gambling. The festival is mentioned simply as Kaumudi in Kamasutra 5. 5. 11, and the commentary here explains it as Kojagara, which is the same as the full moon of Asvina. It is probable, however, that it was also customary to celebrate the Kaumudi festival on the full moon night of Karttika.s A hymn to Sarasvati which is also a benediction addressed to the king occurs in Book III (vv. 261-8), and is described as accompanying the dance that takes place in connection with the preliminary worship One of the verses of the deities before the commencement of a play. runs thus: manasasaro vinirgata sita sarasiruhasthiteh sarasvatyah | varavarnakirnakantih puspanjalirastu rangapujayai || "Let this handful of flowers, radiant with beautiful colours, offered to Sarasvati, abiding on the white lotus beds emerging on the Manasa lake, serve the purpose of rangapuja or the ceremonial worship preceding a dramatic performance," 1 Ratnaprabhasuri's Sanskrit version, p. 133. 2 It is probable that Kojagara is a contraction of Kaumudijagara in spite of the usual derivation Ko jagartti. In Bengal and Assam the Kojagara or the Kojagari Purnima is definitely associated with the worship of Laksmi on the full moon after the Durga Puja celebrations usually in Asvina. An all-night vigil is recommended in honour of Laksmi, and the goddess is believed to ask at midnight: Ko jagartti, 'Who is awake?' See the citations in Sabdakalpadruma under Kojagara. For example, asvine paurnamasyam tu carejjagaranam nisi | kaumudi sa samakhyata karya lokavibhutaye || kaumudyam pujayellaksmimindramairavatam sthiram | ''nisithe varada laksmih ko jagantiti bhasini | tasmai vittam prayacchami aksaih krida It will be seen that the full moon of Asvina is referred to as Kaumudi. In Mudraraksasa, 3. 10 3 See Dhruva's edition of Mudraraksasa, Act III, Notes. the Kaumudi is described as a parvana vidhi, which is explained by the commentator Dhundhiraja as taking place on parvana or the full moon of Karttika. See Telang's edition. Kaumudi is explained as a festival in Karttika in Trika ndasesa 2. 3, 19.

The custom of rangapuja, as described in Bharata's Natyasastra (chap. 3), is a very old one and illustrates the interconnection of art and religion in ancient India. In the Natyasastra, however, rangapuja is an elaborate process involving the worship of a large number of deities in the playhouse with various offerings, and Sarasvati is merely one among them; but it is probable that in later times Sarasvati alone was worshipped, and in any case Somadeva does not mention the worship of any other deity in the natyasala. Further, according to Bharata, the item of Purvaranga, an elaborate musical prelude consisting of songs and dances before the performance of a play, takes place after the rangapuja proper is over. Somadeva seems to make a combined reference to both the items when he speaks of purvarangapuja, but the distinct mention of rangapuja in the verse quoted above shows that he has in mind the customary In worship preceding a dramatic performance in the Hindu theatre. regard to the position of Sarasvati in rangapuja, Somadeva's verses in praise of the goddess in Yasastilaka are mainly in the nature of a benediction addressed to the king; and in the Natyasastra also, after the formal worship of the deities in which Sarasvati has her due share,' the preceptor of the dramatic art (natyacarya) praises and greets the king and the dancing girls, and then utters a benedictory verse for the prosperity of the king, in which the blessings of Sarasvati and certain allied deities are prominently invoked.² Sarasvati is represented by Somadeva as white and seated on a white lotus: she is three-eyed (i. e. has an eye on the forehead), and has matted hair on the head, and the crescent for ear-ornament. She has four hands bearing different emblems: the dhyana-mudra (also called cinta or jnanamudra); a rosary of Rudraksa beads; a book; and the varada-mudra.³ Somadeva's description of Sarasvati roughly corresponds to that found in authoritative texts like S'aradatilaka, Isanasivagurudevapaddhati and Prapancasaratantra, except for minor variations in the distribution and character of the emblems. According to S'aradatilaka 6. 4 and Prapancasara 7. 3, for instance, the emblems are jnana-mudra, a rosary of Rudraksa beads, a jar of nectar and a book; while Prapancasara 8. 41 substitutes 1 brahmanam madhuparkena payasena sarasvatim | sivavisnumahendradyah sampujya modakairatha || Natyasastra 3. 37 2 Ibid. 3. 88 ff. 3 Yasastilaka 3. 261, 262. 4 ...mudramaksagunam sudhadhyakalasam vidyam ca hastambujairvibhranam visadaprabham trinayanam vagdevatamasraye || Raghavabhatta says in his commentary: mudra jnanamudra | angusthatarjaniyogarupa parsvabhimukhi | vidya pustakam tanmudretyarthah . The "book" is explained as referring to the gc, which is described as the closed left fist facing oneself (bamamustih svabhimukhi baddha pustakamudriketi ).

a lyre for the jnana-mudra. According to Isanasiva (Mantrapada 18. 6), the emblems are varada-mudra, a rosary, a lyre and a book. The cult of Sarasvati seems to have been prevalent in the Kanarese districts in the age of Somadeva. There is an old temple of Sarasvati at Gadag, in the Dharwar district, which, though small in size, contains some of the most elaborately carved pillars throughout the whole extent of Calukyan architecture. It stands close to the eleventh century temple of Trikutesvara, and might possibly be of the same date. Within the shrine is an image of Sarasvati, seated cross-legged upon a high pedestal, which has a peacock depicted in the central panel below. Unfortunately, the image is mutilated, the four arms being lopped off at the elbows. Otherwise, it is a very finely carved example representing the graceful figure of the goddess, with the pearlstrings around the neck and the jewelled band about the waist. The elaborate pile of curly tresses on the head is surmounted by a six-tiered coronet of jewels. Another image of Sarasvati, of inferior workmanship, was found in the old Jaina temple at Lakkundi in the Dharwar district. It is a more complete example representing the goddess with four arms. In her right upper hand is an elephant goad or ankusa. The right lower rests open, palm upwards, upon her knee, with a small petalled flower upon it. In the left upper hand she While the iconograholds a folded book, while the left lower holds a citron." phy shows divergence in details, the cult appears to remain the same. Traces of a temple of Sarasvati, older than that at Gadag, have been found at Aihole, the home of early temples in the Deccan. Close to the temple (No. 9) in the field to the south of the village, there stood another temple, but all that remains of it now is the shrine doorway and the seat or throne of the image. As in the temple at Gadag, a peacock, with its crest and long tail, is sculptured on the front of the pedestal, which seems to be an indication that the temple was dedicated to Sarasvati. It thus occupies exactly the same position with regard to the temple as the later temple of Sarasvati does to the temple of Trikutesvara at Gadag." In northern India, there is a famous temple of the goddess Sarasvati, or Sarada Devi' at Maihar, now a station on the railway between Allahabad and Jabalpur.³ Pilgrimage to the shrine of the goddess Nanda on the Himalayas, evidently on the peak now known as Nandadevi, is mentioned in Yasastilaka 1 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese districts, pp. 25, 79, 110, 2 Ibid., p. 44. 3 Vincent Smith: History and Coinage of the Chandel Dynasty in Indian Antiquary, 1908, p. 136.

VII. 31. The cult of this goddess is described in detail in Devipurana (chap. 92-93), and extraordinary merit is said to accrue from the difficult journey to the almost inaccessible shrine. The goddess is clad in white raiment, and has four hands; she is surrounded by numerous beautiful maidens who are eager to marry her devotees. A noteworthy feature of the cult is that respect for women is particularly enjoined on the worshippers of the goddess (ibid. 93. 165 ff.). Nanda-tirtha is described in Devipurana as a Saiva tirtha, and, as in Yasastilaka , the goddess is called Bhagavati Nanda (93. 22-24).³ A city-goddess named Siddhayika, 'who inspired the confidence of In Book IV there is a reference to many people', is mentioned in Book I.3 the evil spirit Krtya who kills her own worshippers.* It may be noted that, according to Kathasaritsagara 5. 121-2, Canakya worshipped Krtya with magic rites in order to bring about the death of king Nanda. Kritya is mentioned also in Sivasvamin's Kapphinabhyudaya Mahakavya 3. 24, 28, A reference to the six magic composed in Kashmir in the ninth century. rites of the Tantric cult occurs in a verse in Yasastilaka, Book IV. According to S'aradatilaka 23. 122 ff., they are santi or cure of disease and the expulsion of evil spirits such as Krtya; vasya or bringing others under one's control; stambhana or paralysing the activity of others; vidvesa or causing enmity between friends; uccatana or compelling one to abandon hearth and home; and marana or killing. Each of these rites has a presiding goddess who is worshipped at the beginning, and the goddess Jyestha seems to be connected with the process of vidvesa. A reference to Jyestha occurs also in Yasastilaka 3. 118 wherein she is said to be worshipped with white lotus blossoms. Jyestha is diametrically opposite to Laksmi, being the goddess of adversity (Alaksmi), and so called, because she is believed to have emerged prior to Laksmi during the churning of the ocean. Her legend is related in Lingapurana (Uttarabhaga, chap. 6), and she is particularly associated with sinners and evil-doers and all those who are outside the pale of the Brahmanical religion. 1 'nandabhagavatiyatranusaritvat ' B 2 yatha ganga nadinam tu uttamatve vyavasthita | tadvadbhagavati nanda uttamatvena samsthita || 3 'tadevamaneka lokotpaditapratyayayah puradevyah siddhayikayah appears to be a Jaina goddess. See Chap. XIII. 4 'anyatha krtyaradhaka iva dhruvam pancajanah pancatamancat | ' "smarasaumanasam namodyanamavalokya '. Siddhayika 5 ' atyugram japata iva prakopakrtyam nirmatum dvisadabhicaramantratatrama '; 'krtyeva bhrukutiratisphuta '. 6 'satkarma karyarthamathannasuddhayai ' etc. 7 santivasyastambhanani vidvesoccatane tatah | maranantani samsanti sat karmani manisinah || rogakrtyagrahadinam nirasah santiririta | '"ratirvani rama jyestha durga kali yatha kramat || satkarmadevatah proktah karmadau tah prapujayet | 8 'pujyamabjam sriyah sangajyesthayasca na kairavam | '

The worship of Cupid was celebrated as a court festival in the spring amidst vernal sports, of which we have a lively picture in Yasastilaka, Book III. A further reference to the festivities in connection with the worship of of Cupid, in which the king participates, occurs in Book V.2 Certain beliefs and customs belonging to the sphere of popular religion are recorded in Yasastilaka. The moon of the fourth lunar day was believed to cause disputes. A dove alighting inside a house was supposed to forebode its destruction. A number of evil omens described in connection with Yasodhara's journey to the temple of Candika in Book IV, e. g. the trumpeting of a female elephant at the commencement of a journey, the braying of a donkey from behind etc. A shower of crested tadpoles on a house was an evil portent indicating destruction of wealth and prosperity. Elephants were supposed to be possessed by a spirit named Madapurusa, of terrible aspect, like lightning fire. Srutasagara in his commentary quotes a verse which enumerates the characteristics of Madapurusa: he has sixteen hands, four jaws, red eyes and flaming hair." Among popular customs referred to by Somadeva may be mentioned that of ajyaveksana or looking into clarified butter in the morning to counteract the effects of evil dreams and obtain other salutary results. It was a practice observed by kings while Brahmanas uttered blessings. The wellknown custom of nirajana or ceremonial waving of lights was observed as part of the evening rites to ensure the well-being of the king. A quantity of salt, thrown into the fire, after whirling it over the king's head, was supposed to counteract the evil eye, and this was also accompanied by the ceremony of offering boiled rice to the goblins on the roadside. This seems to have been followed by the act of nirajana proper, which consisted in revolving lights beside the king. It was also customary to perform the nirajana ceremony in honour of the royal horses and elephants on special occasions like the coronation of the king." 10 to 1 'madhau makaradhvajamaradhayamasa 2 See Chap. II. 3 See Book III (g) and Srutasagara's comm. thereon. 4 'agarantarapatitah kapota itra nirvasya ' Book III. 5 gehe sikhandimandukavrstisca sricchide dvisah 2. 72. 6 'jvalajjvala vajravaisvanarakaralamurtina mamdapurusenadhisthitataya dvigunibhutabhimasahasanikaya ' Book III. 7 "mayuragrivabham capalarasanam raktanayanam, caturdadrahimsram prthukarasiromedrajatharam | calanmuktam sankusranamadabhayam sodasabhujam jvalatkesam vande madapurusamatyugravadanam || " sankusrana seems to be a mistake for sankusrava . 8 Yasastilaka 2. 96. 9 Ibid. 3. 476, 477 10 'acaritagajavajinirajanaih ' Book II.