Chapter 13a - Popular Jainism (during 10th century India)

The period of Rastrakuta hegemony in the Deccan was perhaps the most flourishing epoch of Jainism. Not only in the Rastrakuta empire but in the feudatory Ganga kingdom (Mysore), the religion of the Arhat enjoyed royal patronage and esteem and the support of the people, especially of the commercial classes. The ninth and tenth centuries mark, in fact, an era of great expansion of Jaina culture in that part of India in the sphere of religion, philosophy and literature. Somadeva's Yasastilaka, a contemporary record of documentary value, throws considerable light on the position of Jainism and its relation to other religions during an important period of Indian history. In the Deccan of the tenth century Jainism was, as it has always been, the religion of an influential and ambitious minority, and nowhere in Jaina literature is the propagandist note more clearly heard than in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. It would appear that, as late as the tenth century, the charge of being an upstart religion lacking in the prestige of antiquity was levelled against Jainism; and Somadeva tries to prove the ancient origin of the faith by citing the authority of a number of texts and authors, supposed to contain, according to him, appreciative references to the Jaina creed and Jaina monks." Unfortunately some of the authorities cited by him do not seem to be very old, while there are others of a dubious character, if not altogether spurious; and they do not, on the whole, carry him very far in defending his thesis. For example, Somadeva claims to find a reference to the expedient of worshipping a Jaina monk for the cure of illness caused by his wrath in a verse of the Jyotisa Vedanga, but the verse in question is not found in the latter work and seems to be a quotation from a later astrological text. Similarly, in another text, cited anonymously, Brhaspati is represented as expounding before Indra the Syadvada doctrine.³ The quotations from Citrakarman and Adityamata relating to portraits and idols respectively of Jaina Tirthamkaras are no doubt authentic and genuine, but the two works cited by Somadeva cannot be very old, although earlier than the tenth century, 1 Yasastilaka, Book IV. 12 katham nama jyotisange vacanamidamuktam- samagram sanina drstah ksapanah kopitah punah | tadbhaktastasya pidayam taveva paripujayet || Ibid. 3 'samkhyam yogo lokayatam canviksiki | tasyam ca syadasti syannastiti nagnasramanaka iti brhaspatirakhandalasya purasta samayam 1 Ibid. 4 See Chap. XVIII.

while Varahamihira, from whom Somadeva quotes a verse containing a reference to the cult of the Jinas practised by the naked ascetics, fourished only about four centuries earlier than the composition of Yasastilaka." Somadeva then quotes a verse from a work called Nimittadhyaya, which describes the visit of 'ascetics free from worldly ties' as auguring prosperity to a place, and he obviously takes the expression nirgranthasca tapodhanah to mean Jaina monks. The date of this work is unknown, but it seems to be referred to by Santaraksita in Tattvasamgraha (vv. 3511 ff.). He says that if Vedic authority is required as proof of the omniscience of the Buddha, reference should be made to the Nimitta Sakha of the Veda wherein the Exalted Buddha, the Omniscient sage, is clearly mentioned by the learned Brahmanas. The Nimitta Sakha of the Veda seems to be a fiction and is probably the same as the Nimittadhyaya cited by Somadeva, which might be supposed to contain a reference to the Buddha. That the Nimitta Sakha was not a Vedic school is shown by the statement of Santaraksita that the hostility of the Brahmanas to the Buddha was responsible for the fact that this particular Sakha was not included among the Vedic schools, although the text concerned, obviously the same as the Nimittadhyaya, could be converted into a Vedic text at will by adding the necessary accents. However that might be, the citation from the Nimittadhyaya does not further to any great extent Somadeva's argument in support of the antiquity of the Jaina religion. Similarly, after citing the texts mentioned above, he goes on to enumerate a large number of poets including Bharavi, Bhavabhuti, Kalidasa and Magha, and claims that the Jaina faith enjoys a great reputation in their works." The anxiety of Somadeva to establish the antiquity of Jainism illustrates the desire of a member of a minority community to enhance the prestige of his faith, so essential for its propagation. The duty of a pious Jaina to his religion is clearly formulated in connection with the angas or components of Samyaktva; and one of his sacred obligations seems to be ganavardhana, expansion of the community, to be carried out by appropriate methods explained by Somadeva in detail." The evidence of Somadeva 1 See Chap. XVIII. 698 2 nimittadhyaye ca -- padmini rajahamsasca nirgranthasca tapodhanah | yam desamupasarpanti subhiksam tatra nirdiset || 3 kimtu vedapramanatvam yadi yusmabhirisyate | tat kim bhagavato mudhaih sarvasatvam na gamyate || nimittanamni sarvaso bhagavan munisattamah | sakhantare hi vispastam pathyate brahmanairbudhaih || 4. atha sakhantaram nedam vedantargatamisyate | tadatra na nimittam vo dvesam muktva'vadharyate || svaradayasca te dharmah prasiddhah srutibhavinah | kartumatrapi sakyaste narecchamatra sambhavat || 5 ...rajasekharadimahakavikavyesu katham tadvisaya mahati prasiddhih ' Book IV. For poets in question see Chap. XVIII 6 Book VI. 7 See Chap. X.

928 328 PASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE clearly shows that while the Jainas were eager to propagate their religion, clearly shows that while the Jainas were eager to propagate their religion, they were definitely opposed to the admission of undesirable elements to the fold of Jainism, and preferred to welcome those who had voluntarily adopted the faith. At the same time there was a tendency to show considerable latitude to those converts who were unable to forgo completely their former customs and beliefs. As Somadeva says, a person of this category should be given a mixed reception, since the total loss of a new adherent is by no means desirable.¹ As we have already aina practices As we have already pointed out, Somadeva defends certain Jaina practices which seem to have provoked adverse comment in non-Jaina circles.? The nudity of the Digambara monks was one such example, and there is an interesting episode in Yasastilaka Book V, wherein another attempt is made to justify it. Prince Yasomati is disgusted at the sight of the Jaina monk Sudatta in the garden of the Sahasrakuta temple, and the companion of the prince explains to the merchant Kalyanamitra that the king's displeasure is due to his having seen the inauspicious nude fellow before him. Kalyanamitra who is a good Jaina makes a spirited reply, in the course of which he asserts that nudity is natural and it is clothing that is artificial: one is nude at birth and during childhood and at the time of enjoying physical comforts; Siva is nude and so is the recluse who cuts off the tuft of hair on his head. If nudity is objectionable, why is the cow honoured every day? It is sinful and harmful objects that are inauspicious; if sages, devoted to the good of all sentient beings, and purified by knowledge, meditation and austerities, are an inauspicious sight, what else can be auspicious in the world? The frequency with which Somadeva defends the nudity and other practices of the Digambara monks seems to suggest that these were considered to be unattractive features of the Jaina creed in the eyes of non-Jainas, and it was accordingly deemed necessary to remove all misconceptions in regard to them in order that there might not be any obstacles in the path of the propagation of Jainism among the masses. auer seenis have na In Yasastil Jaina propaganda seems to have been subtle and effective. In Yasastilaka, Book IV, Yasodhara's mother describes the Jainas as weaning away the people from other systems, like thieves, and calls the Digambaras magicians expert in fascinating the world. It was also part of Jaina 1 For the relevent verses see Chap. X, section VI. 2 See Chap. X. loke vikaro 3 sukhanubhavane nagno nagno janmasamagame | balyai namah sivo nagno nagnarichannasikho yatih || nagnatvam sahajam loke vikaro vastravestanam | nagna ceyam katham vandha saurabheyi dine dine || ... jnanadhyanatapah putah sarvasattvahite ratah | kimanyanmangalam 4 loke munayo yadyamangalam || 4 See Chap. XII.

propaganda to hold up the tenets of other faiths to ridicule and dilate on the excellence of Jainism. Somadeva, for instance, indulges in unbridled criticism of contemporary non-Jaina faiths and lays emphasis on the essential purity of the Jaina religion. He says among other things that the Omniscient and trustworthy Guide postulated by the Jainas is free from all blemishes such as the passions, and Jainism condemns even the use of words signifying wine and similar objects: how can the wise ever decry a religion like this?¹ Further, it may be noted that Jaina writers often indulge in what is called dharmapariksa or the examination of the relative merits of different religions with a view to demonstrating the superiority of Jainism to the others. Somadeva, for instance, examines in his romance various religions and systems, and enumerates the different theories of salvation held by the nonJaina schools of thought by way of contrasting them with the Jaina view of Moksa, which by implication is claimed to be superior to the rest. Amitagati, who is somewhat later than Somadeva, wrote in 1014 A. D. a treatise called Dharmapariksa to establish the superiority of Jainism to the Brahmanical religion by pointing out the fallacies and weak points of the Puranic mythology. It is noteworthy that Dharmapariksas were composed also in Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Kanarese. Vrttavilasa (c. 1160 A. D.) produced a Kanarese version of Amitagati's Sanskrit work: "it tells how two Ksatriya princes went to Benares, and in successive meetings with the Brahmans there, exposed the vices of the gods as related in the sacred books." Harisena wrote a Dharmapariksa in Apabhramsa in 988 A. D., and this again is based on a Dharmapariksa composed by Jayarama in Prakrit.3 Lesser in scope but earlier than these is the episode of Dharmapariksa in Uddyotana's Prakrit romance Kuvalayamala Book IV. Here we find that the tutelary goddess Sri presents king Drdhavarman with a mysterious document, inscribed on a gold plate in Brahmi characters, and containing what turns out to be the fundamental tenets of the Jaina religion. The next day the king summons an assembly of learned men of different communities and asks them to expound their religious tenets to see whether they correspond to those recorded in the inscription. The Jaina Sadhus alone declare that the doctrines set forth in the document constitute the true faith. Jainism is 1 For the verse in question see Chap. XII. 2 Rice: Kanarese Literature, p. 37. Brahma Siva (c. 1125) is another Kanarese writer, who in his controversial work Samaya-parikse "points out the defects of rival creeds, and justifies the Jaina position. " 3 See Dr. Upadhye's article in The Jaina Antiquary, Vol. IX, p. 21. 4 See Ratnaprabha's Sanskrit version, p. 202: ai sriyamaradhayamasa etc. 42

accordingly declared to be the best of religions, and the king decides to adopt the Jaina faith and enter the monastic order. The shortcomings of other religions and the excellence of Jainism form the sum and substance of Jaina propaganda, reminding one of a certain type of Missionary literature of modern times. Dogmatic assertions declaring the supremacy of the Jaina religion are, as is to be expected, frequent in medieval Jaina literature. Vadibhasimha, for instance, invites the ambitious man, desirous of the supreme beatitude, to betake himself to the sacred Jaina faith, a lion in destroying the elephants, the wrong creeds: (Ksatracudamani 11. 105): evam nirmaladharmanirmitamidam sarma svakarmaksayapraptam praptumatucchamicchatitaram yo va maheccho janah | so'yam durmatakunjarapraharane pancananam pavanam jainam dharmamupasrayeta matimannihsreyasah praptaye || Nothing could be more incorrect than to assume that the success of medieval Jainism was due solely to subtle and successful propaganda. The latter was no doubt an important factor, but the progress made by the faith and the royal patronage enjoyed by it under the Calukyas, the Rastrakutas, the Gangas, and the Hoysalas as well as under certain feudatory rulers should be attributed rather to the zeal of a succession of saintly Jaina teachers and the confidence inspired by the intellectual eminence of scholars and writers like Akalamka, Virasena, Jinasena, Gunabhadra, Pampa, Ponna, Puspadanta, Vadiraja, Prabhacandra and others. Such men could be expected to hold their own and maintain the prestige of their faith in a world of thought dominated by the leaders of the Brahmanical revival from Samkara and Kumarila to Udayana and Ramanuja. . The old philanthropic ideals of Jainism seem to have been upheld in the tenth century. In a remarkable verse of Yasastilaka Somadeva gives expression to the religious ideal of the true Jaina: devotion to Jina, good will 0 1 The recently published Dhurtakhyana of Haribhadra throws further light on the character and composition of the Dharmapariksa texts. Haribhadra's Dhurtakhyana, composed in Prakrit verses in the eighth century, is a lively satire on the Puranic legends, and as such allied to the Dharmapariksas of Amitagati and others, but it is free from the theological bias and the propagandist tone of the latter. Jayarama's Dharmapariksa is no longer extant, but that of Harisena is available in manuscripts. Harisena says that the Dharmapariksa which was formerly composed by Jayarama in Gatha metre is now composed by him in Paddhadiya metre. A comparison of the Dhurtakhyana and the Dharmapariksa of Amitagati reveals considerable similarities; and it is probable that Jayarama, who is so far the earliest known among the Dharmapariksa writers, utilized Haribhadra's work for sectarian purposes. See Dr. A. N. Upadhye's Introduction to Haribhadra's Dhurtakhyana edited by Acarya .Jinavijayaji in the Singhi Jain Series No. 19. See also Dr. Upadhye's paper 'Harisena's Dharmapariksa in Apabhramsa' in the Silver Jubilee Number of the Annals of the B. O. R. I., vol. XXIII, pp. 592-608.

towards all creatures, hospitality to all and an altruistic disposition.' The four gifts of protection, food, medicine and religious instruction, which constitute the groundwork of Jaina charity, are duly emphasized by Somadeva in connection with the customary vows of a Jaina householder. It is, however, necessary to point out a certain parochial attitude noticeable in the matter of according hospitality and rendering charitable assistance to persons who were not adherents of the Jaina faith. Somadeva distinctly says that those who do not possess the Three Jewels, that is, do not believe in the fundamental Jaina dogmas of Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct, are not eligible for gifts; and that charity practised in favour of those who hold wrong views and indulge in wrong conduct, that is, all who are outside the pale of Jainism, leads only to evil consequences, like the feeding of serpents with milk. Hospitality towards such people should be limited to a residual portion of food to be taken away, as a Jaina layman is forbidden to entertain them in his house. He is also asked to keep at arm's length members of other communities such as the Buddhists, the Saivas and the Brahmanas who perform sacrifices lest familiarity with them should lead to friction and disputes ending in violence. Isolation rather than amity based on free social intercourse was the object aimed at in inter-communal relations. Jaina writers often attack the Hindu caste system, and we need refer only to the strictures of Jatasimhanandi on the theory of castes in his Varangacarita 25. 2 ff. It is, however, well-known that the caste system is prevalent among the present-day Jainas almost to the same extent as among the Hindus; and it has been said that in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brother in the iron fetters of caste. Evidence recorded by Somadeva in Yasastilaka goes to show that conditions were not far different in the tenth century. He says, for instance, that the three higher castes are alone eligible for religious initiation, while all the four including the Sudras are fit to receive gifts of food. The status of 1 See Chap. XI. 2 See Chap. X, section XV. 3 For the relevant verses see Chap. X, section XV. 14 4 In Dharwar, for example, Jain Kshatriyas have disappeared, but Jain Brahmans, Vaisyas and Sudras remain. Jain Sudras are also called Jain Caturthas [?]. There are various restrictions on interdining. If Karnatak Jains go to Gujarat they do not dine with Gujarat Jains, nor, when they come to Dharwar, do Gujarat Jains dine with local Jains'. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 117. 5 far: Yasastilaka, Book VIII, section 43. A marginal note in Ms. A says: sudrajainanamapi vidha ahara ucito diyate ityarthah .

the Jaina Sudras does not appear to have been more favourable than that of their brethern in Hindu society. It was impossible for Jainism to remain unaffected by the influences of local customs, beliefs and cults. Ample testimony is borne to this by diverse religious customs such as the burning of the dead and the offering of rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, the belief in ghosts and spirits, and the worship of various deities, like Padmavati. Cakresvari, Padmavati, Ambika and Siddhayika are, in fact, well-known goddesses of popular Jainism.2 Of these Somadeva mentions Siddhayika as 'a city goddess who has inspired faith in many people' and refers to the pleasance dedicated to her as a refuge for all creatures, in Yasastilaka, Book I.³ Medieval Jaina religious Canon seems to have sanctioned, or st least not to have opposed, the observance of local customs and practices. Somadeva says, for instance, that the religion of Jaina householders is of two varieties, laukika and paralaukika: the former is based on popular usage and the latter on the scriptures. The castes, he continues, are without a beginning and so are their observances; it is immaterial whether the Jaina Scriptures or any other S'astras are accepted as an authoritative guide with regard to them." Somadeva sums up by observing that it is legitimate for Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jaina faith or the moral and disciplinary vows. Such views no doubt 1 Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 145 ff. The Dharwar Jains are said to have as their family gods Cakresvara, Dharanendra and his wife Padmavati, Laksmi-Narayana [?], and Ksetrapala, whom the head of the family daily worships. They go on pilgrimage to the shrine of Padmavati at Hombas in Mysore. Bombay Gazetteer (op. cit.), p. 118. 2 For Ambika see Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. IX. Part 2, p. 147 ff. She is represented in sculpture, painting and religious texts with two children and a lion as her vehicle. The latter feature makes her akin to the Brahmanical goddess Ambika or Durga, although the mythological background is altogether different. Nevertheless she too has a grim aspect, and is invoked in Jaina Tantric texts as Siva, Candika, Aghora etc. Ambika is still worshipped in Jaina temples in various parts of the country. There was a temple of Ambika famous as a place of Jaina pilgrimage at Kodinar in South Kathiavada. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part I, p. 182. 3 ' tadevamaneka lokotpaditapratyayayah puradevyah siddhayikayah sarvasattvabhayapradavasarasam smarasaumanasam namodyanam . P. 107. 4 dvau hi dharmom grhasthanam laukikah paralaukikah | lokasrayo bhavedadyah parah syadagamasrayah || Book VIII, Section 34. 5 jatayo'nadayah sarvastatkriyapi tathavidha | srutih sastrantaram vastu pramanam katra nah ksatih || Ibid. 6 sarva eva hi jainanam pramanam laukiko vidhih | yatra samyaktvahanirna yatra na vratadusanam || Ibid.

imply a recognition of well-established facts and the unescapable influence of social environment rather than any liberalism in the Jaina religious outlook. Further, as we have already pointed out, Jaina religious opinion was lenient in regard to those adherents of the faith who could not wholly discard their former beliefs and practices, and this, too, seems to have facilitated the infiltration of non-Jaina elements into Jaina social and religious usage. Moreover, co-existence with Brahmanism for centuries appears to have influenced Jaina religious practice in various other directions. Somadeva describes, for instance, the five Yajnas for the Jaina householder, and these are clearly modelled on the five Brahmanical Mahayajnas, although by Yajna he seems to mean dana, as explained in a marginal note in Manuscript A. It has also been pointed out that certain Rastrakuta documents, viz. the Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsa I and the Surat plates of Karkka, which record grants made for Jaina establishments, make provision inter alia for such typically Hindu religious rites as balicarudana, vaisvadeva, and agnihotra. It is no doubt surprising to find provision made for these rites in grants allocated to Jaina temples and monasteries, but there seems to be no reason to suppose that the rites in question were 'introduced in these Considered in the records by the oversight of the imperial secretariat'. light of Somadeva's observations cited above, the rites mentioned in the two inscriptions could perhaps be legitimately performed by Jainas so long as they did not involve any animal sacrifice, and we seem to find here another instance of Jaina adaptation of non-Jaina practices. With regard to agnihotra, the Jainas were no doubt opposed to the Brahmanical rite, but evidence furnished by South Indian Jaina literature clearly shows that the Jainas were not opposed to fire ritual, as such. In a learned note published in the Jaina Antiquary Vol. VI, No. II, p. 64, we are told that in Tamil the term Velvi is always used to denote fire ritual, while the expression Veda-Velvi is used in ancient Tamil literature in the sense of Vedic sacrifice. "Whenever the term Velvi is used alone, it merely means fire ritual without involving animal sacrifice. Such a fire ritual has never been codemned by Jains, while they were staunchly opposed to Vedic sacrifice on the ground of Ahimsa. Even now among the Tamil Jainas fire ritual is a common thing. During their marriages they do have the characteristic marriage Homam with all its necessary details. Even in temple worship it is a common practice among the south Indian Jainas. Hence it is entirely erroneous to conclude that fire ritual is foreign to Jainas and that it could not be performed or attended by a Jaina". We are also told that the term in the Tamil 1 avesikasritajnatidinatmasu yathakramam | yathaucityam yathakalam yasapancakamacaret || Book VIII, section 43, 2 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 314.

epic S'ilappadikaram for such a rite is "Arravelvi, fire sacrifice, according to the doctrine of Ahimsa ". The process of infiltration of non-Jaina elements in Jaina religious practice must have set in before the tenth century, and the gradual transformation of Jainism was already at work when Somadeva formally recognised it and tried to bring it into harmony with the orthodox position of the faith.