Settlement in Early Historic Ganga Plain

by Chirantani Das | 143,447 words

This page relates “Growth of Secondary Sites (Nalanda and Sarnath)” as it appears in the case study regarding the settlements in the Early Historic Ganga Plain made by Chirantani Das. The study examines this process in relation to Rajagriha and Varanasi (important nodal centres of the respective Mahajanapadas named Magadha and Kashi).

Part 8 - Growth of Secondary Sites (Nālandā and Sārnāth)

Early historic urbanisation attained maturity or entered its second or the real urban phase by the 3rd century BCE and up to 4th century CE the period. Not only the existing urban sites grew in size but there was a rapid urbanisation in the newer areas. This led to the formation of an elaborate network of routes and thus connecting the cities and their hinterlands who shared some common social and economic links. Born in the 6th century BCE the Buddhism became an important socio-religious force in the 2nd century BCE, thus coinciding with the mature urban phase. But these two parallel growths were not totally independent of each other.

From the physical remains of Buddhist structures present at city-scapes it appears that cities also functioned like ritual centres or they had the capacity to grow as pilgrimage centres. These types of nomenclatures do not explain the reasons for the growth of settlements. It will be too simplistic to identify a settlement as a religious one only on the basis of location of some religious structures. Even if they were really economic and social causes and activities were particularly important in this regard. Cities and blooming religions both served each other in a multiple ways. The city could offer a range of patrons to sponsor the Buddhist and Jain establishments. These included local king or the emperor or sometimes a single merchant or guild and even people of an entire village donating towards these establishments on a single or day to day basis. Monasteries, stūpas, inscriptions made for the promotion enormously add to the monumental side of the city which was a major hallmark of cityscape. This may be exemplified by the two religious centres of our study.

Nālandā and Sārnāth, primarily both were Buddhist monastic settlements located within the orbit of two great cities. By nature the two were different. Nālandā had an evolutionary history. From a purely Buddhist spot as Rājagṛha’s suburbs it took a phenomenal growth to a university of worldwide fame. The latest archaeological excavations have revealed a NBPW, BSW, BRW and RW background of the place. Within a circuit of 1 km of the Nālandā ruins such specimens were found. Nālandā’s early fame was based on the fact that it constituted the bāhirika or suburb of Rājagṛha. It was a seat of different religious sects–Buddhists, Jains and Ajīvikas.

From the literary sources, particularly from the Dīgha Nikāya we learn that the Buddha and his convoy often moved from Rājagṛha to Nālandā. Ambalithika and Pavarika mango grove, somewhere at modern Silao were favourite halting places of the Buddha. It gives the impression that Nālandā located in the precincts of Rājagṛhawas connected by a frequented route with resting places. It has already been furnished that several long distance trade routes passed though Nālandā that actually connected either Rājagṛhaor Pāṭaliputra to far off places. Being located in a juncture of these routes Nālandā certainly had an advantageous location that could be approached from different places located on these routes. Rājagṛha-Nālandā axis was abounded by ascetics and regularly traversed by them. These ascetics could avail the civic amenities available in this route for being close to the Magadhan capital and an urban centre Rājagṛha. In the Brahmajāla Sutta we see the ascetic Suppiya and his pupil Brahmadatta coming face to face with the Buddha and his order.[1]

The religious bias of Nālandā was apparent from the literary evidence. So in the beginning it was just a satellite settlement of Rājagṛha of a religious character. None the less the place was engaged in academic pursuits even in the pre-Buddhist times and this laid the foundation of residential schools. In the subsequent age it assumed a completely Buddhist orientation with establishment of permanent Buddhist vihāras with full lay sponsorship. Thus the nucleus of the university was formed. Still it was just a secondary site enjoying its pre-eminence for being close to the early Magdhan capital. Contrasting the city site of Rājagṛhait had a single functional role to play. It would be difficult to trace when it became a university site. The earliest epigraphic evidence belonged to the Gupta age and from then it received an enormous amount of grants and donations from emperors, local kings, guilds, other corporate bodies, villages and individuals. It had a physical growth and also rose as an academic centre of excellence. Alexander Cunningham suggested that the monasteries at Nālandā were built between 425-625 CE.[2]

Though an inscription of Samudragupta comes from Nālandā, but it has been rejected by various scholars as spurious. Therefore the earliest recorded grant comes from Kumaragupta. In a long list of royal patrons the Maukharis, Harṣa Vardhan, Varmans of Prāgjyotiṣa or Assam and the Pālas of Bengal figured prominently. Its original religio-academic character was retained. Miscellaneous types of inscriptions and seals started coming from the early medieval times. They point to the changed character of the place. A survey of these records showed Nālandā started performing a number of duties from this time. The famous Nālandā Copper Plate of Devapāla clearly mentions some villages of Rājagṛha and Gayā Viṣaya of the Śrī Nagara Bhukti, (Patna Division) were granted to Nālandā for the increase of merit, for the comfort of Bhikṣus.[3] Large number of Nālandā seals reflected the range of administrative functions done at Nālandā. Supervision of the colleges under Nālandāmahāvihāra and administration of donated villages were the responsibilities of Nālandā. Municipal offices and police stations also worked under it.[4]

From a votive inscription of Devapāladeva we get the phrase of Rājagṛhaviṣaye and Nālandā mahāpaṭale,[5] probably indicates that Nālandā was a great territorial subdivision under the district of Rājagṛha. We also have another example of seal of 7th- 8th centuries CE refers to the establishment of some saṃgha at Rājagṛha with affiliation to Nālandā.[6] All these evidences showed that the close relation of Rājagṛha-Nālandāwas retained. So the humble origin of Nālandāas a suburban area of Rājagṛha was now upgraded to a great extent by the donations and endowments and a large and varied range of administrative and other duties ascribed to it. Now both sites stood on an equal footing characterized more by hetararchy or equal status as suggested by Smith. Actually the Buddhist circle that was created in the Buddha’s time was enlarged by the growth of new stūpa or monastic sites in the belt. Rājagṛha and Nālandā were two very important sites of different nature. Epigraphic, sculptural and other antiquarian evidences showed Rājagṛha was pilgrimage point of the Jains, local and tribal faiths and surely of the Buddhists. Nālandā rose from a purely Buddhist monastic establishment to a university and multifunctional centre. In this zone the chosen nodal points showed amazing settlement dynamism. This reveals a pattern or a model. Things were quite different with Vārāṇasī-Sārnāth.

It has already been noticed that Vārāṇasī emerged as a very important nodal trading point of a vast region and had a number of supporting settlements. It was also a great urban and cultural centre and many other sites were located in the cultural orbit of Vārāṇasī. Located on the banks of the Varuṇā, Rajapurnala, Narkhohnala a number of religious or craft based settlements grew up in the Sārnāth - Ᾱktha-Tilmanpur belt.[7] Generally speaking, Sārnāth was yet another rural, religious site in the vicinity of Vārāṇasī. However, the earliest archaeological evidences at Sārnāth are really limited. Only a few NBPW sherds scattered in the neighbourhood of Sārnāth point to an early beginning of this area too. Even before the site came to be associated with Buddhism it was called Ṛṣīpattana as the seat of sages. The Mahāvastu narrates that in a distance of only half a yojana in a wood (evidently Sārnāth) at least five hundred sages or pratyekabuddhas lived. Being informed that the Buddha has been conceived they threw themselves in the air and fell to death. Thus they sacrificed themselves. From their fall the place came to be known as Ṛṣīpattana.[8] So it was already an established hermitage point. But it attained a definite character with the event of Dharmacakrapravartaṇa. We have already noticed after his first preaching how within a short span of time Buddhism got a momentum and won a huge number of followers. But the turning point came in Aśoka’s rule. With a view to commemorate the event of Dharmacakrapravartaṇa,Aśoka wanted to upgrade the site to a permanent Buddhist monastic site. So the formal physical growth of monastic establishments at Sārnāth started from this period. He even intervened in the monastic life when the integrity and order of the saṃgha were concerned. So he was the first to give it a formal and organised character. Since then Sārnāth never lost attention and had survived for a long time mainly by popular help and support. The huge donation made by Gahadvala queen Kumārīdevī for the erection of a monastery shows the popularity of Buddhism till the medieval times.[9]

A look in Sārnāth’s origin and existence reveals that it was an important Buddhist monastic site central to Buddhism and sacred to the Buddhist people. However, Sārnāth’s sole character was essentially that of a religious site. It was certainly chosen by the Buddha for his first sermon because it was situated so close to Vārāṇasī. It could yield all the material needs and a probable clientele to Buddhism. In fact shortly after his preaching the Buddhist community quickly grew in size in this area. Therefore Sārnāth’s advantageous location was mainly due to its closeness to Vārāṇasī. It did not have an independent status. The only point that Sārnāth had offered was its calmness necessary for meditation and restraint. But all the civic and material facilities were available at hand. That’s why it was a choice for the establishment of a monastic life. Hence it appears that Sārnāth had its emergence due to Vārāṇasī. It was an ancillary site of Vārāṇasī. It maintained its original character and never assumed any other colour other than its Buddhist identity. It grew and stood as a secondary site of Vārāṇasī. The same relation was retained between these two sites throughout time.

Comparing the rise and development of Nālandā and Sārnāt has chief religious satellite settlements of their respective urban centres brings to notice that though both were Buddhist sites but their growth took entirely different paths. Exposed to different religious faiths Nālandā could make a choice to be an exclusive Buddhist spot, became a university site and performed administrative and miscellaneous functions. Sārnāth, on the contrary was chosen by the Buddha for his first preaching and that caused the promotion of Sārnāth as a monastic site under the missionary zeal of Aśoka and the practice continued. From then on Sārnāth always received lavish lay and royal donations. So Sārnāth’s growth was entirely due to the grants and lay donations. It was a created pilgrimage place and always remained dependent on lay help and support and never assumed any independent status. Nālandā too received much patronage and help but did not remain only a monastic site but a university, administrative subdivision and other duties combined into one and assumed a much bigger character. Thus the two similar religious settlements stood for two different genres of settlement rationale.

From the discussion it emerges that no fixed settlement logic prevailed. Nālandā and Sārnāth both grew as secondary sites under the influence of their respective central place sites of Rājagṛha and Vārāṇasī. Rājagṛha had an early decline as an urban site mainly because Pāṭaliputra replaced it as the Magadhan capital. Rājagṛha took a back seat and Nālandāgradually grew not only as a monastic but also as educational and administrative centre of the whole region. It had to perform many duties which earlier were the exclusive privileges of Rājagṛha. Later Nālandā started managing major administrative functions as an important administrative subdivision under Rājagṛha viṣaya. Rājagṛha was an ordinary administrative unit of the area, quite far from its old glory of being a capital. The place however retained its pilgrimage value as it had been long associated with Buddhism, Jainism and other contemporary sects. It used to be a convergence point of these religious groups. The relation between Vārāṇasī and Sārnāth was of a primary and secondary sites and it always remained so. Vārāṇasī though as the capital of the Kāśī mahājanapada did not have a spectacular history yet its fame as a glamorous city and important port connected to many places made it prime among the early historic cities. Sārnāth as a religious settlement grew depending on the availability of amenities at Vārāṇasī. It could never surpass Vārāṇasī in fame and importance and always held a junior position to Vārāṇasī signifying only an important Buddhist establishment. So the settlement dynamics were ever changing.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

The Long Discourses of the Buddha, A Translation of the Dīgha Nikāya, by Maurice Walshe, 1995, op.cit. Brahmajāla Sutta, p.67.

[2]:

Alexander Cunningham, Baragaon or Nalanda, Archaeological Report, Archeological Survey of India,1861-62, in Four Reports Made During the Years 1862- 63-64-65, Delhi, Rahul Publishing House, 1994, p.30

[3]:

Hirananda Sastri, Nalanda and its epigraphic material, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta, 1942, pp.77- 104.

[4]:

Hirananda Sastri, 1942, op.cit. pp.77- 104

[5]:

B.N. Misra, Nalanda, New Delhi, 1998,p.240

[6]:

H. N. Sastri, 1942, op.cit. p.49

[7]:

Vidula Jayswal, 2009,op. cit. pp. 5-6

[8]:

J.J. Jones,Translated, The Mahāvastu, Vol.I, London, Luzac and Company Ltd, 1949, pp.301-11.

[9]:

Daya Ram Sahni, Guide to the Buddhist Ruins of Sarnath with a plan of Excavation, Calcutta, Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1926, pp. 31-32

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