Part 5 - Position of Sārnāth in relation to Vārāṇasī

We have noticed that a number of trade based satellite settlements sprang up in the whole geographical horizon of Vārāṇasī. Their relation to Vārāṇasī was mainly economic. These sites were actually situated in the agricultural, mineral resource area or trade routes and they were both rural and urban settlements placed at various ranks in the settlement hierarchy. Here the settlement logic and their inter relation was mainly defined by economic terms. However a second and significant type of satellite settlement can be found in this zone that is typified by Sārnāth - Ᾱktha-Tilmanpur belt which were essentially religious in character. Settlements located in the broad culture zone of Vārāṇasīcan be classified in two categories on the basis of their location. Those located on the bank of the Gaṅgā or other major rivers and arranged in an east-west fashion and those located in the interior and on the banks of smaller rivers and streams in a north-south orientation between Vārāṇasī and Sārnāth. The first type consisted of those settlements so far discussed and related to trade. The other type of settlement is small and rural ones located on the banks of the Varuṇā, Rajapurnala, Narkhohnala. These are small, rural settlements either religious or craft based in nature. Sārnāth is a reputed Buddhist religious centre and Ᾱktha too had a religious bias. But it had the special significance of being the earliest colonised site of Vārāṇasī.

Buddhism was essentially a city based movement that has reflected in the early Pāli texts. The Buddha spent most of his time in the cities of, Śrāvastī, Rājagṛha, Vārāṇasī and Kauśāmbī. He frequently moved from one place to another as early Buddhism did not have any permanent establishments. So wandering asceticism was basic feature of early Buddhism. They usually availed the trade routes. Smaller sites often worked as halting places in these trade routes where the Buddha and his contemporary religious teachers halted for a while. Eventually some of them turned into monastic sites. It may be noticed that though based on urban ethos, the Buddhist sites did not grow in the cities, but in the hinterland or along the trade routes slightly off the city. It ensured the required serenity of hermitage and availability of all facilities from the nearby urban centres. New faiths, particularly Buddhism and Jainism on their turn offered a fresh and unorthodox attitude towards the people, particularly the Vaiśya community comprising artisans, traders and other craftsmen who were mostly city dwellers or staying just in the peripheries of city. New Faiths’ treatment to people on the basis of social equality had a great appeal to them. Early Buddhism drew most of its followers from these groups. Against this general background of the growth of religious satellites of the great urban centres we have investigated the precise question of the rise of Sārnāth as a religious satellite of Vārāṇasī and its transformation as great Buddhist monastic site. Even before the site came to be associated with Buddhism it was called Ṛṣīpattana as the seat of sages. The Mahāvastu narrates that in a distance of only half a yojana in a wood (evidently Sārnāth) at least five hundred sages or pratyekabuddhas lived.

Being informed that the Buddha has been conceived they threw themselves in the air and fell to death. Thus they sacrificed themselves. From their fall the place came to be known as Ṛṣīpattana.^[1] It suggests that before any Buddhist association the place was already an established hermitage spot. But its growth as a celebrated monastic site of world renown was due to the event of Dharmacakrapravartaṇa or the Buddha’s first preaching. Located at a short distance from Vārāṇasī, it had all the urban facilities at hand and was connected by a number of rural settlements that supported both Vārāṇasī and Sārnāth. The infant Buddhism also got a fertile field of propagation among the rich city dwellers particularly the merchant class. Thus Yasa, a very rich merchant of Vārāṇasī his father were converted to Buddhism and his wife and mother were the first lady followers of Buddhism. Very soon sixty one followers^[2] mostly from the merchant class were enlisted to Buddhism. They went far and wide and had the right to confer pabajja to the interested.^[3] From this perspective we may consider Sārnāth as the spot to see the beginning of the triumph of the Buddha’s faith. If Dharmacakrapravartaṇa offered the philosophical rationale or the germ of its growth the institutionalisation or the foundation of monastic life was laid down by Aśoka.

The earliest structural remains were reported from Aśoka’s time. The lion capital, monolithic railing to the south of the main shrine and Dharmarajika stūpa were the three structures built by him. Aśoka’s interest in Sārnāth was not restricted only to structural additions but he took direct steps to check factionalism within the order. Concerned about the integrity and sanctity of the Buddhist order he warned the monks against any attempt to create schism in the church or the order may be expelled from the order for ever. Aśokan association to Sārnāth may be seen from the broader panorama of his goal to institutionalise Buddhism and to transform it from a local to a universal one. Places like Sārnāth, pious for being associated to the Buddha could be repositories of the Buddhist faith and doctrines. Therefore promotion of such places was important in his notion. Collection of corporeal remains of the Buddha from eight earliest shrines and their distribution to various places was a move to evoke more reverence of the people and to institutionalise them.

Thus the rise of Sārnāth as a nodal point had a two layer growth. Firstly the convenient location and a rich legacy of hermitage attracted the Buddha to impart his newly got knowledge about life and action to the educated listeners. In the second layer we notice a direct kingly approach to the establishment of monastic way of life. Thus it grew as a sacred Buddhist site. The royal grants and favours were showered continuously on Sārnāth till the early medieval times and that contributed greatly to the enlargement and additions to the monastic premises. Other than Aśoka particularly fruitful periods were those of the Kuṣāṇas and the Guptas. With their royal seat at nearby Mathurā, the Kuṣāṇas actively patronised Sārnāth. Existing structures were repaired and new ones were built. Monastery III was probably a creation of the Kuṣāṇas.

A colossal Bodhisatva image dated from the 3^rd year of Kaṇiṣka’s rule was a beautiful specimen of the Kuṣāṇa workmanship of the artists of the Mathura school and was associated with a Brāhmī script of the Kuṣāṇa period. Artistically, Sārnāth entered its golden period with the coming of the Guptas. Monasteries II and V were Gupta creations. Presence of different Buddhist sects within the complex was indicated by a Gupta inscription. At least 1500 monks of the Sammitiya sect stayed there. So it was a prosperous time of Sārnāth. The site continued to get royal favour even in the 12^th century CE. The last grand donation the site received from the queen Kumara Devī, a Gahadvala queen. Besides, lay gifts of modest nature were also attested by short inscriptions. So the establishment, enlargement and beautification of the site continued unabated till the medieval times. An overt feature that does not miss attention was that the site always remained dependent on lay sponsorship.

The expenses were met by grants from imperial powers like Mauryas, Kuṣāṇas or the Guptas and even by local rulers of repute and the ordinary lay worshippers. With presence of Buddhist monks of different sects like Vastuputrikas, Sammitiyas,^[4] Sarvāstīvadins^[5] represent a vibrant monastic life. Sārnāth had a history of promotion all through. So rather than an independent growth, in case of Sārnāth, external factors proved to be more essential. It retained its exclusive identity of a Buddhist monastic site only and remained subservient to Vārāṇasī. Even in the medieval times Kāśī kings continued to make grants to Sārnāth.

When we compare the different angles of settlement pattern of the two sites we note that Vārāṇasī grew as a nodal point of prominence of a vast region from remote times even before the state was formed in this zone. Beginning of agriculture and resultant settled life started quite early in this area. Trade was certainly a major factor that was facilitated by many trade routes passing through this region. These routes were often supervised by fortified, unfortified semi urban to urban sites at local levels. Vārāṇasī, having a strategic location held a virtual monopoly over the long distance trade and received all Deccan bound traffic from these trade routes. Having a position of hegemony, Vārāṇasī not only monopolised the trade but linked all smaller sites of local importance and thus assuming a supra regional role of a major nodal point. Probably its advantageous location may be also be accounted for its being the natural choice to be the capital of the Kāśī mahājanapada. In this sense, Vārāṇasī also played the role of an administrative nodal point. Moreover it was also the cultural seat of different sects and traditions. Probably many roles of trade, administration and culture rolled into one placed Vārāṇasī in a position that may be called an important nodal point which served a vast area that cannot be explained by urbanity alone. This huge potential of Vārāṇasī could have been the reason for attracting the attention of contemporary powers of Kośala, Magadha and Vatsa. The bloody rivalry of Kośala and Magadha was mainly caused by the prospect of possessing the great trading port of Vārāṇasī. Finally Vārāṇasī passed to

Magadha and was a vassal under Magadha. In the Kuṣāṇa period the city also came under the control of a king of Kauśāmbī named Aśvaghoṣa.^[6] Political ups and downs that the city saw, was noted by A.S. Altekar.^[7] He notes that the Gahadvalas were the last of important dynasties ruling over Vārāṇasī. We may recall here that the last great endowment made to Sārnāth by the Gahadvala queen Kumaradevī. The loss of political power proved to be more fatal to Sārnāth than to Vārāṇasī. The latter grew as a great seat of education. We have Jātaka references that Vārāṇasī pupils going to Taxila.^[8] The situation changed later and it was reported that Vārāṇasī also grew as a major Rājagṛha educational seat and the city imparted excellent education even to the poor, often subsidised by the rich of the city. So the city actually never ran short of logic for its existence and growth. Continuous adjustments and adaptations kept it a great population centre. So Vārāṇasī’s position cannot be explained by its urbanity only. Rather utilising many factors it stood as a nodal point serving a vast zone with multiple roles. Sārnāth, on the other hand, had a one dimensional rise and identity. Piety was central to its identity and It was a created monastic site, dependent on grants. It had a consistent growth up to the Pāla period. It even received occasional grants from such agencies like Gahadvala, Gurjar-Pratihāra kings, besides individual sponsorship. However the golden period of bloom was over for Sārnāth by the medieval times and archaeological investigations point to a sudden desertion of the site by the monks. Vārāṇasī however continued as a great cultural, educational and religious centre because we may recall that Al Beruni learnt Sanskrit and Indian philosophy at Vārāṇasī.

Settlement originated in this sector from as early as the Palaeolithic times, with the Vindhyas forming the germ centre and adjacent areas to be colonised very soon. With agricultural prosperity, a prominent lithic industry and an elaborate land and water routes, this region assumed an overt economic manifestation, formed a hinterland and provided important nodes for the growth of an urban centre with overarching characteristics above regionalism. This was mainly because of being the capital Kāśī mahājanapada and its position of an important port. With its strategic location it held a hegemony over these routes, entire Deccan bound traffic and economic resources of the region. This economic primacy of Vārāṇasī was always tempting for other rival states and we see many bloody wars were fought over the possession of Vārāṇasī from the ancient to early medieval times. Culturally it saw an acculturation of Aryan and non-Aryan beliefs. Sārnāth, located at the borders of it, had the pride to be the first place to receive the Buddha’s doctrines and under Aśoka’s patronage grew as a great monastic site.

Vārāṇasī also was a great academic site of eastern India from 7^th century BCE and even competed with Takṣaśīlā later. So, Vārāṇasī had multiple roles and rationale. It faced a political crisis but never lost primacy and never had an identity crisis. It showed a superb flexibility so far its identity was concerned. In the face of crisis, it switched from one settlement logic to another and held a prominent place as an administrative seat, a port town, a cultural and educational stronghold and even a religious or pilgrimage centre, thus maintained a secured position of a nodal point of a vast zone. Sārnāth, as the chief cultural satellite always stood under the aura of Vārāṇasī. For maintaining its status and character always kept depending upon the former. So the basic relation between the two always remained that of a nucleus and a satellite.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Translated from the Buddhist Sanskrit by J.J. Jones, The Mahāvastu, Vol.I, London, Luzac and Company Ltd, 1949, pp.301-11.

[2]:

Friedrich Maxmüller ed. & translated from Pāli by T. W. Rhys Davies and Hermann Oldenberg, The Mahavagga, First Khandaka, chapter 9, 1-4, The Vinaya text, Part I in Sacred Book of the East, Vol.13, Oxford,1881, pp.111-12.

[3]:

The Mahavagga, First Khandaka, op.cit. 10,11,12 pp.112-15

[4]:

B.R. Mani, Sarnath Archaeology, Art and Architecture, Archeological Survey of India, 2012, p.45.

[5]:

Annual report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1907-08, Delhi, Swati Publications, 1990, p.73.

[6]:

B.R. Mani,2012, op.cit.p.45

[7]:

A.S. Altekar, Benares and Sarnath: Past and Present, Benares, Culture Publication House, Benares Hindu University, 1947, p.8.

[8]:

E.B. Cowell ed. The Jātaka or the stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. III, op.cit.no.365, Avāriya Jātaka, p.151.