Settlement in Early Historic Ganga Plain

by Chirantani Das | 143,447 words

This page relates “Varanasi from proto historic to historic context” as it appears in the case study regarding the settlements in the Early Historic Ganga Plain made by Chirantani Das. The study examines this process in relation to Rajagriha and Varanasi (important nodal centres of the respective Mahajanapadas named Magadha and Kashi).

Part 16 - Vārāṇasī from proto historic to historic context

Summary: Journey of the capital city from proto historic to historic context.

It is not simple to find out the history from the hoary past described in various literary sources whose authenticity may well be questioned. Like Magadha, Kāśī too was first mentioned in the Atharva Veda.[1] The same hymn tried to banish fever to distant places like Magadha or Kāśī obviously out of their known world. Vārāṇasī was a habitat of the indigenous, pre-Aryan communities, native to the soil. Variously called Dasyus, Dānavas, Nagas, Asuras, Yakṣas, Rāksasas or broadly as the Gaṇa Nagas, Vārāṇasī was popular for liṅga-worshipping Nāgas. From their community reference and the usage of the term Gaṇa it seems that probably they followed a republican way of life. Originally flourished in the Saptasindhava or the Punjab region it took a long time for Aryan culture to reach the Kāśī-Vārāṇasī area. Eastward expansion of the Aryans was never unchallenged and they faced one of the most formidable resistances from the hilly forest areas of Vārāṇasī–a thickly native populated area. Since these natives were mainly the worshippers of Rudra the Aryans called it Rudravāsa or the abode of the fierce people. Alternatively it was known as Mahāśmaśāna for presence of vast crematory tracts of hilly and forested tracts lying in the Vārāṇasī region.[2]

The Purāṇas also point to a non-Aryan association of Vārāṇasī. Aryan acceptance of Vārāṇasī as a holy place took place rather late and has been well recorded in the Purāṇas. They held that Vārāṇasī was mainly associated to Śiva cult and different groups worshipping phallus or liṅga. In Vārāṇasī, five types of secret liṅgas were worshipped, namely Kṛttivāsa, Madhyameśvara, Viśveśvara, Oṃkara and Karpadiśvara. It is not possible to know the secret of these liṅgas without the grace of Śambhu.[3] It clearly shows existence of a secret and mysterious Śiva cult still in the level of phallus worship–a typical non-Aryan practice. So from the Puraṇic reference Vārāṇasī appears to be a stronghold and an exclusive centre of the Non-Aryan culture, so far untouched by the Vedic culture. Ᾱktha, located very close to Vārāṇasī shows traces of the Vedic culture from a very early period. This was manifested by the occurrence of Kapala, a Vedic ritual object and shelters made of mats as mentioned by later Vedic Samhitas. Demand for this ritual object grew among the agricultural rural communities of the Neolithic-Chalcolithic period where migration, cross cultural interaction took place.

The kapalas were mainly used by the early iron using communities of the Vārāṇasī region, known for their material base of Black and Red Ware, who on their turn came into contact with some Vedic groups. This Aryan association of the region particularly of Ᾱktha was further confirmed by archaeological evidences. Discovery of articles made of bone, iron, copper or huts made of grass, bamboo, mat, earth as mentioned in the later Vedic texts, a terracotta human figurine with a jaṭa was probably a replica of a hermit staying at Ṛṣipattana (Sārnāth) near Vārāṇasī. Moreover abundance of kapalas or potsherds in the Vārāṇasī of the BRW levels of the 13th to 12th centuries BCE amply prove the Vedic connection of this region.[4] In all likelihood Vārāṇasī seems to be a religious settlement or at least religion provided the early rationale for its existence but later it assumed other dimensions for its growth and sustenance.

In course of their migration to the east the Vedic people did not get an easy entry to Vārāṇasī. The established autochthons affiliated to the Mahādeva cult were quite strong in this region and they put up a very stout resistance to these newcomers is clearly proved by the hostile relationship of the two groups. The marriage of Dakṣa’s daughter Satī to Mahādeva described in the Kāśī khanda of the Skanda Purāṇa shows an attempt of compromise between established local groups and the newcomers. But it was not successful. In the Skanda Purāṇa we see though Dakṣa married his daughter Satī to Mahādeva yet could not accept him heartily. Mahādeva was accused of being too arrogant after getting married to Satī. Moreover Dakṣa was upset over his weird way of life. He was not an ascetic for he knows no penance, he stays at cremation ground and so is not a householder. He is neither a celibate for he is married and nor a forest dweller as had a tremendous desire for lordship and authority. He was condemned for being outside the fold of Varṇaśrama. He has no knowledge of the Vedas and not a Brahman, he indulges in nonsense destruction (pralaya) and therefore does not possess the kṣatriya quality of saving others. He is a destitute and therefore cannot be called a Vaiśya and not even a Śudra because he flaunts the sacred thread of snakes. So from the Aryan viewpoint it became difficult to put Mahādeva in a pattern. At the same time they could not altogether deny him for his immense power and popularity in this area. Therefore though most unwillingly, we see an attempt of compromise by the Vedic Aryans through the marriage of Mahādeva and Satī.[5] This did not mean end of hostilities. These non-Aryans were continued to be hated by the Aryan migrants for their alien way of life. In the Vāyu Purāṇa we find Dakṣa excluding his son-in–law Mahādeva from the list of invitees to the grand sacrificial ritual that he organised. The whole affair ended in a fiasco with Satī’s death and a violent destruction by Mahādeva. Later on he calmed down by the counselling of Brahma and restored the lives of the victims of his fury. The whole incident shows a mutual hatred of these two groups but neither could ignore the other. Eventually a synthesis had to be made and Śiva was accommodated in the Vedic pantheon.

The legend of king Paunḍraka narrated in the Brahma Purāṇa also speaks of Vārāṇasī being mainly a non-Aryan centre having a hostile attitude to the Aryan culture. Paunḍraka somehow got involved into a clash with Aryan deity Kṛṣṇa but was defeated and killed. His son sought the favour of Mahādeva and received the Kṛtya (the female deity of destruction). He sent it to Dwarka with no effect. Rather Kṛṣṇa’s discus burnt the whole city of Vārāṇasī.[6] so the clash between local indigenous groups and the migrants continued for a long time but the non-Aryans were gradually losing ground.

This becomes even more obvious in the legend of Divodāsa mentioned in the Skanda Purāṇa. Divodāsa was highly praised in the Skanda Purāṇa for his righteousness, high moral standard, sound learning and good governance. His valour incomparable, his wealth was equal to the Vasus. Therefore he was very powerful. In his realm the caste bound duties were properly observed. It shows that Vedic culture made a progress in this region but not fully accepted or assimilated. Finding Divodāsa invincible, the Devas replaced Divodāsa by deceit. Though he had to leave Vārāṇasī he established a Śivalingam in Vārāṇasī.[7] Therefore in Vārāṇasī the non-Aryan culture never became totally extinct though it had to make a compromise with the new religion. So from the Purāṇic narration it emerges that initially the two cultures found it difficult to accept each other causing warfare. Later a cultural synthesis took place, where Aryan culture became dominant but the non-Aryan traits did not die down totally. The adjustment took a final form with the inclusion of non-Aryan god Śiva into the Vedic pantheon. Prevalent non-Vedic culture too had to make room for Vedic religion and culture. This was mainly done by Bala-Jatūkarnya’s missionary activities. Without losing its age old loyalty to the deity Mahādeva Vārāṇasī made space to the nascent Upaniṣadic philosophy. One of its kings named Ajātaśatru invited philosophers and scholars to his court to make it a famous philosophical centre. Therefore the Upaniṣadic philosophy had a relatively easy entry to Vārāṇasī. Union of two religio-cultural traditions was also expressed in the performance of a horse sacrifice (Aśvamedha) by Dhṛtarāṣṭra of Kāśī. But probably being newly introduced to this vedic custom he could not finish it successfully. His horse was captured by a Pāñcala king and the whole episode ended in a fiasco. That Pāñcala king Śatanika Satrajita himself conducted the sacrifice by taking away the horse from the Kāśya’s. And since then the Kāśīs did not keep up their sacrificial fire saying their soma has been taken away from them.[8]

The mythological account gives a record of cultural fusion of Vārāṇasī that was probably in its final stage sometime before the rise of Buddhism. A composite blend of two strong and different types of culture created a strong base which may have partially accounted for the very early rise and prominence of Kāśī much before the beginning of the historical period. On account of scanty literary data available in the Purāṇas and Jātakas and with little supportive evidence it becomes difficult to reconstruct the political history of the pre-Buddhist Vārāṇasī. Moreover the literary accounts were composed much later than the actual events. Most Purāṇas unanimously named the dynasties ruling over Vārāṇasī and probably the history was available in the form of oral narrative of some bardic traditions of fair accuracy. From the Purāṇas we learn about the political rivalry between Vārāṇasī and Cedī. During the reign of Divodasa I, a great grandson of Dhanvantari and a descent of the dynasty founded by Manu a long drawn war broke out with the Haihaya ruler Bhadraśyena of cedī ruling near Jabbalpur. The Mahabharata also corroborates the occurrence of a protracted warfare between Kāśī and the Haihayas of Vatsa.[9]

In this war the Haihayas were massacred and their power was totally crushed. The sole absconder of the whole incident was Durdama because he was spared for being a minor. But this defeat was in no way a final one for the Haihayas. Coming of age Durdama avenged the loss of his family pride and honour. He defeated and killed Haryaśva, the ruler of Vārāṇasī. The Haihayas even established a check post at Kauśāmbī, not far from Vārāṇasī, to keep a constant eye on it. Vārāṇasī could not shake off the Haihaya control which was so tight that Divodasa II of the same dynasty had to shift his capital to the confluence of Gomatī and Gaṅgā. It is difficult to understand that why he shifted the new capital only 15 miles away from the original location because it was also exposed to the Haihaya threat. It was Divodasa’s son Pratardana could make a final settlement with the Haihayas in favour of Vārāṇasī. He broke the power of his rival King Vitahavya by killing his hundred sons. The king could save himself through the mediation of sage Bhṛgu.[10] This mediation perhaps implied a conversion of the Haihayas into the religious order of Vārāṇasī for the Vedic religion recently got entry into Vārāṇasī and became the dominant religion of the place. So it was very much interested in taking converts from outside the fold. Or this conversion might have meant the inclusion of these people into Bhṛgu’s own fold, because Bhargavas or the descents of Bhṛgu are quite numerous in the Vārāṇasī region.[11] Though the nature of conversion is not clear in either case it meant increase in the human resource of Vārāṇasī. It marked Kāśī’s overlordship on Cedī and enhanced power and prestige of Vārāṇasī.

Though this struggle ended in Vārāṇasī’s favour Kāśī soon fell a victim of its eastern neighbour Magadha’s imperial ambition. From the Mahabharata we learnt that Jarasandha of Magadha established his control over the Gaṅgā plain up to Mathurā where his son-in-law Kaṃsa ruled. He married the twin daughters of the Kāśī king.[12] Perhaps he thought it to be unwise to launch a military campaign against Kāśī for its strength and power and cleverly won its neutrality for his imperial designs through this matrimonial alliance. Therefore, Kāśī was free to take the decision to be sided with the Pānḍavas in the Kurukṣetra war. Like the Mahabharata the Jātakas too possessed much information about political history of Vārāṇasī, though they were not composed before 3rd century BCE and spoke about much earlier time i.e. 7th century BCE prior to the rise of Buddhism. They mention Magadha, Kāśī, Vatsa, Kośala, Pāñcala, Indraprastha as contemporary independent states existing in northern India from this time. Many Jātakas mention king Brahmadatta ruling over Vārāṇasī. Because of its repeated occurrences in the Jātakas scholars think that it was not the name of an individual king but of a dynasty. The name Brahmadatta is a distorted form of the Barhadatta dynasty that ruled over Kāśī much before the emergence of Buddhism.[13]

In this period the political condition of the northern India was quite unstable for political rivalry and frequent clashes among the newly emerged states already mentioned. So far Kāśī is concerned it had Kośala as its northern neighbour and the two even shared a common boundary line.[14] it was described as the prime city of whole of India[15] and its spatial expansion was twelve leagues[16] as against other important cities like Mithila[17] and Indapatta[18] only seven leagues in extent. Among the newly emergent political entities Kāśī appears to be the most important at least initially. Important Jaina texts like Ṛṣibhaṣita, Ᾱcaraṅga, Bhagavati, Uttaradhyana, Kalpasutra prodly associated important Jaina figures with Vārāṇasī. Parśvanātha has been mentioned as the son of king Aśvasena in the Buddhist Anguttara Nikāya. Ᾱryadatta, an important disciple of Parśvanātha, Puṣpacala, his chief Ᾱrya, Suvrata and Sunanda two other important followers all have hailed from Vārāṇasī.[19]

The Jātakas narrated the early political history of Vārāṇasī. The Kāśī kings nurtured the imperial dream to be the Sabbarājunam Aggarāja[20] or the prime among the kings and lord of Sakala-Jambudvipa.[21] Kośala being the immediate neighbour was the first to fall victim of Kāśī’s imperialism. A large army of the Kāśī’s king marched against Kośala and even entered its capital Savatthī and the Kośalan king was imprisoned.[22] This marked an overture of Kāśī’s aggrandisement not only over Kośala but over other north Indian states. The Kośāmbī Jātaka reports that the Kośalan king Dīghati was robbed of his kingdom first and then put to death by the Kāśī king.[23] In another occasion we find a Kāśī monarch to besiege the Kośala kingdom, to bring the Kośalan queen to his kingdom and to make her his queen consort.[24] Humiliation of Kośala by Kāśī became a common occurring in this period of the Jātakas. During its heyday Kāśī probably included the Asmaka city Poṭali also. Probably the prince of Poṭali was an appointed vassal of Kāśī kingdom.[25] In the Sona Nanda Jātaka, Manoja-The king of Vārāṇasī, subdued the kingdoms of Kośala, Aṅga and Magadha.[26] So Kāśī almost held a supreme position among the mahajanapadas in the beginning. From the Bhojajaniya Jātaka it is known that how on those days the city of Vārāṇasī was coveted by the contemporary kingdoms and monarchs and how seven kings together attacked the kingdom only to be defeated badly in the end.[27] Such victories however had little significance. Most likely they only meant temporary success and no permanent territorial expansion nor any political supremacy.

Kāśī could not sustain this political supremacy for long and had to face a reversal of its success soon. Jātakas which so far tell us about Kośala’s harassment record how matters settled in favour of it. Details of this rivalry are not known. The Mahavagga mentions the Kāśī king Brahmadatta as wealthy and powerful and its Kośalan counterpart Dīghīti as humble in all respects. Finally the king of Kāśī came to terms with his son Dīgābhu.[28] Wars continued as before and Kāśī started losing grounds and faced frequent defeats. The Jātakas mentioned how the Kośalan kings Vaṅka[29] and Dabbasena[30] to be successful in exacting some political advantages from Kāśī. In the Mahāśīlava Jātaka we see the Kāśī king expelled from his kingdom by the Kośalan king.[31] All these make it apparent that now Kāśī was no longer in a position to assert its power on Kośala, but itself became a subordinate to the former. But the most decisive victory over Kāśī was achieved by Kaṃsa[32] and won the title Banarasiggaho or the conqueror of Vārāṇasī. Dr. H.C. Raychaudhuri thinks that that the political subjugation of Vārāṇasī took place little earlier than the rise of the Buddhism but the time gap must have been very small.[33]

This takeover of Kāśī by Kośala seems to be of a more permanent nature because we find Kośalan king Mahā Kośala gifted his daughter Kośala Devī, five villages of Kāśī producing revenues of hundred thousand on her marriage as a bath money.[34] She was married to Bimbisāra the monarch of the rising power of Magadha. So from Kośala it passed to the hands of Magadhan monarch. But Kośala never cede the whole of Kāśī to Magadha for it is known from the Mahavagga that the king of Vārāṇasī was a brother of Pasenadi, the son and successor of king Maha Kośala.[35] Nevertheless, those villages gifted to Magadha came to be source of long standing struggle between Kośala and Magadha under Pasenadi and the new monarch of Magadha-Ajātaśatru. As the latter murdered his father king Bimbisāra and the queen Kośala Devīdied out of grief Pasenadi held Ajātaśatru responsible for the death of his sister and refused to grant the revenues of these villages to him anymore. Ajātaśatru was not ready to leave them because other than monetary consideration it was also a question of his power and prestige. After a long drawn war a final compromise was reached between the two through a marriage between Pasenadi’s daughter Vajirā and Ajātaśatru. Those five villages were finally granted to Ajātaśatru.

The whole episode brings to notice that Ajātaśatru was desperate to win back those villages implying their economic importance. For Kośala it was an honourable compromise because Kośala was surely a waning power that could not withstand the Magadhan provocation to cede Vārāṇasī for long. So through this royal marriage Vārāṇasī was officially granted to Magadha. So after being tossed between Kośala and Magadha for quite some time it was finally absorbed to Magadha. For next five centuries it remained as a vassal under Magadha. The Nandas who succeeded the Śiśunāgas had their territory stretched from Ghaggar-Hakra bed in the north to the Godāvarī in the south unbrokenly.[36] That indirectly proves that Vārāṇasī fell under the dominion of the Nandas. So right from the time of the Haryaṅkas to the Śuṅgas or Kanvas it remained a portion of Magadha.

The Magadhan control over Vārāṇasī continued till 50 BCE when it was annexed to the neighbouring kingdom of Kauśāmbī as the inscription of Aśvaghoṣa suggests (On the Aśokan pillar of Sarnath). Roughly after 75 CE the city passed under Kuṣāṇa rule. Kaṇiṣka conquered a large portion of modern Uttar Pradesh by 81 CE and Vārāṇasī came under his occupation. kṣatrapa Vanaspara and Kharapallāna were appointed Governor and Viceroy of the province respectively. Both were of foreign origin as their names clearly showed. Kuṣāṇa presence over Vārāṇasī was further proved by discovery of total nine Kuṣāṇa coins from Ᾱktha. Copper coins of Vima Kadphises with a Śiva, and bull in its reverse, a round coin of Kaṇiṣka, an ivory seal with cakra stambha, hala stambha and a legend of Uddhatakasa in Brāhmī of Kuṣāṇa character was found here. 23 figurines of baked clay were discovered too. In this collection there is a dominance of Kuṣāṇa forms.Another copper coin with a depicted portrait of a king and a legend, perhaps of Kaṇiṣka recovered from the layer 2 at Ᾱktha could be assigned to 1st century CE. Baked sealing from layer 2 with the legend of Avamukata in Brāhmī is also a Kuṣāṇa-Gupta character.[37] This epigraphic record along with the literary records clearly pointed to the Kuṣāṇa rule over Kāśī in the early centuries of the Christian era.

After the fall of the Kuṣāṇas there arose several tribal republics and monarchical families like the Arjunāyanas, the Mālavas, Yaudheyas, the Nāga and the monarchies of Ahichhatra and Kauśāmbī. B.P.Singh, supporting the opinion of Moti Chandra has expressed the view that Vārāṇasī was ruled by the Maghas, the ruling house of Kauśāmbī in the 2nd- 3rd centuries CE. The dynasty of rulers must have been originally subordinated to the Kuṣāṇas. Some of the kings of this dynasty had their names ending with the word Magha it is probable that they are the Maghas mentioned in the Purāṇas. They held control over a vast region is attested by the discovery of epigraphic and numismatic evidences in the Allahabad, Fatehpur region.[38] Two circular inscribed coins with traces of the legend Kosambiya and another with the legend of Indra Mitrasa in Brāhmī and a male deity on the reverse amply testified the domination of the Kauśāmbī s over the Vārāṇasī region. A circular copper coin of the Maga series of around 1st century CE was discovered from layer II at Ᾱktha. So from the Kuṣāṇas the Magas of Kauśāmbī got hold over Vārāṇasī.

As Kauśāmbī came under king Navya, Vārāṇasī too came under him. A copper coin belonging to the period of 1st- 3rd centuries CE has been retrieved from the layer III of Ᾱktha.[39] In fact hoards of coins and seals started coming from the beginning of the Christian era at Rajghat-Vārāṇasītoo. Nearly four hundred seals found here can be assigned to this period. A Kauśāmbī coin with the legend Nevasa was found at the late level of period III of Rajghat -Vārāṇasī. From the discovery of coins of same pattern and time from both Rajghat -Vārāṇasī and Ᾱktha gives the impression that this whole Vārāṇasī region came under the Magas of Kauśāmbī. They probably ruled over Vārāṇasī till the rise of the Guptas. Four Gupta coins of Candragupta, kumara gupta I and Skanda gupta and some tiny objects of the Gupta times were found here.[40] Bhitari Pillar inscription of Skandagupta, Sārnāth Buddhist Image Inscription of Kumaragupta II, Sārnāth Buddha Stone inscription of Buddhagupta were all found in the vicinity of Vārāṇasī. On the basis of these epigraphic evidences it has been suggested that the Guptas held their sway all over the region.[41]

A thorough study of the political history of the Vārāṇasī region shows that other than the proto historic period described in the Purāṇas, Vārāṇasī did not have an impressive political career, at least from the beginning of the Buddhist period. It passed from hands to hands, from Kośala to Magadha, then to the Kuṣāṇas, Magas and Guptas it always remained a junior under the tutelage of some bigger powers. As a matter of fact, roughly from the 6th century BCE Vārāṇasī as the capital of the Kāśī Mahajanapada had no independent status. It was at best a provincial headquarter or a Sthānīya (Headquarter of eight hudred villages) or a Droṇamukha (in charge of four hundred villages) under imperial powers.[42] Despite this unspectacular political history Vārāṇasī always remained an important city of the northern India. So more than as the capital of Kāśī mahājanapada Vārāṇasī stayed in the limelight for its own credit. Not as a capital city but Vārāṇasī maintained its position just as a city indifferent of the standing of the Mahājanapada. Despite being an important provincial administrative centre rather than the political factors other factors played crucial roles for its high rank.

In this discussion it emerges that from the proto historic to early historic times, Kāśī was passed from one political subjugation to other and Vārāṇasī as the capital of Kāśī, came under mastery of different dynasties and kings. However its political supremacy was retained. With this supremacy Vārāṇasī could control the economic opportunities of a large area that formed the hinterland of the ancient city. This hinterland was dotted with numerous settlements of varied sizes and functions. This politico-economic primacy was visible in its rich city culture that clearly revealed the opulence and glamour of Vārāṇasī. Within the chronological frame of early times to the Gupta period Vārāṇasī experienced a happy cultural synthesis. It was a blend of indigenous tribal beliefs and a dominant Vedic culture and later grew as a stronghold of new religious orders, led by Buddhism. Rise of Sārnāth, as the chief cultural satellite may be viewed from this cultural context.

Footnotes and references:


Ralph T. H. Griffith translated The Hymns of Atharva Veda, New Delhi, Low Price Publications,1995,22.14, p.184.


B.Bhattacharya, Varanasi Rediscovered, new Delhi, 1999, pp.19-21.


J.L. Shastri ed. and translated and annotated by Ganesh Vasudeo Tagare, The Kurma Purana in Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology, Vol.20, Part I, New Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1981, 32.3,12, pp.251- 52.


Vidula Jayaswal, op.cit. 2010, pp. 206-07.


G.P. Bhatt ed. and translated and annotated by G.V. Tagare, Skanda Purana in Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology, vol. 59, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 1997, Part XI, 87.27-33, p.354


G.P. Bhatt and J.L. Shastri ed. and translated and annotated by a board of scholars, Brahma Purāṇa, part II, in Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology Series, Vol. 34, Delhi,1985, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Chapter 98,pp.500-503.


The Skanda Purāṇa, part XI, op.cit.1997, Book IV, Ch. 43, pp.475-484.


Friedrich Maxmüller ed. and translated by Julius Eggeling, The Satapatha Brahmana, Part V in The Sacred Book of the East, Vol. 44, Delhi, Motilal banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 2009, Fourth Brahmana,, p.400.


Dr. Ishwar Chandra Sharma and Dr. O. N. Bimali ed and M.N. Dutt translated The Mahabharata, Sanskrit text with English translation, vol.IX, Anuśāsana Parva, chapter 30, Delhi, Parimal Publications, 2001, pp. 165- 69.


A.S. Altekar, op.cit. 1937, pp.8-9


Bhagwati Sharan Singh, Varanasi, National Book Trust, Delhi, 1988, p.9


The Mahabharata, Sabha Parva, op.cit. 2001,chapter 16.20, p. 681


A.S.Altekar, op.cit. 1937, p.10 -14


E.B. Cowell ed.& translated from Pali by W.H.D. Rouse, The Jātaka or the Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, vol. II, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Pvt. Ltd., 1990, no. 151, Rājovada Jātaka, pp.1- 4.


Ibid, No. 243, Guttila Jātaka, pp.172- 78.


E.B. Cowell, ed., &translated from Pali by W.H.D. Rouse, The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, vol. IV, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1901, no.509 Hatthipāla Jātaka, pp.294-304.


Ibid, no 489, Suruci Jātaka, p.199.


E. B. Cowell ed. &translated from Pali by E.B. Cowell and W.H.D. Rouse, The Jātaka or Stories of The Buddha’s Former Births, vol.VI, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1907, no.545 Vidhurapanḍita Jātaka, p.135.


Kranti Kumar, Jaina contribution to Kāśī: An Introduction, in R.C. Sharma, Pranati Ghosal ed. Jaina contribution to Varanasi, D.K. Printworld, Varanasi, 2006 pp.2-4.


The Jātaka, Vol. IV, op.cit. 1901, no. 465 Bhadda Śāla Jātaka, p.96.


E. B. Cowell ed. and translated by H.T. Francis and R.A. Neil, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. III, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1979, no. 353, Dhonaśākha Jātaka, pp.10507.


Ibid, no. 336, Brāhachatta Jātaka,pp.76-78.


Ibid, no. 428, Kośāmbī Jātaka, pp.289-91.


E. B. Cowell ed. and translated by H. T. Francis, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. V, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 1999, no.536, Kuṇāla Jātaka, pp.219-45


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. II, op.cit.,1992, no.207, Assaka Jātaka,pp.108-10.


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. V, op.cit.,1999,no.532-Sona Nanda Jātaka, pp.164-74.


E. B. Cowell ed. and translated by Robert Chalmers, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. I, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1990, op.cit., no.23 Bhojājānīya Jātaka, pp.61-63.


The Vinaya text, part II, the Sacred Book of the East, vol. XVII, General Editor Friedrich Maxmüller, Translation by T.W.Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, The Mahavagga, 10.2.3- 16, Motilala Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, Delhi,1974, First published in1882, pp.294-303.


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. III,no.355, Ghata Jātaka, pp.11-12.


Ibid, no. 303, Ekrāja Jātaka, pp.9-10.


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. I,1990, op.cit. no.51, Mahāśīlava Jātaka, pp.128-33.


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol II,1992, op.cit.,no.282, Seyya Jātaka,pp.273- 74.


H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 2006, p.131


E. B. Cowell, The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol II,1992, no.239 Harita Mātā Jātaka, no.283-Vaddhaki Sūkara Jātaka, pp.164- 65 and 275- 79.


The Vinaya text, part II, op.cit. 1974, Mahavagga, 8.2, footnote, pp.195-6.


K.A. Nilkanta Sastri, Age of the Nandas and Mauryas, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988, pp.26-27.


Vidula Jayaswal, op.cit. 2010, pp.158- 162, 191.


R.C. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar ed., The Age of Imperial Unity, in the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1951, pp.175-76.


Vidula Jayaswal, op.cit. 2010, p.191,158.


A.K. Narain and T. N. Roy, Excavations at Rajghat, part II, The Pottery, Banaras Hindu University, 1977, pp.14-15.


Birendra Pratap Singh, Life in Ancient Varanasi (An Account based on Archaeological Evidence), Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan 1985, p.11.


R. P. Kangle, The Kauṭīlya Arthaśāstra, 2.3.3,vol. II, An English Translation with Critical and Explanatory Notes, New Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass, 1997, p. 63.

Like what you read? Consider supporting this website: