Part 19 - Temple Building (of the Mahanadi Delta and the Gangas)

[Full title: System of Dana and Temple Building (of the Mahanadi Delta and the Gangas)]

Temple building reference in inscriptions were found but in small numbers. The Sirpur stone inscription of the time of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna, the inscriptions of the Sulkis, Jatesinga and Dungri plates of Somavamsi king Mahasivagupta Yayati, Anantavarman-Codaganga’s Vishakhapattanam plates (saka year 1040), are few references which mentions of temple building. In all these above cases the reference is related to Siva temple. In some references, inscriptions found with instances of building activities of Buddhist monasteries and mathas. In Asanapath inscriptions of Satrubhanja and Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahadevi are the examples of that act while Baud plate of Solanabhanja, refers to construction of Lakes and embankments.

Kings are often found establishing comparisons with Brahmanical deities in their eulogies in early medieval Orissa. This mythological and religious association sometimes cutting across the sectarian boundaries compare him with deities of two or more sects. Such instances are revealed in Bamhani plates of Bharatabala, inscriptions of Panduvamsi king Tivara and Maha-Sivagupta, the Sailodhbhava inscriptions of Buguda plates of Madhavavarman and Banpur plates of Madhyamaraja and plates of the Imperial Gangas.

Generally the rulers of this period claimed association with either Saivism or Vaisnavism. Exceptionally, the Bhaumakara king Udayavaraha of the Bonai plates and Nandodbhava king Dhruvananda are the examples of Buddhist worshippers and Dharmaraja of Sumandala plates, is revealed with the epithets of the sun god.

Apart from these major sectarian associations we also found some instances of local autochthonous deities like Stambhesvari, found in the Tustikara’s plates of Terasingha, some of the grants of the early Bhanjas of Khinjali Mondala and those of Sulkis. The Sulkis were more emphatic in their expression by worshipping this deity Stambhesvari or Khambhesvari,, as their kula-Devata or tutelary God-ship. It clearly shows the process of incorporation of local autochthonous deities of Stambhesvari^[1] , literally the god of the pillar or post, prevalent in contemporary Orissa. Interestingly the Baudh plates of king Ranabhanja, is silent of mentioning Stambhesvari, in his 54^th and 58^th year, whence the ruler was elevated to the status of Maharaja from Ranaka. With this local association of the early Bhanjas of Khinjali Mandala and those of Sulkis, they were equally described as worshippers of Siva.

During the 3^rd to the 6-7^th century A.D. the inscriptions are often found with the title of Parama-Daivata (a great devotee of god or gods), without mentioning any sectarian relevance. It is generally associated with the ruling king or with his ancestors found in the inscriptions of Visakhavarman, inscriptions of Pitrbhaktas, and those of Matharas, Mudgalas and Vigrahas. The Soro plates of Somadatta and the Kanas plates of Bhanudatta, the epithet Parama-Daivata is applied with the overlord of these reigning kings. Another similar but more emphatic epithet found is Parama-Daivata-Adhidaivata (a great devotee of the gods and the supreme gods), variously associated with the ruling kings his father or his overlord.

Among the major sectarian associations we found from the 5^th century onwards Parama-Mahesvara or Parama-Vaisnava, which generally practised by the majority of the rulers thereafter. Earlier Parama-Bhagavata was replaced by the Parama-Vaisnava. We find Sri-Vaisnava, in the Antirigam plates of Jayabhanja from Kolada. With these sectarian epithets the royal prasastis often found invocations to the both Visnu and Vairava. The Kumurukela plates of Sarubhanla started with an invocation to both Visnu and Bhairava.

The major ruling lineages of early medieval Orissa, shows a regular association with religious sects popular in this region. The Sailodbhabas, Adi-bhanjas, Sulkis, Tungas, Somavamsis, the Gangas of Svetakas and Kalinganagara, and the imperial Gangas until Anantavarman Codaganga, the major affiliation was with Saivism. The Sulkis, in their epigraphs claimed to be Parama-Mahesvara and at the same time described Stambhesvari being their tutelary deity. The other Bhanja line of Nettabhanja, in his Jurada grants referred Narayana as their family god.

The several branches of the Gangas show their associations with Siva-Gokarna and in most cases uphold him as their family god. The mythical story associated with the Mahendra Mountain where this Siva-Gokarna is originally established. H. Kulke opines that when the Gangas captured the adjacent mountain area they took the local popular beliefs of the Savara tribe under the name of Gokarnasvamin. By defeating the chief of Savara tribe, Savaraditya, the ancestor of Anantavarman Codaganga, the king Kamarnava, conquered Kalinga.^[2] It, as H. Kulke suggested was the prominent instance of patronising an autochthonous deity. It is also found that there is a small but famous town named Gokarna situated in North Kanara district of Karnataka. Ancient Mahabalesvara temple situated on that town known as important Saiva place of pilgrimage.

The major instances of sectarian shift of affiliation during the rule of the imperial Gangas from Vaisnivism to Saivism was not entirely absent in the early phase. Several inscriptions of the earlier two phases were depicting the alteration of epithets like Parama-Vaisnava, and Parama-Mahesvara or sometimes with both the sectarian affiliations due to their personal likings.^[3] During the reign of Anantavarman Codagangadeva who was the worshippers of Gokarnasvamin shifted and become an ardent follower of Purusottama. Ganga inscriptions from Rajaraja III, we found repeated depiction of Codagangadeva as the founder of Purusottama temple at Puri.^[4] S.N. Rajguru credited this transformation of Gangesvara Anantavarman from Saivism to the Vaisnava Sage Ramanuja.^[5] It is also found that epigraphs recording the donations of Anantavarman to the other Saiva temples of the age, like the Bhimesvara temple at Draksarama and the Nilkanthesvara temple at Bobbili, he is described as Parama-Mahesvara. H. von Stietencron suggests that with the intension of not offending the sentiments of the sectarian followers, Anantavarman might have inscribed both the titles.^[6] The Korni plates of saka year 1038, and Vishakhapattanam plates of saka year 1040, started tracing the Ganga genealogy to Visnu. It proves that the successors of Anantavarman were also shifted to Vaisnavism. With the expansion of the Ganga rule in the central and larger part of Orissa the Imperial Gangas were made necessary changes in their religious affiliations. The temple of Purusottama crafted the necessary introduction of sectarian symbol and identity for the Imperial Gangas. Herman Kulke compares this endeavour of Anantavarman with the Imperial Chola royal temple construction policy. He farther described it as an attempt on the part of Gangesvara to outclass the Brhadisvara temple of Tanjore to undermine the prestige of Kulottunga I as the height of both the temple nearly similar (216 feet).^[7]

The epigraphic sources with court literatures elaborately depict how the nature of kingship were emerged and developed in these two regions. From early tribal elements kingship originated in this two regions and in later phase associated intrinsically with the Brahmanical character. The definition and redefinition of power relations in early medieval Orissa and Tamil Nadu was reflected in royal titles. Some of this embodied with territorial claims and contest for territory as well. Literatures and Plates pay great attention to the personal qualities of the king, describing them as divine figure or sometime as more effective incarnations of Epic-Puranic mythical idols. King’s deeds and duties with their protector image are also evolved out as an admirable persona due to his benevolent and munificent images. Large scale donations to the Brahmanas and religious establishment were evidently a major aspect of these two regions. Thus, both these delta valleys clearly shows a gradual but different curve of growth of kingship ultimately assimilated into Brahmanical monarchical pattern in the late or imperial phase with the introduction and proliferation of temple construction.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

The epigraphic references related to Stambhesvari are mostly found from the highlands of Orissa (the Kalahandi, Baudh, Sonpur, Kendujhar and Dhenkanal areas).

[2]:

H. Kulke, Royal Temple Policy, op.cit. p. 130

[3]:

U. Singh suggested it as ‘changing personal predilections of the kings’, op.cit. pp.118-119

[4]:

H. von Stietencron, ‘The Date of Jagannatha Temple: Literary Sources Reconsidered,’ in Sidelights on the History and Culture of Orissa, M.N. Das, (ed.), Cuttack, 1977, p.527

[5]:

S.N. Rajguru, op.cit., 3, pt. 2: L II

[6]:

H. von Stietencron, op.cit., pp.22-23

[7]:

H. Kulke, ‘Early Royal Patronage of the Jagannatha Cult,’ in The Cult of Jagannatha and the Regional Tradition of Orissa, pp. 139-56, New Delhi, 1978, p.13956