Part 3 - Kaveri Delta region: Sub Period II: 600-900A.D.

[Full title: Kaveri Delta region: Sub Period II: 600-900A.D. (Sub-Regional Phase)]

Emergence of New Types of Kingship & Polity: Conflict of Three Powers

In around sixth century A.D. the historical scene of south India started changing. It was not only the time to see the advent of new ruling lineages but also new types of state structure started emerging.^[1] It shows the continuity as well as discontinuity of ruling lineages in Deccan and south India. Nilakantha Sastri call it ‘for a period of 300 years from the middle of the sixth century A.D. the history of south India is virtually the story of mutual conflict among three powers, each seeking constantly to extend its empire at the expense of its neighbours.’^[2] Three of them were the Chalukyas of Badami in the western Deccan, the Pallavas of Kanci, and the Pandyas of Madurai. Out of them Pallavas and the Pandyas were in the Tamil land. All these three powers came to its mighty prominence in the sixth century A.D. but the Chalukyas were replaced by the another power rose in western Deccan, the Rastrakutas, of Manyakheta modern Malkhed, about a century earlier in the beginning of 8^th century A.D. probably more growth in the agriculture and expansion of cultivated area and the amenities of irrigation in form of water tank helped them to established bigger and mighty structure of state by this time.^[3] Some mention of lesser powers like the Gangas of Talakad near modern Mysore and the Telegu Cholas of Renandu, were remained as minor state structure of this time. Along with the centre of power at Badami, the Chalukyas were successful to establish two other power centres, the Chalukyas of Lata and the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. This Vengi Chalukyas and the Gangas of Mysore took important role in the major conflicts of the three greater kingdoms in the coming centuries and sometimes with crucial roles. The original Chola line had temporarily disappeared except the Telegu kings claiming their proximity and connection with the capital at Uraiur in Talakad now known as Rayalaseema. Contemporary epigraphical records advocating the reduced and disparate situation of the Chola line. Some names of the prince and chieftains claiming Chola connections with places we found are like Kodumbalur (Pudukottah), Siyyali (Shiyali), and Malepadu.^[4]

It is clearly evident from the grants of the Pallavas and the Pandyas that before the upsurge of their rule a obscure clan of the Kalabhras were responsible for the political disturbance of the whole Kaveri delta and adjacent areas. Their predatory activities,^[5] as N. Sastri opines was largely responsible for the early Chola power to succumb to an end.^[6] In the writings of Buddhadatta^[7] we found concurrent evidences of Kalabhras rule in the Chola country. Date of Buddhadatta is still not ascertained clearly but he may be the earliest to visit Ceylon for studying Buddhism. His account on Kaveripattanam speaks of the rich mercantile accounts of the Chola city of Uraiur and the establishment of a great monastery by Kanhadasa.^[8] From these works we find the name of a Kalabhara-Kula ruler Accutavikkanta. He managed to confine the three Tamil kings, the Cheras, the Cholas, and the Pandyas and was possibly a Buddhist.^[9] Contemporary Velvikudi grant clearly shows that the Kalabhras as the tribe of Kali kings who uprooted many adhirajas and by interfering with Brahmadeya rights the people of the land overrun by them.^[10] Sometime after king Accuta’s rule, Pallavas and the Pandyas arose into power by overthrowing the Kalabhras, but Cholas had practically disappeared from the scene.

As seen in the earlier age all these ruling dynasties slowly but steadily came under the political structure of Vedic and Agamic religiosity with sometimes indifferently accepting non-orthodox Sraman-ic Buddhist and Jain code of religiosity. The rule of the Kalabhras was the visible example of this phenomenon. Along with political conflicts amongst different lineages the Buddhist influence created a great volume of devotional literature. Under this stimulus remarkable advances were made in the field of architecture, sculpture, painting and music. A new enthusiastic Bhakti movement started from this period onwards also made considerable amount of influence on political scenario of this age.

Among the three major states, the Pallavas appeared much earlier age. At the end of the third century A.D., by replacing the Iksavaku in southern Andhradesa, the emergence of the Pallavas came into existence. Most of the scholars believed that they were come to the south with sizeable amount of northern influences and might be originated of a foreign origin. Though scholars like T.V. Mahalingam and others identified them as indigenous to south India or some mixtures with some north Indian origin.^[11] Among the earliest Tamil copper plates, the Pallankoyil copper plates, assigned to the middle of sixth century A.D. record a land grant to a Jain temple near Kancipuram by king Simhavarman, the father of Simhavisnu (560-580 A.D.).^[12] According to records of Simhavisnu, he said to have captured the Chola country and dethroned the Kalabhras. He also became victorious to the north which paved the establishment of the Pallava Empire. His son, Mahendravarman I, who ruled from 580-630 A.D. converted from Jainism to Saivism by the famous Nayanmar saint Appar. From the time of Mahendravarman, we find the introduction of cave temples at places including Mamallapuram. Mamallapuram was grown up as the famous port town in this age of Pallava rule.^[13] From this time onwards we find references of struggle started between the Chalukyas and the Pallavas.

The imperial Chalukyas, sometimes known as the Early Western Chalukyas, came to power under the leadership of king Pulakesin I (the great lion), in the middle of sixth century A.D. By declaring their self rule by performing a horse sacrifice from the Kadambas they constructed their new capital in Badami (Bijapur District). They are the earliest among the several branches of the Chalukya family known to have ruled in different parts of the country. One important offshoot was the Eastern Chalukyas of Pishtapura arose in the first half of the seventh century A.D. Other branches of them were the Chalukyas of Vemulavada who were the feudatories of the Rastrakutas, and the Later Western Chalukyas of Kalyani who ultimately overthrown the Rastrakutas in the second half of the tenth century A.D. From Pulakesin II (609-642 A.D.) onwards the Chalukyas of Badami represented themselves as of south Indian origin and of the status of Ksatriyas.^[14]

The name we found in the Chalukya inscriptions is written as Chalkya, Chalikya and Chalukya, probably derived from that of a remote ancestor. In one of the Nagarjunkonda inscriptions we find names with masculine name-suffix anaka (Skandachalikiremmanaka).^[15] Several literatures like Vikramankadeva-carita of Bilhana, and accounts of Vidyapati, the court poet, speaks of that the ancestor of the Chalukya family sprang from the Chuluka of the creator Brahman, when the God at Indra’s request gave birth ‘of a hero who would be terror to the evil doers on the earth.’^[16] The Chalukyas of Badami, thus claiming to be the descendants’ of Haritiputras and belonged to the Manavya Gotra, and have been nourished by the seven mothers of mankind and favoured and protected by the god Kartikeya Skanda Mahasena, and all the princes have to submit to the representation of Varahalanchhana or boar crest as their seal. They were also worshipped and attained the favour of God Narayana or Visnu. D.C. Sircar opines that these legends of Kartikeya and of seven mothers must have taken from the Kadambas and might have ruled earlier to them.^[17] In some early Chalukya records, they described themselves as meditating on or favoured by the feet of the holy Svamin,or Svami-Mahasena Kartikeya with invocation to the Varaha Avatara of Visnu. They were also used to carry the epithet of Parama-Bhagavata, and Sri-Prithivi-Vallava (the husband of the goddesses Laxmi and Earth), in their early days. Later Chalukya kings showed their affiliation with the Saiva and Jain faith as well. Referring the Aihole inscription (v.4) D.C. Sircar suggested that Sri-Prithivi-Vallava was a special title carried by all the Chalukya kings.

The accession of Chalukya king Pulakesin II, who ably extended his control over the Konkan and the kings of Malwa, Kalinga and the Eastern Deccan, compelled to submit their sovereignty to him. He also vigorously claiming in his inscription^[18] to stopped the expedition of northern king Harsaiardhna on the banks of Narmada. He started the struggle between the Chalukyas and the Pallavas by attacking Kancipuram at the time of Mahendravarman. After sporadic battles Narasimhavarman I, the Pallava king, managed to capture the Chalukya capital Badami and engraved an inscription there to commemorate the victory. Pulakesin II died in this battle. Hiuen T’sang mentioned this event in his description during the visit of Kancipuram and Badami just before the attack of Narasimhavarman I.^[19]

The capture of the lower Tamil country or the Pandian-mandalam from the Kalabhra interregnum by king Kadungon (590-620 A.D.) and his immediate successor was been done towards the close of the sixth century A.D.,^[20] where king Kadungon described as ‘the destroyer of the Kalabhras’, who were believed to have been Buddhists or Jains in faith. Recent discovered records in Pulangurichi, speaks of a Kalabhras king Cendan Kurran, who took care of Jain and other religious faith.^[21] N. Karashima thus made questions of the Kalabhras with the notion of the oppressor of the Hindus.^[22] Hiuen Tsang describes about the Malakuta or the Pandya country as follows: it was a depot of sea perls; its peoples were ‘black….. harsh and impetuous, of mixed religions, indifferent to culture and only good at trade.’^[23] The next king Sendan took the title of Vanavan for his victory of the Chera country. Arikesari Parankusa Maravarman, the next Pandya king, won a great victory at Nelveli or modern Tinnevelly, on which Cheras were decisively defeated. It is accepted by the scholars that under the rule of Arikesari, Pandyas started the imperial career and the struggle with the Pallavas.^[24] He is also identified with the traditional ‘Kun Pandya’, who converted to Saivism from Jainism by the saint Sambandar. His queen of Chola origin actually invited the saint Sambandar to Madurai.^[25] His successor king Kochehadaiyan Ranadhita defeated a Ay chief at Marudur, near Ambasamundram, Tiinnevelly district. He accepted the epithet of Kongarkoman after defeating and subjugating Kongudesa.

Maravarman Rajasimha I, the next powerful ruler of the Pandya dynasty, directly took part in the conflict with Nandivarman Pallavamalla. By defeating the Pallavas he captured the whole region of Kaveri delta and Nandipura. Later great Pallava general Udayachandra rescued the Pallavas. But after this incident king Rajasimha I took the title of Pallavabhanjana. He established matrimonial alliances with the Western Gangas and together defeated the Chalukya king Kirtivarman II. The Velvikudi grant^[26] of the next ruler Nedunjadaiyan, mentions the large amount of renovation work was done at Madurai and Vanji, the Chera capital and Chola capital Uraiur. Most of the Pandya inscriptions are speaks of Mahadanas or great gifts like Gosahasras, Hiranya-Garbhas and Tulabharas.

Chalukya king Narasimghavarman I, who claimed to have defeated the Cholas, Cheras, Kalabhras and the Pandyas, also well-known for his construction of many rock cut temples after his conversion into Saivism. His grandson Paramesvaravarman, (670-700 A.D.), also known as Vikramaditya of the Chalukya dynasty invade the Pallava kingdom with Gangas and Pandyas as his allies. During the reign of Pallava Narasimghavarman II Rajasimha, the shore temples and the Kailasanatha temple of Mamallapuram and Kancipuram were built during 700-728 A.D. In Pattadakal and Aihole, several constructions of temples were being made during this time by the Chalukyas including the famous Durga temple in Aihole. We find writing of Dasakumaracarita of famous court poet Dandin, who spent some time in the Pallava court.

A crisis arose when Paramesvaravarman II, who succeeded Narasimghavarman II Rajasimha, had died in a war with the western Gangas without an heir in around 730 A.D. The royal officials or mattras conjointly acted with the collegiums (ghatika) of learned Brahmanas and the people (mulaprakritis) selected prince Nandivarman Pallavamalla II of a collateral line. The Vaikuntha Perumal temple, built by Nandivarman II, carries a sculptured narration of this event found in Kancipuram. His father Hiranyavarman, might have some Cambodian root.^[27] But no other corroborative evidences have found in this regard. Noburu Karashima, by showing many Tamil and Sanskrit inscriptions found in Cambodia of the Pallava period, opines that there may have some close relations with the South East Asian countries during Pallava period.^[28] Young king Nandivarman II immediately had to face the attack of the Chalukyas by king Vikramaditya II in 733-34 A.D. The next twenty years the young king Nandivarman II fought many battles against not only with the Chalukyas but also with the Gangas, the Pandyas and also with other Pallava prince. Around 760 A.D. the Rastrkuta ruler Dantiduga, the feudatories of the Chalukyas, helped Nandivarman II, to defeat the Gangas but ultimately failed to restrict the growing power of the Pandya king Maravarman Rajasimha. In the western front, after Vikramaditya, Kirtivarman II became the Chalukyan ruler who lost his southern territory to the Pandyas and ultimately succumbed to the Rastrkuta upsurge by king Dantidurga in the second half of eighth century A.D.

Matrimonial relations with Nandivarman II, of the Pallavas, Dantidurga, managed to invade to the north against the Gurjaras in Malwa and Kosala and Kalinga. The next Rastrakuta ruler was come to the throne was Krisna I, who was well known for his construction of Kailasa temple at Ellora. His son Dhruva and grandson Govinda III not only got commendable success in the tripartite conflict of the north but also consolidated their strength in the entire Deccan. During this time Pallava power come under the threat of the Pandyas and reduced in a small territory. The rise of the Telegu-Chodas, of the Southern Andhra and marching towards Tondaimandalam, also becomes threat for the Pallavas. Dantivarman, managed to restrict the Pandyas and the Telegu-Chodas by the help of Gangas, but during this time Cholas were also started gaining strength in the Kaveri delta, and ultimately Aparajita, the grandson of Nandivarman III, was killed by Aditya I and Pallava rule came to an end.

Comparing the state system and polity in the earlier phase or largely the Sangam age, by this time we find more ruling lineage were came to the fore with more strength and newer policies. The kingship and polity were also different in nature. The northern political structure and its concurrent political culture, which came to known to the Deccan by the establishment of the Satavahana rule, now become firmly established and acknowledged by the ruling lineages in the Deep South, particularly in the Kaveri delta region.

During this phase, kings were known to have started performing the Asvamedha and other types of Vedic sacrifices. In Kaveri delta, the Pallava rulers were also familiar with the north Indian Brahmanical influences. The availability of early Prakrit and Sanskrit copperplate land grants to the Brahmanas were started. In the copper plate grant of Sivaskandavarman, issued in Prakrit language, where he declare himself as Dhamma-Maharajadhiraja and a performer of Asvamedha and other Vedic sacrifices. In the Deccan, Pulakesin I took the title of dharma-Maharaja with Ranavikrama (valiant in the war) found in his later inscriptions.^[29] He is also a performer of the Asvamedha and other Vedic sacrifices, including hiranyagarbha.^[30] Surprisingly no Pandyan kings came to have known to performed asvamedha sacrifices but Arikesari-Madhavavarman has gone through hiranyagarbha sacrifice. By conferring Brahmanical titles and performing Vedic sacrifices, all major ruling dynasties have adopted the Brahmanical polity by this time.

The major factor that certainly made some difference in the polity of the age from the earlier Satavahana-Sangam age is the large scale proliferation of the Brahmanical orthodoxy in place of Buddhist or Jain ideology. Another major development of this segment was the rise and spread of Bhakti movement. Though Burton Stein^[31] emphasized the role of Jain influence in post Sangam Chola kingship due to the influence of Tirukkural, but it will be largely controversial to categorize kural as coming out of only Jaina faith and ideology. Although we cannot diminish the influence of Buddhism and Jainism during the Kalabhra age, Pallava and Pandya rule. The practice of worshipping local gods and deities, which were largely prevalent in Sangam and Post-Sangam–Early Pallava period, now started shifting towards a different direction. These shifts were chiefly due to the rise of Bhakti ideology and the policy of temple construction. In the post-Gupta period, we saw how the inclusive polity of regional state incorporating the various local deities through puranic forms and agamic temple rituals and accommodating various local religious traditions.

In Kaveri delta, Siva and Visnu were started to assimilate with the local beliefs. Mayon, a sacred cowherd hero in the mullai (forest) was associated with Visnu. Murugan the hunter-hero in kurinji (hills), deified as the god of love and war absorbed with Skanda^[32] and Subrahmanya. Goddess Korravai of victory in the Palai (desert), and also mother of Murugan, was identified with the consort of Siva in around seventh century A.D.^[33]

Along with these developments, construction of temples and sometime renovations at sites commonly well known as sacred sites of local deities, also become integral part of the state polity by this time. Many temples were also being constructed in places where no such traditional sacred history was associated. N. Karashima argued for this development as he envisaged the technical advancement of masonry work improved during seventh century.^[34] With rock-cut architecture the free standing rock-temple construction in plains from cut stones was consequently increased in number during the age.

The common story of the ruling heads from the other beliefs to the mainstream Bhakti ideology was largely possible due to the contribution of the Bhakti saints. The conversion of Pallava king Mahendravarman from Jainism to Saivism by Saint Appar, is clearly a path breaking and at the same time has lots of political influences. Sambandar, another Bhakti saint, converted the Pandyan king Nedumaran, from Jainism to Saivism. It evidently reflects the conflict for supremacy of Bhakti ideology with Sraman-ic religious thought was started during this age. This newer development was largely become responsible for the decline of the heterodoxy in around tenth century A.D. from the Deep South. Jainism remained influential in western part of south India, though the Tamilgam was remained faithful towards Brahmanical religion. Kingship from this period started showing profound dependence on the Brahmanical religion in its Bhakti forms. Conduction of Vedic sacrifices, including Rajasuya, made kingship more influential. Large scale land grants to the Brahmanas and to the religious institutions gave them legitimation. Nandivarman II, after ascending to the throne, invited learned Brahmanas from the north to established Brahmadeya villages. This policy took more intensified shape in the hands of later Imperial Cholas.

Political conflict, however, was not detrimental for the cultural activity of this period. It is often viewed as the revival of Brahmanical religiosity that prevented further growth of Jainism and Buddhism. Brahmanism, rather in devotional form becomes responsible for creation of enormous amount of soul emotive literary and philosophical works. This devotional stimulus paved the way for remarkable advances registered in the field of architecture, sculpture, painting and music. Further this impulse traversed beyond the boundaries of India and propagated in South East Asia sometimes known as Hindu Colonies.

This change ‘from chiefdom to state’,^[35] was largely due to the transition in the entire socio economic sphere. The changing system of production from pastoralist to agricultural community and the changing social formation from tribal to state society, started clearly visible in this second phase of early medieval India.

The changes in the concept and function of kingship started taking visible shapes right from the Pallava rule. In the early Pallava years, sacred sacrifices were more important to consecrate a person to the throne as king. Which from seventh century onwards, from the time of king Nandivarman II, the lineage, its sacred genealogy, making them palatable with Brahmanical gods, become more significant for the sovereignty?^[36] The meaning and function of gifts also changed from cash to kind or from Daksina (offerings), to Dana (Land).^[37] Increasing amount of land grants to the Brahmanas and to temple as Devadanas, are the visible examples of the change. These land deeds assigned to the Brahmins, (though not the share holders of sovereignty), gained immense importance and closely related to the political and social changes of this age. Anthropologists also described this change as Vedic sacrifice in Brahmanism to the worship or Puja in Hinduism.^[38]

Thus the relation between the king and Brahmanas has become subject of debate among scholars. Anthropological studies put more weightage in terms of superiority to the position of Brahmanas. J.C. Heesterman intensified this with the discrimination of ‘kings with political power’ and ‘Brahmanas with religious authority.’^[39] And both entities were engaged to gain hegemony over the society.

David D. Shulman, out of his study on south Indian myth and poetry, suggests:

‘The spiritual powers of the Brahmin and the martial and administrative talents of the king are not permanently distinct and opposite forces but internally divided and mutually dependant symbolic clusters.’^[40]

This conceptual debate will go further more interesting with the changing ingredients in the final phase of early medieval period when temple institution become crucial component in the field of south Indian polity. The need of kingship to legitimize its sovereign power in lieu of donation to the Brahmans for their livelihood certainly states the mutual dependence of these two crucial institutions. By establishing the Brahmadeya villages, kingship actually intensified the process of formation of state society. In this debate Burton Stein also with the view of king’s ritual sovereignty without giving importance to his political or economic exercise for the Pallava period. But Nicholas B. Dirks, who gave importance to the changing pattern of Dana system, was more keen to emphasize the correlation between religious authority and political power. He also argued against some ahistorical aspects of kingship as ‘little kingdom’ of the later period.^[41]

He express as,

‘There was a definite relation between the modes of social and political relations on the one hand and the ideas and ritual expressions of authority on the other. The correlations are imperative for this period of south Indian history.’^[42]

B.P. Sahu in this regard comes out with integrative polity. Like Brajadulal Chottopadhyaya, Herman Kulke he also traced the role of kingship in its combined effort entrusting upon two mutual aspects of power and authority.

He argued as:

‘a new legitimation structure was not usually imposed, nor was it easy to do so, but was designed to accommodate, incorporate and tap what was already available in local societies….. legitimation entailed negotiations and integration competing traditions’^[43]

In 1996 Sheldon Pollock comes with the ideology of ‘Sanskrti Cosmopolis’, through which he argued to assess the use of Sanskrit language by various regional states of South East Asia, between 300-1300 A.D. was only to articulate politics ‘aesthetically’ and not materially.^[44] After examining the Pallava inscriptions he described the Pallava rule as examples of emergence of premodern empire system, and Sanskrit played an important role for its cultural expression. His methodology certainly open up the scope for future study of cultural interaction not only in between northern and southern India through the eastern coast but also between South and South East Asia.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Noburu Karashima; A Concise History of South India, Oxford, New Delhi, 2014, p.84

[2]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Illustrated History of South India, p.59

[3]:

Noburu Karashima, op.cit. p.84

[4]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Cholas, p.101

[5]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Pandyan Kingdom: From Earliest times to the Sixteenth Century, London, Luzac, 1929, p.47-49

[6]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Colas, p.101

[7]:

Buddhadatta’s Manuals, (ed.) by A.P. Buddhadatta (Pali Text Society), Pt.–I (1915) & Pt. II (1928)

[8]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Colas, p.101

[9]:

Ibid. p.102; also quoted by tenth century A.D. poet, Amitasagarar, the author of Yapparungalak-Karikai.

[10]:

K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Colas p-102.

[11]:

T.V. Mahalingam, Kanchipuram in Early South Indian History, Madras, Asia Publishing House, 1969, pp.21-24

[12]:

Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India, 1958-59, p.41-110

[13]:

S. Rajavelu, ‘Recent Epigraphical Discoveries near Mamallapuram’, in R. Kalaikkovan, et.al (ed.) Airavati: Felicitation volume in Honour of Iravatham Mahadevan, Chennai, pp.177-190

[14]:

. Hiuen Tsang mentioned Pulakesin II as a Ksatriya by birth, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India, by T. Watters II. P.239; Thomas Waters; On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India 629-645 A.D. Vol. II, London, Royal Asiatic Society.

[15]:

D.C. Sircar, in The Classical Age, Bhartiya Vidyabhavana, 5^th edn., 1997, p.228

[16]:

Ibid, p.228

[17]:

Ibid. pp.228-9

[18]:

Many inscriptions found at Aihole, but the inscription which found at Meguti Temple popularly known as Aihole inscription, which has the significance in the history of India, witnessed for the many historical events of Chalukyas. It also mentioned about the shifting of the capital from Aihole to Badami by Pulakesin. Indian Antiquity, Vol. XIX, p.7-20; Epigraphica Indica., Vol. VI, p.1-12

[19]:

On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India, by T. Watters, II. 1905, p.226

[20]:

Velvikudi Inscription: Epigraphica Indica, XVII, 16.

[21]:

Avanam: 1:57-69; Y. Subbarayalu, South India under the Cholas, New Delhi, OUP, 2012, pp.27-37

[22]:

Noburu Karashima, (ed.) A Concise History of South India, p.86

[23]:

R. Sathianathaier, in The Classical Age, Bhartiya Vidyabhavana, 5^th. edn., 1997, p.267; Nilakantha Sastri; The Pandyan Kingdom, p.41

[24]:

R. Sathianathaier; op.cit. p.267

[25]:

Ibid., p.268

[26]:

Epigraphica Indica, XVII, 16.

[27]:

T.N. Subramanium, The Pallavas of Kanchi in South East Asia, Madras, 1967, p.94; & T.V. Mahalingam, op. cit., 1969, pp.137-85

[28]:

Noboru Karashima, Ancient and Medieval Commercial Activities in the Indian Ocean: Testimony of inscriptions and Ceramic Sherds, Tokyo, Taisho University, 2002; op.cit. p.88, fn.3

[29]:

Epigraphica Indica, XXVIII, Vol.10, pp.59-62

[30]:

In a ceremonial sacrifice, a king crawled through a gold vessel, which after the ceremony donated to the Brahmanas.

[31]:

Burton Stein, All the kings' Mana: Papers on Medieval South Indian History, New Era Publications, 1984; and in J.F. Richards, (ed.), Kingship and Authority in South Asia, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp.133-187

[32]:

A son of Siva.

[33]:

Rajan Gurukkal, Social Formations of Early South India, New Delhi, OUP, 2010, p.187; R. Champakalaxmi, Religion, Tradition, and Ideology: Pre-Colonial South India, New Delhi, OUP, 2011, p. 55-56; R. Champakalakshmi, The Making of the Goddess: Korravai-Durga in the Tamil Traditions, New Delhi, Penguin Books, 2011, p.98

[34]:

Noburu Karashima, (ed.) A Concise History of South India, p.90

[35]:

Rajan Gurukkal, op.cit, pp.182-223

[36]:

Nicholas B. Dirks, "Political Authority and Structural Change in Early South Indian History", in Indian Economic and Social History Review, 13(2), 1976, pp.125-57

[37]:

Romila Thapar, 'Dana and Daksina as Forms of Exchange', in Ancient Indian Social History, New Delhi, 1978, pp.105-121; Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History, New Delhi, Oxford, 2000

[38]:

Ronald Inden, ‘Ritual Authority and Cyclic Time in Hindu Kingship,’ in J. F. Richards, (ed.), Kingship and Authority in South Asia, Delhi, 1978

[39]:

J.C. Heesterman, 'The Conundrum of the King's Authority', in J. F. Richards, (ed.), Kingship and Authority in South Asia, Delhi, 1978; The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kinship, and Society, New Delhi, OUP, 1985.

[40]:

David D. Shulman, The King and the Clown in South Indian Myth and Poetry, Princeton University Press, 1985, p.-40

[41]:

N. Peabody, Hindu Kingship and Polity in Pre-colonial India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003, p.8, nt.21

[42]:

Nicholas B. Dirks, op.cit. p.156

[43]:

B.P. Sahu, The Changing Gaze: Regions and the Constructions of Early India, OUP, New Delhi, 2013, p.202

[44]:

Sheldon Pollock, ‘The Sanskrit Cosmopolis, 300–1300: Transculturation, Vernacularisation and the Question of Ideology', in J.E. M.Houben (ed.), The Ideology and Status of Sanskrit (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1996), pp.197–247