Chapter 7 - Summary and Observations

“In conclusion let me assert my conviction that Jainism is an original system,
Quite distinct and independent from all others; and that therefore
it is of great importance for the study of philosophical
thoughts and religious life in ancient India”

Herman Jacobi

A systematic attempt has been made in the foregoing pages to reconstruct the varying dimensions of Jain ideologies and their contribution to the early historic and early medieval society of the Bengal as a whole. Abundant archaeological database associated with this religious ideology scattered in different parts of the study region probably lead one in gaining a fuller understanding of the nature of association of Jainism with the contemporary social matrix. In spite of the fact that we have been dealing so far with broad spatial and temporal limits of a vast landscape, the empirical exercise might help us comprehend some of the major issues related to the genesis of this religious ideology in the study region as well as the vast archaeological ruins of Jainism which were left by those early communities.

Chapters included in the present work have endeavoured at empirically delineating one or the other aspect connected with the growth and development of Jainism in early Bengal. In the absence of sufficient meaningful epigraphic records on the nature of involvement of Jainism with the social and/or political structures of the present study area, one has to remedy to depend on contemporary archaeological evidences as well as indirect epigraphic references, coupled with meager literary sources occasionally throwing light on the dimensions of growth of Jain religious faith.

Here we may first analysis the available database in terms of the nature of the archaeological sites in association with Jainism and then discuss the different contextual discoveries of Jain sculptural as well as architectural remains along with their artistic and iconographic analysis, followed by a comparative discussion with material remains reported from neighbouring regions, to verifying elements of linkages, if any.

The primary goal of this research is to show that like the other parts of the Indian subcontinent, Jainism played an important role in the making of early history of western Bengal––the probable mechanisms of which have not been probed elaborately by the pervious scholars. Bengal received only marginal attention in the general corpus of literature on Jain art and religion of the Indian subcontinent. However, from the mid-nineteenth century, British scholars came to discover and regularly report a good number of archaeological relics of Jain ideology from the study region, though these studies, quite understandably, were limited to the level of reporting of Jain art historical remains.

The first chapter concentrated on a general survey of the history of research already carried out in connection with Jain art and archaeology, besides highlighting issues related to the lack of systematic researches on the theme in the study region, in order of situating the problems to be addressed in the present study. A review of earlier researches suggested that a comprehensives study on the problem of Jain archaeology of Bengal is of special significance, in the light of extensive explorations, along with survey of the sculptural as well as architectural remains documented from the study area, to achieve a comprehensive understanding of Jainism and its socioreligious base in ancient Bengal region.

The second chapter deals with a detailed outline of the geophysical set up of the study region. The four distribution zones, viz. the Chhotanagpur fringe area, the southern Bengal delta, the Bhagirathi basin area and the larger Mahananda alluvial tracts––are envisaged primarily in order of drawing a geographical backdrop, under which the archaeological materials discussed in the two following chapters would be situated. Secondly, this geographical delineation further underscores the larger canvas of historical mechanisms within which the genesis of the Jain religious faith is to be viewed. This exercise also suggests, as we have tried to illustrate, that the most major concentration of material assemblages is found in the first zone of the present study region. The unique geographical setting of this zone, essentially encompassing the denuded lateritic tract with sparse forest cover, served as the resource bearing zone of metals, minerals and other forest products which encouraged the people of the region to participate in non-farming activities as an alternative/seasonal counterpart of their survival strategy. The sociocultural identity of this zone is fairly reflected in the recorded archaeological information. Interestingly, the synthesized data represents a two-fold socioeconomic process. On one hand, the region had gone through all the phases of cultural evolution from the Palaeolithic to the early medieval periods like the adjoining areas of the Chhotanagpur plateau. On the other hand, the trajectories of the cultural developments followed by this region differ considerably from that of its counterparts in terms of subsistence strategies. Moreover, the meager archaeological profile of the region in the pre-early medieval period suggests the existence of a rather marginalized strain of societal development away from the mainstream milieu of the Gangetic cultures. The combination of the rudimentary lifestyle and mixed economy perhaps contributed to form an innate cultural identity of the region. The secluded character of the settlement areas and the availability of lifesupporting resources nurtured the mechanism of their traditional lifestyle. Subsequently, with the expansion of settlements, emergence of agrarian set ups and technological advancement in metal working, a new dimension was added to this region during the early medieval period. As a result, such an economically viable forest zone ultimately received attraction of the Jain communities^[1]. Certainly the Jain establishments of the region owed their origin primarily to the development of procurement networks of metals and minerals, if not other forests products, and the participation of the Jain communities locally known as Saraks or Srawakas in such networks led to the monitoring of the said functionaries. The distribution pattern of resources also verifies that the involvement of mercantile agents was responsible in exploiting the manual labour of the pre-literate groups. Risley suggests that among the Bhumij communities of this region, there is a group called Shelo in Chhotanagpur region, who were iron smelters. Besides, the involvement of the well known Asura community in the metal working network of the region across the Chhotanagpur borderlands is a widely accepted fact (Risley 1981: 249). Dalton in his works on the local tradition of Jain communities augmented our knowledge about the Saraks who were said to be responsible for the monumental character of their religious edifices (Dalton 1866: 186). V. Ball was of opinion that the old copper mines of the Singbhum region were associated with the local tradition of the Sravaks or the Serawaks or the Jain laity (Ball 1869:170).

On the other hand, the Jain doctrine also influenced the growth of settlements in the other three geophysical zones of the study area and the various centres participating in such intellectual discourse could partially be viewed with the establishments of different complexes such as Sat Deulia–Masagram Mallasarul region in Burdwan and Ghurisha–Baragram in Birbhum. The survival of Jainism, which once developed in the Bangarh region, could be traced with the findings from North Bengal sectors of both West Bengal and contiguous Bangladesh. The more southern sectors of the delta had also conceived the presence of Jainism, though not in a decisive manner. The findings from Katabenia, Kankandighi and Ghosher Chak probably strengthen this argument. The evolution of different iconic forms is quite apparent from our collected database. Our findings never permit us to study Jainism in isolation, i.e. both Brahmanism and Buddhism were practiced in the region in the early medieval period. However, the spatial distribution pattern of Jain sculptural materials tends to indicate that Jain ideologies predominated the socio-religious contour of at least the zones I and II. The process of religious system in the uneven distribution of settlement matrix may not be specifically visualized in terms of beliefs and practices and the expansion of intellectual discourse. As part of survival strategies, Jainism was perhaps a more acceptable form to the forest dwellers who frequently got involved in the procurement process networks, particularly metal. Ethnoarchaeological data in some respects strengthen our viewpoint, especially in the case of Saraks, the traditional metal working groups spread in the different parts of Bengal especially in the resource-bearing fringe areas of the Chhotanagpur fringes.

Though we have found a number of archaeological ruins associated with growth and development of Jainism from different parts of ancient Bengal, however, still we have no specific evidences regarding the beginning of Jainism in the region. In the third chapter I have elaborated on the sources underlining the strains of historical development of Jainism in ancient Bengal. Development of Jainism in India can be conveniently visualized under chronological frames: the Mahāvira and post-Mahāvira phases of growth and expansion Jain faith. Though there are some sparse sources referring to Jainism entering in the present study area during the time of Mahāvira, its wide penetration at the local level in this area is obviously far postdated. During the early medieval period, south-western Bengal included present day districts of Medinipur (East and west), Burdwan, Bankura and Purulia––and it is substantially significant to note that this formed the core zone of influence of Jain faith in Bengal. Although this region is hardly visible in epigraphic and textual sources, nevertheless this was the principal resource-bearing region throughout the early historic and early medieval periods of Bengal’s history. The combined force of the Chhotanagpur and Singhbhum plateau areas added by the Rajmahal hills regularly provided a steady network of exchange with the coastal tracts of western Bengal. This region saw the dominant presence of Jainism. Brahmanism took a back seat and curiously Buddhism could not make an inroad in spite of its dominant presence in the neighbouring regions. The region was included in the ancient Rāḍha tracts and if we go by the Ācārāṅgasutta, we learn that Mahāvira travelled in the pathless country of ' Lāḍha' in Vajjabhūmi and Subbhabhūmi in the sixth century BCE, in order of propagating his religion. During this period, the settlements were 'pathless and lawless' and the people treated Mahāvira harshly. However, that Rāḍha was connected to Jainism in a later period is evident from an inscription from Mathura which records the erection of a Jain image at the request of a Jain monk who was an inhabitant of the territory of 'Rāra'. Apart from this we have very few references about the presence of Jainism in the early historical period. However, Jainism did not disappear from different parts of Bengal during the Pāla-Sena epoch is proven by the discovery of the huge tenthtwelfth century images of Jain divinities from all the parts of Bengal.

Recent discoveries and extensive field work during the present course of study helped us to postulate that during the eighth-ninth century onwards Jainism reached its zenith in the plateau region of ancient Bengal as well as the adjoining area also. Jainism flourished in all the four zones of the study area, though the eastern fringe area of Chhotanagpur area i.e. Purulia, Bankura, Western part of Burdwan and West Midnapur remained the nuclei, and the coastal area were also completely accepting this religious ideology and the present survey also support this assumption. Jain antiquities were also documented from the zones III and IV, though not in substantial number. Jainism was entered in the zone IV area comparably earlier than the other parts of the study area the Jains images which was reported in earlier and the recently documented images also support this view. However, during the early medieval period onwards Buddhism as well as Brahmanism get more royal patronage in this region and as a result of this Jainism gradually lost its popularity in this area but it widely flourished in the rāḍha area of ancient Bengal.

The Jain Nirgranthas lived a comparatively quiet life in remote, isolated and inaccessible regions of Bengal, of which the Rāḍha provided perhaps the most congenial climate. Jainism strongly survived in the western and south-western parts of ancient Bengal (Rāḍha region) up to the thirteenth century CE. The region has a long archaeological sequence of cultures from the prehistoric times to the early/late medieval period, though its cultural heritage received special momentum (with the radiation of sites, construction activities of temples, installation of icons, etc.) with the arrival of political lineages and religious ideologies during the early medieval period. This monumental feature of settlement structure is categorically envisaged by the enormous wealth of archaeological relics in form of abandoned temple complexes, architectural members and sculptural remains of the region. In all probability, the said database is the best signifier of the early medieval sociocultural milieu. Interestingly, the impressive array of Jain sculptures and architectural members in the database substantiates the fact that the whole region abounds in Jain heritage and was a flourishing Jain hub, at least for a considerable time during the early medieval period. This Jain identity is perhaps the most significant aspect to envision the socio-cultural framework of the historical period.

During explorations under the present study, the specimens which I have documented, viz., Jain sculptural as well as architectural remains, are not always found in their proper contexts (neither in situ), I have also recorded these assemblages in various archaeological contexts. However, their nature of occurrences varies, understandably, from site to site. In some cases they still form the part of an abandoned temple complex having scattered pieces of architectural members and other remains, whereas in other cases they have already been detached from their original locale of occurrence and are now installed in modern temples which stand on the ruins of the former. Some religious establishments have now undergone long term renovation works, while retaining the original specimens. In some cases Jain images are presently worshipped as Brahmanical deities. Thus, these various contexts are discussed in chapter five.

Here, I would like to highlight an important issue raised by R.K. Chattopadhyay in his work on the archaeological history of Bankura (2010). Chattopadhyay mentioned that the analysis of Jain remains (both sculptural and architectural) found from several sites of Bankura has revealed that they were earlier associated with an essentially Jain cultural milieu, prior to the arrival of Brahmanical mode of absorption that gradually engulfed the earlier Jain ideologies within the greater Brahmanical pantheistic fold. This observation may also be accepted in the present case. A huge number of Jain artefacts especially in the form of sculptures, architectural members as well as temple remains undoubtedly confirm the strong existence of a Jain entity in the Chhotanagpur fringe area in general and Purulia, Bankura, Burdwan and adjoining area in particular. The temples of Pakbirra, Chharra, Deuli, Banda, Bahulara, Dharapat, Deulbhira, Satpatta, Harmasra and Satdeulia along with sufficient numbers of sculptural specimens of Jain religious order (found from these sites/find spots) substantiate a strong Jain “suzerainty” over this entire region before the establishment of the Brahmanical religious order. In all probability, such forces were instrumental in “de-tribalizing” the society, at least partially.

Under the circumstances, it has also be kept in mind that for lack of conservative rituals the Jain order was unsuccessful in giving enough momentum to transform/ de tribalize the society to that extent which the Brahmanical religious order subsequently did it own way. In order to understand such Jain “mode of appreciation”, i.e. beliefs and practices (recalling B.D. Chattopadhyaya’s (1994) coinage -“Brahmanical mode of appropriation”) another aspect (of our study area) should be taken into consideration.

After the thirteen century CE, the popularity of Jain ideology gradually declined in all over the ancient Bengal and it was replaced by a popular weaves of Brahmanical ideology and that gradually converted/transform most of the Jain icons and temples into Brahmanical ones. This transformation was quite popular in the entire Rāḍha region. Subsequently, the political aggression from neighbouring territories (particularly from Orissa and Chhattisgarh), and the infiltration of the Brahmanical population in the region led to the infusion of new styles in art and architecture. Far more potent was the grasp of the incoming Brahmanical ideology which gradually led to the chipping away of the earlier religious ideology, in this case Jainism. The new socio-religious ideology also had its effect on the ruling classes which began to lean towards the new order at the cost of the abandonment of the Jain temple complexes and the defacement of images of Jain pantheon.

A significant example of these processes of “Brahmanical mode of appropriation” is the multi-armed armed snake-hooded Viṣṇu image documented from different sites in the present study area in association with Jain images some time along with Tīrthaṅkara Pārśvanātha images like Chharra, Arsha, Bandoan in Purulia district and Bahulara, Biharinatha and Rudra in Bankura district Marandighi and Pathra in West Midnapur distract. Such iconographic forms of Viṣṇu have been studied by several eminent arthistorians and archaeologists. Many scholars suggest Buddhist influence on the iconographic from of this Brahmanical god (Ganguly, 1922: 32-33, 139 140; Majumdar 1929: 177-179; Sarkar 1929: 534-539; Banerjea 1956: 554559; Pal 1961: 307-309; Banerji 1980: 94-96; Bhattacharyya 1980: 24-26; Chattopadhyay 2010:180-182, Chattopadhyay and Acharya 2017: 188-99) and some identify it as the Viśvarūpa form of Viṣṇu (Picron 1994: 49-70). However, it may be assumed that this form of Viṣṇu suggests an influence from Jain ideology and iconological practices. The inspiration for this snakehooded form can be readily borrowed from a form of the Tīrthaṅkara Pārśvanātha, quite popular here, rather than from Mucalinda Buddha, a rare iconic form represented in the reported sculptural corpus of the region.

In the support of this above assumption, here I would like to discuss the transformation of the figure of the Jain Tīrthaṅkara Pārśvanātha into the snake-hooded Viṣṇu (by the addition of two arms in the later period) as recorded from Dharapat, Bankura in support of visualizing such phenomenon. There are various archaeological evidences from the sites of Pakbirra, Charra, Deuli, Palma, Sitalpur, Golamara, Bandoan, Tuisuma, Telkupi and etc in the district of Purulia; Bahulara, Dharapat, Harmasra, Deulbhira etc. in the district of Bankura; Satdeulia, Kundo and etc. in Burdwan district and Baragram in Birbhum, Karanjali-Katabeniya and other sites in South Twenty Four Parganas and Monoharpur and Lacchipur-Nepura and other sites in West Midnapur substantiate such changing contour of socio-religious background and subsequent development in the entire study area. It witnessed how the Brahmanical influence, mainly Orissan, transformed the earlier Jain temples and sculptures in favour of the Brahmanical order. It has severely affected the religious character of the region which ultimately resulted in the abandonment of the Jain temple complexes and the defacement of images of Jain religious order. During explorations it is observed that most of the cases Jain images are presently worshipped as Brahmanical deities like Kāla-Bhairava, Bhairava, Śiva, Viṣṇu, Durgā or even sometimes as folk deities. We can called that three-fold transformation were mostly observed in Jain images of the present study area, i.e. into the fold of Vaiṣṇavism, Śiva-Śākta ideology and folk cults.

Therefore, if we agree and accept the “Brahmanical mode of appreciation (beliefs and practices)” then it has also to be considered that the phenomenon related to “Jain mode of appreciation” preceded the former in the large area of the study region basically the eastern fringe of the Chhotanagpur plateau. This region witnessed the spread of popular Puranic religion and this is best illustrated by the accommodation and asymmetrical placement of different cults, sects, castes in the socio-religious hierarchy duly attested by the sculptural specimens of folk deities. One may like to consider this phenomenon as a “Brahmanical mode of cult appropriation” (Chattopadhyaya 2003: 182). It would perhaps be better if we state that the above processes ultimately fell back on social psychological explanations. The expression “modes of appreciation” used in the present work signifies beliefs and practices of any particular religion. “Modes of appreciation” certainly precedes and ushers in the process of “appropriation”.

If Mahāvira came to Rāḍha, he really followed the path of other traders and missionaries. Jainism had penetrated in this area sometime between the sixth century B.C.E onwards and first century CE is proved by the discovery of a terracotta Naigameśa figure from the Kushana level of Mangalkot. By this time, Jainism seems to have penetrated into the folk level, and people might have worshipped Naigameśa as protector of children. This process of gradual penetration of Jainism has to be worked out. Most of the Jain images discover so far from ancient Bengal belonging to the nine to thirteen century CE, which were products of the eastern school. In the sixth chapter, I have minutely described the detailed iconographic futures all the documented Jain images.

The huge Jain sculptures, which are described and discussed above, are on stylistic and iconographic grounds may be divided in two broad divisions’s i.e. (i) seven century CE to nine century CE and nine century to thirteen century CE. The most of the Jain sculptural remains which are documented from the present Bangladesh as well as the present north Bengal area may belong to the early group of sculptures i.e. seven century CE to nine century CE. Of the four geographical zones envisioned above, the Jain sculptural remains of zone IV, i.e. the ancient Varendrī as well as ancient Puṇḍravardhana-bhukti, bears the so called Pāla-Sena art style. The iconoplastic art tradition of the Jain images found in this part of Bengal owes much to the Gupta and post-Gupta art tradition of Rajgir region, which played an important role for such development. Stylistically, one may find enough merit to trace the continuity of Jain art form Rajgir to this part of ancient Bengal. The art style of Rajgir region was also influenced by the Sarnath art style and in this context Susan L. Huntington (1984) in her book on the “PālaSena” Schools of Sculpture observes that the Jain art styles of Rajgir region strongly reflect the styles of Sarnath and Nalanda and may have been even the products of the same workshop. The Rajgir repertoire continued in the Jain sculptural remains of zone IV and we can observed the similar techniques of carving like the depiction of pair cognizance, dharmacakra on the pedestal, ornamented halo, decoration of back-slab with floral motifs as well as the mythical figures and the nature of body curving of the mūla-nāyaka as well as the cauri-bearers and others. In this context it is also necessary to mention here that some Jain images of zone III are also stylistic resemblance with the zone IV images like the Babladihi Jain Tīrthaṅkara image, the Tīrthaṅkara from Baragram and the Tīrthaṅkara images from the Murshidabad region. The Tīrthaṅkara Śāntinātha image of Babladihi is very magnificent and similar to the Jain images from Dinajpur region of Bangladesh. The placement of the planetary deities of Babladihi image and the Tīrthaṅkara images of Khansama, and Govindapur are similar. The decoration of the back-slab of the Babladihi image is also parallel with the zone IV images. The broken Tīrthaṅkara Śāntinātha image of Baragram also bear the depiction of pair cognizance as well as the dharmacakra depict at the center of the pedestal. Similar depiction also observed in the Tīrthaṅkara Pārśvanātha image from Jiaganj Museum of Murshidabad. In this image, the Yakṣiṇī Padmāvatī is also depicted and she is standing in ābhaṅga posture on the left side of the mūla-nāyaka and holds an umbrella to protect the Jina like the rock-cut Pārśvanātha image of Sonbhandar cave, Rajgir. The image of Ambikā in the Akshaya Kumar Maitreya Heritage Museum is also unparallel with the other Ambikā images of ancient Bengal. The image shows some high quality of artistic influence which may be called as Pāla Sena art style.

On the other hand, the considerable number of Jain images from the other two zones (I & II) of the study area belong to the second phase of development. These stupendous sculptural remains from these two zones were products created by the fusion of the art idioms of neighboring areas of the Chhotanagpur plateau region and were laid in an essentially local matrix from which came out this distinct school of a regional tradition. The Jain imagery of these regions has been drawn from the stylistic formulations of South Bihar region and this regional tradition was guided by powerful local ateliers which were not driven necessarily by the ideas of the plastic art exhibited in the mainstream “Pāla-Sena” idiom of expression. The modeling appears to be softened by the artists in a way that result into, in the sculptural productions of the Rāḍha region, great strength and vigour. The artists/sculptors of this region might not have been aware about the excellence of the “Pāla-Sena” art form, but they became perfectionists in their own way. It may call that a local matrix of art form evolved in this region and this tradition continued for a long period of time. However, it is also necessary to mention that in some cases this art style is also influenced by the Rajgir art style, as reflected in the colossal Jain Tīrthaṅkara from Pakbirra, bearing affinity to the six century specimens of Rajgir. However, it is also plausible that the artisans of this region conceived and transformed the Rajgir art style under essentially localized idioms of aesthetics.

The stylistic traits that reflected through these sculptures would reveal one early phase and a later phase, intervened by a transitional middle phase. In the early phase, Jain images have some close affinity with the stucco figures of Maniyar Matha of Rajgir as well as the Nalanda, though the aforementioned localized variations are also reflected in the art forms and iconographic traits. The treatment of the bodies is neither flattened nor highly modeled as well as the spreading of limbs in some images they share affinity with the RajgirNalanda stucco figures. On the other hand, the stocky, squatish stature of some of the figures, though of much slender variation, shows a relationship with the older Mathura tradition in evolution outside the spell of the 5^th century CE Sarnath style.^[2]

There are a number of Jain images which are belonging to this group, i.e. the Ṛṣabhanātha image from Pakbirra, Vangiya Sahitya Parisad Museum, Bishnupur, Dhadanga; Ajitanātha from Khatra; both the Candraprabha images from Baramoshya; Pārśvanātha image from Pakbirra, Chharra, Deulbhira (Indian Museum) and Ramnagar; Yakṣiṇī Ambikā from Pakbirra and Simlapal and also some others. In these images, ornamentation is much less and body stiffness is clearly observed. The back-slabs of this group are very simple and some time decorated with only floral engraving. The sculptures representing Yakṣiṇī Ambikā from Pakbirra has in addition floral scrolls carved on borders of the back-slab. Simple śiraścakra adorns the head of the savior in this group. In case of Ṛṣabhanātha images of this group the jaṭājuṭa is minutely decorated and attracted the viewers. The serpent coil of Pārśvanātha images shows at the throne back and not well decorated. The pedestals of the images of this group are also not elaborately adorned though the lāñchana is always present. The caurī-bearers are present in all the images though they are not well bejeweled and their sizes are also comparatively smaller then the main image. The figures of the vidyādharas are also bulky in nature.

The next group is an intermediate group between the early phase and the mature phase. This group shows some flabby and distended form and according to the present database, there are some Jain images belonging to this group like Ṛṣabhanātha from Pakbirra, Pabrapahari, Kaitara; Ajitanātha from Baramoshya; Padmaprabha from Baramoshya; Candraprabha images from Lakhra, Sakra/Sankra, Harmashra; Mahāvira from Pakbirra, Patashpur, Ambikā and Jain tutelary couple images from Pakbirra and Chharra and others.

This phase is distinguished by the definite change in form producing a tendency towards tension and sensitivity in modeling coupled with a vacillation, as well for embracing the new aesthetic ideals for the mystic abstraction. The spiritual content is not always coordinated with the formal change. There is a perceptible lack of spontaneity and refinement in the execution. The proportion of forms has not yet been established in relation to the change. As a result this formal variation, in this changed situation may be explained, as the search for newer ideals.

In this phase, the body softness of the concerned images are clearly visible. The back-slab becomes more integrated and meaningful in respect of the image it holds. The simple division of the inner wall face of the back-slab wall has given place to a regular and definite scheme of ornament and design. The architectural motifs as well as the other figures are started appearing and it creating the beauty of the image. The depiction of simple architectural motifs in the Jain images indicating the beginning of temple activities in the area. The caurī-bearers are fully grown and much ornamented than the earlier. The simple śiraścakra gradually became decorated with different motifs and adorns the head of the savior. The miniature Tīrthaṅkaras also bears the similar type of body proportions like the main images. The pedestal of this group also became much ornamented and sometimes decorated with tiny figures of devotees in namaskāramudrā. The serpent coil of the Pārśvanātha images in this group become decorated and it visible behind the Jaina. In case of the Jain Tutelary Couple images, narrative stories are also minutely depicted and the romance and joy on the birth of a child has been fully reflected in the emotion they expressed. The hair dressing, particularly, the big hair bun closeted in the net of the fillet prominently projected on the shoulder, the jeweled ribbon on the forehead, the armlets and necklaces all accentuated the feeling of joy and ecstasy and a sensuous charm. In this group of Jain sculptures shows the sign of transformation towards hardening of concept of regional art tradition.

The final phase of art activities in this region clearly ushered in a new change, distinguished by a new elegance, poise and composition. This phase, from its early beginnings, shows a general tendency for elongation and spread out. The early vitality is still visible but in a restrained manner. The sensuousness is somewhat mellowed by the tense emotion and sensitive modelling: while the early heavier compactness, occasionally gives way to spacious composition. In place of stiff angularity which is not pronounced, there appears deep and pronounced curves in the modelling, producing a certain jolt and thrust. However, various art elements and traits also continue to appear in the modeling of these sculptures in this phase but artisans of this region molded this qualities and refinement their carving style which reflect as new edition in local art trend.

The volume of the body has been reduced in much slenderness and the formation of the body has attained a balance which is become free from the weight. However, the stylistic traits that echoed through these Jaina Tīrthaṅkara images are broadly characterized by their reduced nature of the traits of the period. The most conspicuous feature of the Jain figures is the emphasis placed on the vertical, accentuated by the slim figures, flatter chests, arms that are almost completely straight and the thickness of the legs hardly decreases towards the feet so that the sides are almost parallel. They show, no doubt, the spreading of bodily formation, but the vigour and tension is reduced. They frequently switch over to a soft, fleshy and loose body type with a certain lankiness of the legs. It is to be noted here that even in the later period in Jain art, the tension has always been softened and the rhythmic stance usually to be seen in the images of other pantheons, in this period, did not have the scope to play.

This series shares, as usual, the Tīrthaṅkara images standing strictly in erect postures with kāyotsarga mudrā, flanked by highly ornamented caurībearers while some miniature Tīrthaṅkara figures as family members are represented in single or in pairs on the projected shelves or surface of the back-slab. Some of the images show eight or nine Jyotiska-devas as well as Dikpālas in engraved in vertical rows of back-slab some time pedestal also. Some other sculptures show variation in the composition of side figures and additional elements are added to accentuate its spiritual content.

The changes not only reflected in the central figures, but also the outer facets of the back-slab may also be considered. In this phase of images, the simple inner division of the back-slab appears in greater number than the preceding phases. The projected decorative crossbar on the back-slab faces drawn as the line of architectural demarcation between the upper and lower part, coinciding with the division of the trunk of the image and the head; the head being placed on the aureole––oval, parabolic or circular in shape. The triangular motif on the two ends of the crossbar is also obviously present in almost all the intact sculptures of this group. This is indeed a regional decorative motif, usually to be seen exclusively in Rāḍha Bengal and south Bihar images. In some images, the Jina is shown as installed within shrine which is fronted by a trefoil arch and surmounted by a curvilinear śikhara of the nagara order and also elaborate back-slab represents a tiered elevation of a bhadra or piḍha-deul topped by an āmalaka. Probably, these decorative elements on the back-slab face had been used as the insignia of a particular region and as the meaningful canonical sanction for the images. These decorative elements indirectly indicate that it has some connection with the temple architecture activities of this area.

In this phase the organization of space of the parikaras was somehow congested due to the intrusion of some new elements and the principal protagonists are quite overwhelmed by the profusion of the parikara elements. The majority of the cauri-bearers in this phase has slim bodies and highly ornamented. The parasol-top is also ornamented and the treatment of the garland-bearers is quite outstanding. In some of the images two flower motifs (containing two leaves and a flower) are neatly carved as issuing out from the upper part of the śiraścakra on its either side. These motifs could be the stylized rendering of the caityavṛksa of the Tīrthaṅkara. This is also a new addition in this phase.

The pedestal portion is also elaborately carved in most of the images with floral motifs, kneeling devotees, crouching lions and ratnapātras heaped with offerings. In this phase, the style of snake-hood also changes and it reflected in the Pārśvanātha images of this phase. The mūla-nāyaka stands under the towering like seven-hooded snake canopy (this type snake hood not notice in earlier phases). The coil of the snake is shown on both the sides of the Jain as well as in the pedestal, which is also a new element. In this phase the pedestal of the Pārśvanātha images became quite unique. The central portion of the pedestal represents a nāga couple with their tails inter-coiled gracefully. The nāga couple has a snake canopy over their heads and they are wearing deeply incised loin cloth and elaborate jewellery. The nāga holds a water vessel while the nāgi plays on a musical instrument. This aspect is really unique and only depicted in the region of ancient Bengal. The nāga couple may be identified as Yakṣas Dharaṇendra Yakṣiṇīs Padmāvatī of Pārśvanātha.

In the present study area Yakṣa and Yakṣiṇī figures has not engraved along the mūla-nāyaka, however, in other Jain centre of the country this tradition always followed. During the present survey it is also noticed that in two cases Yakṣa and Yakṣiṇī figures are engraved in the pedestal of the Tīrthaṅkara images, i.e. the Ṛṣabhanātha image from Sitalpur and Punchra. Separate images of Yakṣiṇī Ambikā are discovered from the different parts of ancient Bengal. According to the Jain literature, she is the Yakṣiṇī of Tīrthaṅkara Neminātha, however in the pedestal of the Ṛṣabhanātha image from Sat Deuliya a female figure is carved. The image is identifying as the figure of Ambikā. She is holding a frolicking little child very realistically rendered (who is her younger son Prabhaṅkara according to Jain tradition) with her left hand. In her right arm she possibly holds the branch of a mango tree, unfortunately, this is broken now. A male attendant (who is her elder son Subhaṅkara according to Jain tradition) stands in cross legged posture to her right side. Not only the image of Yakṣiṇī Ambikā is depicted in the pedestal, but also a human figure is engraved who has seven hooded snake canopy over his head and holds an umbrella for protecting the lord with his two hands. This is probably the image of Dharaṇendra, the Yakṣa of the twenty-third Tīrthaṅkara Pārśvanātha. Representation of these two figures (Dharaṇendra & Ambikā) in the pedestal of the Ṛṣabhanātha image is very much unusual and obviously unparallel with the other Jain images of West Bengal as well as other parts of eastern India are concerned. Like the other Tīrthaṅkara images Ṛṣabhanātha has Yakṣa and Yakṣī known as Gomukha and Cakreśvarī. However, instated of Yakṣa Gomukha and Yakṣī Cakreśvarī here Yakṣa Dharaṇendra and Yakṣī Ambikā are present. These depictions show that Yakṣa Dharaṇendra and Yakṣī Ambikā had a special position of veneration in the society.

The minute study of the pedestal of the Jain images in this phase opening some new dimension of Jain art of ancient Bengal is concerned. The depiction of the devotees, in namaskāramudrā, is a common phenomenon in this phase, however, in two cases both are from the Pakbirra site, eight devotees or donors are carved in namaskāramudrā in the pedestal of the Jain images and these features are really interesting. This feature indicates that some cases all the family members were jointly involved to donate some Jain images i.e. ‘Family Donation’ and the site lead us to postulate that perhaps the Jain establishment at Pakbirra had grown in to a well known pilgrimage centre during the early medieval period. This depiction also indicates that Jainism was strongly penetrated in the local label of the Rāḍha region of ancient Bengal.

Another interesting aspect related to the pedestal of the Jain images is the presence of ācāryas motifs. In two cases i.e. Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha image from Ramkrishna Mission, Purulia and Candraprabha image from Tiluri, I found the presence of Jain ācāryas. The presence of ācāryas or monks in the Jain images is not a common feature in the present study area; however, this feature is widely popular in Deogarh region of Madhya Pradesh (Bruhn 1986: 189-187). The depiction of ācāryas and monks indicate that in and around these localities Jain monastic system had developed and Jainism had strongly penetrated the local level of the then society. In ancient Bengal, the presence of Saiva ācāryas as well as Buddhist monks was popularly well known and they acted as religious propagators. Jainism was also one of the popular religious ideologies in ancient Bengal during the early medieval period. The present discoveries highlight that the popularity of Jainism in ancient Bengal was dependent on the active role of the Jain ācāryas as well as the monks who played a pivotal role in dispersing the Jain teachings among the common people and thereby gaining new adherents to the religion and thus sustained it over a long period of time. All these associated elements fulfill the Jain images and marked as a developed phase of art activities.

During the course exploration in the zone I, II and III, I have noticed the memorial ground in the neighbourhood of Chharra, Palma, Lakhra, Tuisama, Sashandihi and others sites, which is an interesting feature in connection with the archaeological landscape of the study area. The erection of Hero-stones to commemorate martyrdom in battle-field has manifestation of a distinct Brahmanical affiliation. However, in this case the pillars were erected probably in the memory of Jain monks or any renowned person in the society belongs to the Jain community. From the above discussion, we may confidently claim that these sites enjoyed almost pilgrimage status under Jainism. Therefore, it will not be unwise for us to postulate that during the process of Brahminization of the area, Hero stones were deliberately installed at the location which was already a living practice among the Jain populace of the region. Thus, the practice may have been an attempt at the process of legitimization of the local lineage. These sites were till surviving during the medieval and late medieval periods.

It is generally observed that the caumukhas and aṣṭāpadatīrtha are generally regarded as votive offerings by the laity and the presence of a good number of caumukhas and aṣṭāpadatīrtha at different sites indicates the popularity of Jainism. The presence of such caumukhas at different sites in the present discourse leads us to postulate that perhaps the Jain establishment of these sites like Pakbirra, Chharra, Baramoshya, Sonadaha, Bahulara and others had grown into a pilgrimage centres during the early medieval period. These sites need scientific clearance and detailed investigation along with the other sites from where only caumukhas were recorded to understand the growth and development of Jain religious ideology in the different tract of ancient Bengal.

On the basis of the above discussion, it is clearly demonstrated that Jainism attained it zenith during the early medieval period in ancient Bengal and it may thus be inferred that all the prosperous Jain settlements in all zones of the study area, harboring temples and icons, were established along the cardinal routes of procurement network of different material including metal,^[3] minerals,^[4] and other forest products.^[5]

The works of S. K. Saraswati and D. R. Das are also suggestive of the fact (Saraswati, 1975: 261-276; Das, 1997:107-124). The existing knowledge about the routes associated with such network also suggests the movement of religious propagators mainly along the rivers of Ajay, Damodar, Kangsavati and the major settlements involved in the network are Boram, Chharra, Anaijambad, Ralibera, Palma, Pakbirra, Budhpur and Manbazar in the district of Purulia; Sarengarh, Rudra, Kechanda, Ambikanagar, Chitgiri, Raipur and Satpatta in the district of Bankura. To build up the theory of trade links, Beglar made endeavor to trace the “great old roads” which went from Tamluk to Patna and elsewhere,as we had occasion to discuss.

In one of his recent presentations, Gerd. Mevissen also discussed about the propagation of Jainism in North Bengal, i.e. the zone IV of the present study and he assumes that Jainism seems to have been fostered by Jain merchants trading along the ancient trade routes. According to him, “Varendra was located right at the junction of two major trade routes: the west-east route connecting the Ganges plains of U.P. and Bihar with the ancient kingdom of

Kāmarūpa in present-day Assam on the one hand, and on the other the southnorth route connecting the port cities along the coast of Bengal and Orissa with the Himalayan countries of Sikkim, Bhutan and Tibet. A closer look at the geographical features of the find-spots of the sculptures reveals that they are almost exclusively located along a distinct river system, which starts from the northern banks of the Ganga (Padma) river near the mouth of the Mahananda and then follows the Mahananda and Purṇabhaba rivers northwards up to Khansama. This seems to have been one of the major trade routes used by the Jain merchants”.

In this section I have tried to discuss about the various issues related to the Jainism in ancient Bengal. Though there are controversies about the origin of this religious ideology in early Bengal, however, some new arguments have been submitted in the foregoing chapters. Jainism flourished and survived in all four zones of the study area, though the zone I and III are the core area and plenty numbers of Jain antiquities were documented from these two regions. Actually, these two zones has the direct connection with the growth and development of Jainism in Orrissa, Jharkhand as well as South Bihar region and geophysically these undulating inaccessible lateritic tracts were most congenial for the existence Jain followers. During the early medieval period, Jainism was popular in these regions; on the other hand, Jainism had already flourished in zone IV quite earlier than other zones. The coastal area, i.e. zone II was also influenced by the penetration of Jainism by the 10^th century CE. The contribution of the traders was always accepted by previous scholars as a compulsory reason behind the popularity of Jainism in ancient Bengal. However, in the present work I have tried to highlight some newer issues related to the genesis and spread of Jainism.

Jainism started to decline in Bengal probably in consequence of the increasing popularity of Caitanyite Vaiṣṇavism. One after another, the flourishing Jain centers began to be deserted, some of them converted to centres of Brahmanical ideology. Left to themselves, temples at these sites entered a process of disintegration and in course of time most of them collapsed. A few precariously surviving temples will also disappear unless anything is done for their conservation. Still some are extent in endanger stage of preservation and the successful implementation of various way of conservation process will not only protect such remarkable Jain heritage centre but also exhibits some glorious history of this religious ideology.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

In this context it will be relevant to cite the work of Dilip. K. Chakrabarti on Pakbira, a Jain Site in Purulia District, West Bengal (1987:356). In his work he mentioned that “the hilly section in the western part of the district shows as abundance of lithic remains, particularly microliths………But there is not apparently a single “protohistoric” or early historic site in the entire region…..In reality it is these medieval remains which constitute the first easily discernible historic horizon in the area. From this point of view the primarily Jain builders of these monuments may be said to have penetrated an area which was still essentially “prehistoric” in its cultural character”.

[2]:

This art tradition though evolved in this region however, it has similarity with other centers which spread over a wide area and in this connection we may recall the Beglar (1878: 48-51) suggestion that this part of western Bengal had a long established connection with various part of Bihar and Orissa and the region stretching, perhaps, further north and western India.

[3]:

Different types of metal ores are presently available in the Chhotanagpur plateau area and these hugs resource may also exist in that time also. Among the different metal ores the copper was one of the most important resources to be procured from here. Thus the local population mined copper, gave it in raw form (or ingot?) to the traders and these traders in turn probably sold them to artisans who were making bronze images for which copper is an important component.

[4]:

Various types of minerals were also widely distributive in the different pockets of this Chhotanagpur plateau area and the traders were very much aware about this.

[5]:

These forests were major source for timber, pole, small wood, firewood and medicinal plants. Even in the present scenario 100 species of medicinal plants occur in this ecosystem. Plants like Aswagandha (Withania somnifera), Satmuli (Asparagus racemosus Willd), and Bhringraj (Eclipta prostrata) are few of them. Amla (Phyllanthus emblica), Bahera (Terminalia bellirica), Karanj (Millettia pinnata), Neem (Azadirachta indica), Sal (Shorea robusta) seeds, Bamboo (Bambusa tulda), Kendu (Diospyros melanoxylon) leaves are major Non-Timber Forest Produce found in this Division. Another important plant of this region which could have an economic value was Mahua (Madhuca longifolia). They have multifaceted used and should not be identified only with liquor. During the making of oil from Mahua fruits, a typical type of wax is produced that is also used for several household purposes (such as mosquito repellant coil, pain balm etc) by tribal forest dwellers. In this context we may recall the Balgudar pedestal inscription dated to the reign of the Pāla monarch Dharmapāla refers to the installation of an image at Krimilā by a lady named Ajhuka, wife of Sālo. The inscription contained a term called madhuśreṇika, which has been generally taken to represent the god whose image was installed at the adhiṣṭhāna of Krimilā. But as early as 1960, K.C. Panigrahi suggested that the term madhuśreṇika was in fact used as the adjective of the donor’s husband Sālo (Panigrahi 1960). More recently Gouriswar Bhattacharya has more positively argued on the basis of composition of the text and circumstantial evidences that the term was a simple adjective of Sālo, who was a “wine distiller by profession” (Bhattacharya 2015: 155-8). Archaeologically also, the extensive forested tracts to the north of the Southwestern Delta has provided regular evidences of growth of human settlements from the protohistoric to the early medieval periods, with precise archaeological evidence of “distillation apparatus datable to the early medieval period from the site of Uren” (Chattopadhyay and Sanyal 2008: 247-280). On the basis of epigraphic and archaeological sources, we have precise indications that forest resources of this region fostered the genesis of some occupational specialists who exclusively depended on these resources not only for bare livelihood, but also in patronizing installation of images for fetching spiritual merit.