Indian influences in the Philippines
by Juan R. Francisco | 1965 | 117,331 words
This essay explores Indian cultural influences on the Philippines, focusing on language and literature. It aims to fill a largely unexplored gap in this area, addressing the misinterpretations from previous studies that lacked tangible evidence. The first part examines Sanskrit loanwords in Philippine languages and their cultural impact, while the ...
Sanskrit terms related to Arts in Filipino language
[Full title: Classification of Sanskrit loan-words in the Philippine languages pertaining to man and his works (10): Terms relating to Arts]
1.391. The Fine Arts. That the ancient Filipinos were a music-loving people is borne out by the testimony of writers who wrote of ancient Philippines. Moreover, the evidence of language, though doubtful in some cases, shows their knowledge of 189 and love for the art. the first European Pigafetta, 1890 p. cit., in The Philippine Islands, xxxiii, p. 149. Vide also, Pinkerton, xi, p. 337-338.
-96 who made reference to the music abilities of the inhabitants in 1521, wrote, "...the prince of Zubu (Cebu)... conducted us to his own house, where we found four girls playing on music after their manner: one was beating on a drum similar to our own, but placed on the ground; another had two kettle drums beside her, and in each hand a small drum stick, the end of it armed with cloth made of the palm, with which she struck first and then the other; the third was beating in the same manner a large kettle drum, and the fourth held in her hands two small cymbals, which she alternately struck one against the other and which rendered an extremely pleasing sound. They all of them kept such excellent time, that we conceived them to possess great knowledge of music..." Note the two small cymbals which may be comparable to the Indian cymbals used for keeping time or beat in any music performance. It is interesting to note that the notices on ancient Philippines earlier than Pigafetta made no references to the musical aptitudes of the early Filipinos. However, as the Spanish colonization gained more foothold and security in the Islands, notices on the culture of the people became more profuse.
-97 Fray Chirino 190 wrote that the early Filipinos were much given to musical practice. They have a guitar, called cutyapi, 191 which though not very rich in tone according to this priest-writer was very pleasing. They play it with such vivacity and skill that they seem to make human voices issue from its four metallic cords. 192 "By merely playing this instrument they can, without opening their lips, communicate with one another, and make themselves perfectly understood. "193 With the exception of Pablo Pastell's notice which specifies a definite ethnic group that uses the musical instrument (vide fn. 191), all the other notices mention no definite ethno-linguistic source. In the next paragraphs, therefore, the probable diffusion of the instrument in the various linguistic groups of the Islands will be surveyed. Tagalog kudyapi, var. koryapi (and kodyapi 194), could possibly be the corvapi of Colin (fn. 191). Bisaya kodyapi 190 The Philippine Islands, xii, p. 241. 191 cf. Diego de Bobadilla, "Relation of the Philippines" in The Philippine Islands, xxix, p. 290 - cutiape; Colin in The Philippine Islands, xl, p. 68 coryapi; Fr. Pablo Pastells, Letter to Prov. Juan Cappel, S.J., in The Philippine Islands, xliii, p. 181'- Tiruray, tiape (kutiane). 192 Gr. Colin, loc. cit. He records that the strings of this guitar are made of copper, which are two or more in number. 193 cf. again, Colin, loc. cit. "They play it, with a quill with great liveliness and skill. It is a fact that by playing it alone, they carry on a conversation and make themselves understood whatever they wish to say." 194 Tavera.
-98- (var. kotsapi 195), 195), Iloko kodiapi, and Bikol kudyape apparently are not reflected in the Notices that were cited above; neither do they have variants to show diffusion in the various other groups. But, Maranao kotiani is comparable to the cutiane of Bobadilla, the cutlapi of Chirino, and the Tiruray tiape (Maranao kotiapi is the source of the Tiruray. South Mangyan has kudyapi, like Tagalog All these mean "lute, or guitar, or any stringed instrument", which may derive from Sanskrit Kacchapi, "lute" via Javanese Kacchapi, "id." ( > Borneo, kechapi, Toba Batak kulchapi, hasapi, So. Celebes kachapi, and Mindanao, kuchapi 196). The Javanese kacchapi is box-like, while that of the Philippines has the same 197 shape as the Indian. J. Kunst 198 disputes the assumption that the term kacchapi which has been derived from the species of torKern-2, p. 283. 196 J. Kunst, Music in Java, i, p. 371. Dr. Kunst cites the Mindanao term from the Philippine Magazine, xxxvi, July 1939. Cf. the orthography cited by him with Maranao kotiapi, that is found in the Maranao-English Dictionary which is used in this thesis. 197 Malay kechapi, "a specie of lute or lyre with four cords" Sundanese kachapi, Batak husapi, Dayak kosapi. The Philippine(s) kacchapi is not like the Indonesian kacchapf which is boxlike; on the other hand, it is like the Indian as seen in old sculpture and painting. This may be cited as an evidence of the Indian influence not having always been through Indonesia. 1981 bid.
-99 toise of the same name whose carapace originally served as resonator. from He writes, further, that the name does not actually derive the reptile's name, instead from the tree named kachapi, "Cedrela toona", whose wood is used by the Indians to make the instrument, and whose name was given to the Indonesian forms. The argument advanced by him appears cogent, but unimportant. What is significant is that, though the Indians derived the name kacchapi, "lute"< kacchapa, "tortoise", whose carapace served as a resonator, the instrument got its name from the shape of the tortoise when its neck is extended, and this is vividly represented 199 in the various sculptures and paintings in Indian art. Probably connected with string instruments is Tagalog bidya, which is rendered by Pardo de Tavera as "the finger board of a guitar" (but, of. its more significant meaning, "the fret or stop of a string instrument"). He derives 199 The antiquity of the Indian instrument is attested by archaeology as it can be seen in the Chalukyan art of the 10 th century at Pattadakal (Mallikarjuna Pillar Sculpture, Pattadakal, in H. Cousens, "The Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts", Archaeological Survey of India, xliii, plate 48). The instrument has a round body and a rather long arm, which nevertheless show an exact resemblance to the tortoise with its head and neck stretched out (kacchapa kacchapi). Late developments are also citable. Vide E. B. Havell, Indian Sculpture and Painting, plate 68. Curt Sachs, Die Musikinstrumente Indiens und Indonesiens, plate 85.
-100 this word from Sanskrit vedhya, "to penetrate, to fix, to play". Of., however, Sanskrit vadya, "to be sounded or played (as a musical instrument"). This seems to be a more probable source than that suggested by Pardo de Tavera. Other musical instruments, whose names are Sanskrit , So. but are not mentioned in the notices of the Spanish priests, are found in the lexicons: Tagalog and South Mangyan bangsi, bansi, "flute" < Sanskrit Vamsi, "id." (Malay bangsi, "id."); Mang. songgo Sanskrit Sankha, "shell, conch, the horn of Visnu". The derivation seems doubtful for there are no intermediate forms. Iloko gansa, Igorot kangkangsa, "a gong of brass plate," Tagalog gangsa, var. ganza, gansa, "a brass gong the handle of which is hooked to the belt of the man' trousers and is beaten with the palm of the hands" <Sanskrit kansya, "a sort of a gong or plate of bell metal struck with a stick or rod". The word is found in Javanese and Malay = as gangsa, "a copper or brass gong". 200 The last mentioned instrument is most popular among the non-Christian peoples in North Luzon, They are played 200 Kunst, op. cit., parts copper (tembaga) to bronze. p. 136. 136. It is "an alloy of 10 parts of tin (reiasa), i.e.,
-101 in various ways. The Negritos 201 lay the gansa on their knees while it is played or beaten with the hand. Among the Kalingas, dance music is ordinarily furnished by a battery of four or more gansas played energetically and skillfully by men who beat them with their hands. 202 While the Bontoc Igorots use flutes (bangsi?) in playing music like the Kalingas beside gangsa, the latter instrument is by far the most important musical instrument. It is made of copper or brass, which is suspended from a handle "which the oretically should be and practically often is the jawbone of an enemy killed in battle." 203 It is neither beaten with the hand nor with a piece of stick, but with a "well fashioned skin-covered drum stick". A short stick or a slat of bamboo is used by the Lepanto-Benguet Igorots 204 Dance music is furnished by in playing the gansa. gansas among the Tinggians. 205 The Ifugaos of Kiangan also use gansas in their musical performances. 206 201 Dean C. Worcester, "The Non-Christian Tribes of North Luzon", Philippine Journal of Science, 1, 8, p. 809. Cf. Vanoverbergh, in Anthropos, xx, p. 405.' 202 Ibid. 203 Ibid. 204 Ibid. 205 Ibid. Also Cole in Field Museum of Natural History, publ. 209, xiv, p. 440. 206 Juan Villaverde, "The Ifugaos of Kiangan and Vicinity," Philippine Journal of Science, iv, 4, p. 250.
-102 The gangsa also finds its place in the songs of these non-Christian peoples. A few extracts from the songs of the Lepanto Igorots 207 may be cited. X X X X Angey adi ay sia! Ipaytokmo san gansa Ta baliwak san anawa X X X X No umeyka san num-a Et gangansaem san loa Let it be sol Throw down the gangsa after And I shall look after the larger field 208 When you go to the field You use the loa-basket as a 209 gangsa. The foregoing extracts show that the gangsa is either discarded at work or it is substituted by a kind of basket, i.e., the loa. In the Swinging Songs of the same Non-Christian group, the musical instrument is described as beautiful, its tone fine, and seems to cause love to flow from the hearts 210 of the youth. 207 M. Vanoverbergh, "Songs of the Lepanto Igorot as it is spoken at Bauco", Anthropos, xiv-xv; svi-xvii & xxiii. Translation by Vanoverbergh) 208 Band xiv-xv, p. 800, Daing 3. 209 Band xvi-xvii, p. 25, Daing 17. 210 Band xxiii, p. 672-673, Vv. 43-48.
-103 X X X X Tantanadek ed daya men-at annek din gansa Ta eyak kad pumapa Ay Kaegiat san gansa X X X X 211 Magmagsa ya magmagsa Din bayukyuk di gansa Et dagusda magka. X X X X I look up at the sky Let me beat that gangsa The gangsa rings That very fine one. It cracks, it cracks, The beautiful gangsa And they fall very much in love though. 212 Dean C. Worcester believes that the gangsa, which is the principal instrument of the Northern Luzon peoples, is imported from China. Whether such an importation is historical it is a moot question. It is worth noticing here that this "copper timbrel" was not imported from China. It is nevertheless not without probability that it may have been a Chinese ware, but whose name was borrowed from another language than Chinese, perhaps in analogy with another instrument similar to it. Against these surmise, however, it will be recalled (fn. 200, p.100) that the Javanese gangsa (Malay gangsa, "bronze bell-metal") is made of an alloy of ten parts of copper (tembaga Prakrit tembaga, "brass, copper "213) to three parts of tin (rejasa 211 Band xxiii, p. 674-675, Vv. 52-60. 212 Loc. cit. 213 Verspreide Geschriften, x, P. 151.
-104- Sanskrit rajasa, "a kind of bronze"). J. Gonda 214 cites J. Ph. van Ronkel 215 to be of the opinion that Tamil may have played a role in transmitting tembaga. The instrument was imported from India via Java, and its name borrowed from an Indian origin. It may not be ill-considered to include with the terms relating to music two words which seem significant. Sulu suala, "voice", appears to be related to vocal music. Maranao has suara which refers to "heavenly voice" though it may refer to "a melodious haunting spirit-elevating voice". No doubt, the word is borrowed from Sanskrit , svara, "voice" via Malay suwara, suara, "id. #216 The other word which may have been derived from Sanskrit is dhuni, "noise, sound, roar of the river" or dhvani, "echo, voice, tone, tune" Tagalog huni has "voice" for one of its meanings, and "chirping of the birds" for another, like Bikol huni, South Mangyan uni, "song of a bird or insect" also shows a possible affinity with music. But, cf. Bisaya honi, Maranao oni, Iloko and Dibabaon Mandaya uni, "voice, cry, sound", Whether terms relating to painting were introduced in the Philippine(s) vocabulary, it is difficult to prove. For no 2140 p. cit., p. 70, fn. 13. 215 In Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap, xvi, 1902, p. 105. 216 Javanese suwara, Batak sowara, Makassar sara, bersorak, Sundanese and Dayak sorak.
-105 Maranao pre-hispanic paintings are known, and no such art appears to have been executed by the early Filipinos, it is with caution that terms relating to the art will be cited. warna, "colour" Tagalog walna, "roof of different colours (T)"); and Bisaya Samala, "dark shade of amber" <Sanskrit 217 Syamala, Syamala, "dark, gloom", may suggest an artistic orientation. It is also within probable limits that Sulu chahia, "bright, shining" (var. wai chahia, "tarnished") and Igorot chaia, prob. obs., "shadow, shade" (also "sky, heaven" <Sanskrit chaya, "shading or blending of colours, play of light colours, luster", may be related to art. Of the vocabulary of literary art, two words are very significant. Tagalog katha, "story" and Sulu kata-kata, 218 "fable, narrative" (cf. South Mangyan kat-ha, "made, finished") <Sanskrit katha, "tale, story, fable" (Malay kata-kata, "report, etc.") may show a definite literary meaning. The other term is Sanskrit carita, "adventures, story, tale" which develops to Tagalog salita, "story, event", according to Tavera; and Iloko sarita, "word, narrative, tale, etc." Cf. South Mangyan salita, "sobbing" and salit-on, "utterKern-2, p. 286. 218 Mal, chahaya, Sundanese chahaya, Makassar chaya, Javanese chaya, "a beautiful figure".
ance". 219 -106- 1.392. PRACTICAL AND MECHANICAL ARTS. Sanskrit pandita, "learned, wise, etc.", as it is naturalized in the Philippine(s) languages has a widely diffused usage. Furthermore, it perhaps stands out as the only term applicable to all the practical and mechanical arts in the Archipelago. In Tagalog, it is panday, "blacksmith or any other metal smith". Iloko and Bisaya panday has the same function as the Tagalog, although Bisaya has another practical function of the "artist", that is being a "mason". Dibabaon Mandaya and Pangasinan have panday, but he becomes a "carpenter". South Mangyan panday shows two meanings: (1) "smith, smithing, black", forging", and (2) "manufacture, construction, making of an object". Sulu has pandei, which aside from its meanings similar to those cited above, is made a member of a compound, e.g., pandei batu, "stone mason" (batu, "stone"), and in a very specialized sense, like Tagbanua panday, means "midwife" 220 The labour of the loom was not unknown to the Filipinos. The art of manufacturing cloth from cotton (Iloko 219 Lit. Javanese vicarita, "knowing many tales" Malay pandey, pandei, Javanese, Sundanese, Batak pande, "learned, wise.
-107 kapas, Tagbanua gapas, "cotton", vide § 1.21) may have been acquired from the Indians, who may have introduced it to the inhabitants of the Indonesian archipelago during the Hindu period of its history. John Crawfurd 221 writes of the art among the Indonesians of early times "the loom of the Indian Islanders varies essentially from that of the Hindus, but the rollers for separating the cotton from the seed, and the spinning wheel are exactly the same. The latter as well as the materials of manufacture are known by two Sanskrit names... jantra, and kapas. Jantra... is the parent language of the common term for machinery. How humble must have been the state of the mechanic arts among the Indian Islanders, when their instructors bestowed such a name upon one of the earliest of all mechanic inventions!" Javanese jantra is certainly Sanskrit yantra, "mechanism, mechanical contrivance", which may be Tagalog gantala, "spinning wheel (T)". 222 Relative to the labour of the loom is the silk art, which may have been introduced by 221 History of the Indian Archipelago, 1, p. 177-178. 222 cf. Malay gentala, lit. & ar. "magic car of romance" jentera, "spinning wheel", jantra (Favre), "a wheel, machine'
-108 the Indian traders or settlers. 223 The products that may have been manufactured by the pandei or panday are Iloko tanikala, "golden chain", Tagalog talikala, var. tanikala, and Bisaya talikala, "chain, bond", that may be Sanskrit arnkhala, "fetter, chain", according to Pardo de Tavera and H. Kern. But Iloko tanikala (which is similar to the var. of Tagalog and appears to be an older form) suggests that it may have developed from the compounding of two words: Sanskrit tanka, "gold" and srukhala, "chain." A lock-smith's piece of work is Tagalog kunsi, "bolt, latch", Maranao gonsi, "key", gonsi-an, "lock", Magindanao kunsi, "lock", and Tagabili kunsi, "key", Tagbanua gunsi < Sanskrit kunci (ka), "key". This word is proved to be a borrowing from Sanskrit via Malay kunchi, "key-hole, lock" (kunci, Favre). It is probable that a "lock-smith" is called pandei or panday. 223 cf. Crawfurd, op. cit., p. 181-182. "The Indian Islanders... were taught the use of silk by the Hindus, for the commodity both in its raw and manufactured state is called by every tribe that knows its use by the one name of sutra, which is the pure Sanskrit name for the commodity..." F. Jagor (Travels in the Philippines, p. 292) thinks that the silk manufactured in Manila was of Chinese origin. This is very doubtful. As far as the present research has gone, it may be assumed that the commodity is an Indian introduction, since philologically there is a proof that is still upheld by Oriental scholars.
-109 It is also certain that the panday forged the Tagalog dupa-an ( Sanskrit dhupa (Malay dupa). Cf. Tagalog dupa-an with Javanese pa-dupa-nga, "incensor". Two words are carpenter's tools, Maranao garogadi, Tagbanua garogadi, "file, a tool for cutting", Sulu gaugari, Tagalog lagari, Iloko ragadi, Tagbanua & Bikol lagadi, Igorot lakachi, and Tagabili legadi, "the carpenter's saw" Sanskrit krakaca, "a saw". Could this word for the carpenter's tool have been borrowed through ?Mal gergaji, garagaji (Favre)? (Cf. Javanese garii, gorgail, Makassar & Batak gargaji). The other tool having a borrowed name is Iloko & Tagalog palakol, Bisaya pakol, "axe" Sanskrit parasu "id. (T)". Of., however, the Phil.forms with Old Javanese parkola, 224, "an axe, hatchet". The finished product that comes out of the carpenter's shop is Iloko palangke, "chair, couch" <Sanskrit paryanka, palyanka, "couch, litter, palanquin"." Three products that come from the weaver's shop have names that may be traced to an Indian origin. Iloko & So. 224 Cf. Sanskrit kola, "weapon" (L) which may be the ancestor of Javanese parkola (with prefix par-?). Vide § 2.27, infra. 225 cr. Malay pelankin, pelanki, "four-wheeled carriage", Javanese pelanki, "palanquin", Oriya, palanka, "bed", Ardha Magadhi pa- 1 lanka, "bedstead".
Mang. supot, "bag, pouch, purse, sack" Sanskrit samputa, "bowl, casket, case for jewels".226 Iloko, Pangasinan & Maranao pitaka, "bag, woman's case, pocket-book, wallet", Igorot pitek, "match box, box" <Sanskrit petika, pitaka, "little basket" 227 The third product is Bisaya bitana, "fish net" <Sanskrit vitana, "spreading, expansion, fig., a net" (< vi/ Ytan, "to spread, to stretch as a net or snare"). Cf. this word with Tagalog dala, "cast net" <Sanskrit jala, "net" (Malay jala, "a fish net", Sundanese, Batak, Makassar & Dayak jala), and Tagalog bitag, "snare, trap" and Tagbanua laya, "casting net".
