Chapter 6 - Summaries and Conclusions

6.1. The enrichment of the Philippine languages is apparently due to the introduction of Sanskrit via the intervening languages - Malay and Javanese. On the basis of an extensive phonetico-semantic analysis of all words discovered in the Philippine languages, which are conjectured to be foreign and deriving from Sanskrit (and in isolated cases, from Tamil), in comparison with those found in Javanese and Malay, the Philippine words are proved beyond doubt to have their origins in Sanskrit. In some cases, there are found Philippine words that are certainly Sanskritic in origin, but they do not have cognate forms in the intermediate languages. A search for them in native Malayo-Polynesian or Indonesian has not borne fruit. They may be direct introductions from India, but this seems improbable for it has been already admitted that Indian elements in Philippine culture have been carried into the Islands via the intervention of the Malay and Indonesian regions. The absence in Indonesian dictionaries is perhaps due to the fact that many Indonesian texts are yet to be edited. There are, moreover, cases in the phonetic structure of the Philippine forms that proved difficult to identify -460-

-461 for their forms in the intervening languages are also mutilated, or there are no forms at all in these latter languages for verification. However, the Sanskrit words are, on the whole, easily recognized; the stages of their migration and development from their original home, through the intervening regions, to their final destination in the Islands can easily be traced. Although the Sanskrit words had to adapt themselves to the phonetic laws of the Malayo-Polynesian languages, they still retain their native peculiarities anterior to their adaptation. There is, furthermore, the sematic evidence to prove the Sanskrit origin of these words. 6.11. Most of the Sanskrit loan-words are common to all the major Philippine languages treated in this thesis; their phonetic structure show a common development. In semantic development, however, they tend to manifest various shades of weakening or strengthening, etc. The Sanskrit loan-words certainly in most cases had been introduced in the other languages of the Islands by the intervention of a language or languages that had received these loan-words earlier. For instance, Sulu and Maranao which are the most proximate languages to Javanese and Malay may preponderate in their role in the spread of Sanskrit loanwords in the Archipelago, more than perhaps Tagalog or

-462 Bisaya. It is, nevertheless, certain that Tagalog may have contributed the largest number of Sanskrit elements to the other Luzon languages, although there are found words in Iloko, e.g., rupa, lanza, turay, sapata, and in Bikol, e.g., ranga, himsa, that are not found in Tagalog. It also appears that these two languages received words without the intervention of other Philippine languages, but with that of Javanese and Malay. Similarly, Tagalog and Bisaya do not have much in common, which also show that their receipt of Sanskrit words may have occured in different times and under different circumstances, via different intermediate routes. Magindanaw, Maranaw and Sulu show elements more common to each other than there are between these and Tagalog, Bisaya, Bikol or Iloko. The elements in the other languages, e.g., Pampanga, Pangasinan, South Mangyan, and the tribal dialects appear to have been introduced via the intervention of the major languages proximate or contiguous to them. The place names show peculiar sources of origin, which may better be left for future research to explain. With the aid of botanical and zoological verifications, some names of the flora and fauna of the Islands may be shown to be Sanskritic in origin. 6.12. The role played by the Indian elements in the

-463 cultural development of the Islands from time immemorial is significant, if judged primarily on the basis of language - the influence of Sanskrit upon the languages of the early Filipinos. Sanskrit wielded a force upon all aspects of life, whose assessment poses no difficulty. The use of Sanskrit words to express practically all the basic religious ideas suggests the influence of Hindu systems of religious worship, rituals, etc. It, furthermore, suggests that the Hindu systems of thought have considerably influenced the operations of the Filipino mind and conscience. It appears to prove the theory that postulates the introduction of Brahmanical learning into the Islands, with Manila as its centre, and Sanskrit, the language of Brahmanic religion and philosophy.1 However, the adoption of Sanskrit words expressing certain religious ideas does not prove that Indian thought along the lines of the various systems of philosophy was cultivated in the Islands in early times. What is certain is that the early Filipinos did not have in their own languages, in pre-hispanic period, native words to express re- -Vide Fletcher Gardner, and Ildefonso Maliwanag, Indic Writings of the Mindoro-Palawan Axis. San Antonio, Texas, 1939-1941. 3 vols. Fletcher Gardner, Philippine Indie Studies. San Antonio, Texas, 1943. Vide also A. L. Kroeber, Peoples of the Philippines. New York, 1928.

-464 ligious ideas, words to name their supreme deity, idols, etc. They did not have expressions that describe the operation of the human mind - conscience, its nature, and the like. In some cases, native words are found to be used side by side with the Sanskrit loan-words. This may suggest the existence of native Philippine words to express ideas relating to religious thought and philosophy. But, it does not show conclusive proofs to that effect due to the rather more predominant usage of Sanskrit loan-words. Furthermore, this may also suggest that the native words may have existed anterior to the introduction of Sanskrit, but that they may have been replaced by words more expressive like the Sanskrit loan-words. Regarding the Sanskrit loan-words in the vocabulary of early Philippine social structure, government administrative practices, including titles and honorifics, their introduction also suggests that Indian systems may have been employed in the Islands. Similarly, the names applied to art suggests a development of artistic aptitudes of the early Filipinos along the lines of Indian aesthetics. Concerning the other groups of words introduced in the Islands, a similar Hindu influence may be postulated. But, all these loan-words make only a meagre number and will

-465 not suffice to prove the theory of Fletcher Gardner that the Hindus had been present in the Philippines "in person", at least among the Tagalogs, and filled the principal positions of power and prestige 2 On the basis of the comparatively greater number of Sanskrit loan-words found under the groups God, Religion, etc. (§ 1.33) and Operation of the Mind, Conscience, etc. (§ 1.324), and the comparatively meagre number found in the other groups, it may safely be said that the Hindu influences related more to fields of religion and culture than to others, and if there were in the Islands groups of Hindus actually residing, they should have belonged to the groups that were more concerned with sacerdotal activities rather than the secular. The fair inference that may safely be drawn from the introduction of Sanskrit loan-words is that the early Filipinos did not have adequate vocabulary to express all these intellectual acts, moral conceptions, emotions (joy, sorrow, etc.), beliefs, etc. In those few cases where there are native words to express such acts, conceptions, 2 cf. Kroeber, ibid., p. 214. T. H. Pardo de Tavera (in El Sanscrito en la Lengua Tagalog, Paris, 1887) also advanced the theory that the "Hindus were present in the Philippines in person," and that they occupied the principal positions in the government of the early Filipinos.

-466 etc., the borrowing of words from Sanskrit for the same ideas may have been due to the same reasons surrounding the usage of Greek, Latin or French words in modern speech to show one's learning and intellectual status. The introduction of the names of plants and plant products may have come along with the introduction of these florae. The names of the faunae may have been introduced also along with the introduction of the animals. However, the name of the elephant, Sanskrit gaia >Tagalog, Bisaya gadva, Iloko gadia, does not necessarily imply the introduction of the mastodon in the Islands, for the animal is not found among the fauna of the Islands. The animal may have been known in Sulu (Sulu gaiah) for there is a reference in the Notices of J. H. Moor that Sulu was the only place in the Archipelago where the elephant was bred. 3 Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries, Appendix I, p. 38. A corroborating evidence may be found in The History of Sulu, p. 159 (from the Sulu Lontar (Annals)):- "Five years after Raja Baginda's arrival at Sulu the Raja of Java sent a messenger to Sulu with a present of wild elephants. The messenger's name was Jaya. He died at Ansang, and two elephants only arrived at Sulu". Archaeology has revealed that the elephant inhabited the Philippine Islands in Pleistocene times. But, it must be understood that the fauna, then, may have been known by another name. Vide G.H.R. von Koenigswald, "Fossil Mammals From the Philippines," Proceedings of the Eighth Pacific Science Congress and the Fourth Far Eastern Pre-History Congress, Part I, 2 nd Fascicle, Section I (University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, 1956), p. 339-369. Also H. O. Beyer, New Finds of Fossil Mammals from the

-467 Insects, whose names are Sanskrit, are not likely to have been introduced by the "Indianized settlers". They may be native, and may have received their names by the intervention of these "settlers", 6.13. The phonetic development of the Sanskrit loanwords in the Philippines follows the phonetic laws of the Island languages. Sanskrit sounds are simplified in the Philippine languages owing to their simple phonetic systems. The unaspirated gutturals, palatals, dentals and labials almost always retain their sound structure, but in some cases the qualities of these sounds interchange with each other in their development in the Philippine languages, i.e., the tenuis and the media interchange. The aspirates almost always lose the h. But where it is retained, it no longer forms part of the syllable (with the inherent a or other vowels), but it either becomes part of a separate syllable or a svarabhakti vowel appears between it and the phoneme to which it was originally related. In some cases it is entirely lost or it undergoes metathesis. Cerebrals invariably become dentals. The palatals show a change which usually tend to dentalization with certain modified Pleistocene Strata of the Philippines (National Research Council of the Philippines, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, 1956, 23 pp.).

* -468 sound values. The palatal & shows a peculiar development. The Philippine(s) s appears to be dental, but it appears to have the value of a palatal or quasi-palatal. If it is so, the Sanskrit palatal & would not show any change in the Philippine languages. Malay like Javanese dentalizes the palatal sound. The cerebral is also dentalized, while the p.p other spirant, Sanskrit 1 (:) as in Sanskrit duhkha, is lost in the Philippine languages, which loss is already met with in Malay and Javanese. The nasals - palatals and cerebrals - almost invariably develop into dental in the Philippine languages, although the guttural nasal is retained in Sanskrit linga > Philippine(s) lingaven. But it shows a "soft" (velar nasal) development in Sanskrit linga >Iloko langa. The labial nasal retains its original value. The anusvara shows a labial nasal development. The vowels. The Sanskrit a invariably retains its value in the Philippine languages with the exception of the Sulu which, in some cases, gives a long value. In dissyllabic, sometimes polysyllabic, loan-words the a-penSans. cch>Bisaya ts :: Tagalog dy, Iloko di :: Maranao ti in kacchapl; Sanskrit >Tagalog d-initial, but dy, Iloko diinter-vocalic in jagr>daga, gaja > gadya, gadia :: Sulu gajah.

-469 ultima is accented which to all appearances shows a long value; in the ultima position when accented shows a quasivisarga quality. Moreover, in the ultima position it may either be unaccented (\) or accented (^) glottal stop. languages. The Sanskrit i and u in similar positions show the same development as Sanskrit a in the Philippines. Sanskrit a, I, u lose their long value in the Philippine(s) languages, except in some cases where Sulu retains this. Losing this long value, they undergo similar developments as a, 1, and u. Sanskrit E shows various developments in the Island The accented development of r in Iloko sara and sari and Tagalog dalita (Sanskrit or and dhrta) has the value of its vrddhi form - ar ( 3/4). The ir or il (ri and 11) developments of the I shows the i to be an influence of the gloss of the * ( <ri, re, re) in phonetic articulation. Moreover, the i shows the function of a svarabhakti vowel in either positions:- pre- or post-lingual or liquid. The y-development of (Sanskrit pariprsta > Tagalog & South Mangyan alipusta) is difficult to explain. In Prakrt, we have Sanskrit I becoming u, e.g. sabha > usaha, and vrsabha >vusaha. But Sanskrit in raya Malay rusa may provide an explanation. Here, there is another gloss of the r in ru³ where it becomes a pure lingual, which, however, 4 Is a confounding of the u and the pepet in Malay apparent? Cf. Winstedt, Malay Grammar, p. 29.

-470 disappears in the Philippine forms of the word:- use, ugsa, etc. Similarly, the lingual disappears in alipusta (<? aliprusta, which seems likely). The semi-vowels y and y. In many cases, the Sanskrit semi-vowel y is retained in the Philippines. It reverts to its vocalic form in some cases by the influence of the intervening form. Sometimes, it takes a svarabhakti vowel. In a few cases, it is lost. The y shows another development gantala. I>i>g in Sanskrit yantra > Javanese jantra > Tagalog The absence of the semi-vowel y in the phonetic systems of the Philippine languages rendered the change of the Sanskrit ▾ to Philippine(s) b in its common development. In some cases, it is found to be w. In few cases, d, g, sh(s). In an isolated case, it reverts to its vocalic value, u. The r<>l-change is comparable to that which exists in the Vedic sound system, which has been termed as rhotacism. In the Philippine languages, it is the reverse of the Vedic tendency. The Sanskrit I tends to become 1. Side by side with this common tendency is the retention of the I as seen in Maranaw. Sulu interchanges the two. The RLD Law in the Philippine languages also has, in a few cases, to do with the <>l-change, although it does not show any

-471 widespread influence upon the loan-words, in general. No further conclusions may be drawn in regard to the development of the diphthongs, for there are only two examples of this phonetic change. 6.14. Side by side with the phonetic change is the shift of meaning. The change is already observable in the intervening languages. The names of the flora and fauna, nevertheless, show no change, like some words relating to religion and superstitions. Various processes of semantic change claim a place in the meaning shift of Sanskrit loan-words in the Philippines. The Philippine languages adopting Sanskrit words have the predeliction of choosing the primary or secondary meanings of the borrowed word in its original home. Perhaps, corollary to this primary<>secondary change is the narrowing-widening phenomenon. Frequently, the particularization or expansion occurs after the process of borrowing has already taken place. Some cases in the latter instance have already their developments in the intervening languages. The most interesting semantic change that occurs in the borrowing by the Philippine languages from Sanskrit is the process of synecdoche. This seems to be singularly a Philippine phenomenon for in the intervening languages very few words have their developments in this direction. The

-472 meaning of the borrowed word denotes only the part or quality of the original word anterior to its adoption, e.g., Sanskrit guna, "quality: sattva, rajas, tamas" > Sulu guna, "goodness, good", the latter adopting only the first quality, sattva, "goodness". Sometimes, the quality, e.g., Sanskrit paramata, "excellence", becomes the name of the object which possesses such a quality, e.g., Sulu permata, paramata, "gem, jewel". Or another stage of synecdocheal change may occur for instance, in the connection between Sanskrit bhuti, "prosperity, affluence, adornment " and Tagalog buti, "beautiful, beauty, pretty, good". This may have a metaphorical-figurative change, but the quality (beauty) of an adornment can not be divorced from the qualified, that is the adornment itself. The hyperbole<>litote (strong<>weak) change does not show much preponderance in the semantic change of Sanskrit words on being adopted in the Philippine languages. They, however, show the fundamental aspect of borrowing where these processes occur - the wide range in which Sanskrit words had been interpreted by the borrowers. Moreover, the flexibility of the (conceptual) interpretations and exegeses of these borrowed words seems evident. Mention has already been made that no shift in some cases occurs in the borrowing of Sanskrit words relating to

-473 religion and superstition. But, in most cases, shift occurs, and this occurrence is illustrated by the melioration and pejoration processes. Sanskrit loan-words are either pejorated or meliorated in meaning as they are adopted in the Philippines. Very few of these words, however, have their developments in the intermediate languages, at least, as far as the Indonesian texts so far available show. An outstanding exception to this general melioration-pejoration change is citable, e.g., in the adoptation of the Sanskrit paduka. The word undergoes an internal euphemistic semantic change in place of Sanskrit pada, and this change is adopted in Malay and Javanese. But, when the word reaches the Philippines, it takes two directions: first, in Sulu, padukka, which follows Malay and Javanese, and second, in Tagalog paruka and Iloko palloka, which reverts to its original meaning: "shoes, slippers, sandals". No further conclusions may be drawn from the discussion of the other processes of shift for the conclusions drawn in the text need no further elaboration. However, the last process, Antithetic Shift ( § 3.43), has to be excepted in the total perspective of these conclusions for it shows certain peculiarities which have to be considered by future research. 6.2. The literature of India in its broadest sense

-474 shows no influence in the Philippines. This is certainly in contrast to what occurs in Malaya, Java and Bali where Indian literary themes and styles flourish. The themes from the Mahabharata, known in Java as Parvas, almost occupy all literary compositions or adaptations in Javanese literatures. The Ram. also has a place in this literature. These Indian epics have also a place in the Malay literary heritage. The only possible points through which Indian literature has penetrated into the literary heritage of the Philippines are in the parallelisms of elements and incidents, and in the motif indices. However, these are found mostly in the folk-literatures, for no written literature of pre-hispanic Philippines is found. This written literature was destroyed and consequently the work in search of influences in literature is handicapped. What the parallels in incidents and elements may prove is that they (may) echo some remote though unknown influence of a much older but advanced literary heritage. They prove, furthermore, that these parallel incidents and elements (may have) formed part of a body of literature that was introduced in early times which in the course of time have disintegrated. But, they still lurked in the minds of the early Filipinos, and when occasion came now and then, they were incorporated in their oral literature.

-475 Attention may be drawn to two elements, e.g. Naming the Victor after the Vanquished ( § 4.31) and Secret Message or Death Letter (§4.36). These elements are found in a modern metrical romance. The inclusion of the name of the vanquished (Carpio) after the name of the conqueror (Bernardo) does not necessarily show the influence of the naming the victors in battles in the Rigveda or in the epics, or in the inscriptions of historical times. But the naming of Bernardo as Bernardo Carpio, "?Bernardo, the conqueror of Carpio", (may) suggest(s) peculiarity of incident, unknown in Spanish national literature (and perhaps in other national literatures). This aspect in the Philippines has its parallel in the Indian literatures where the combination would occur in a different form (e.g., Valavrtrahan, "the slayer of Vala and Vrtra, i.e., Indra").5 The peculiarity is the suffixation of han (mara, sudana, etc.). Regarding the Secret Message or Death Letter element, it is found in the Bernardo Carpio metrical romance which 5 In historical times, Indian monarchs took such names incorporating the names of the enemies vanquished and the cities conquered by them. Pallava Nandivarman III (844-66) was given the name or title Tellarerinda, after having been victorious over the Pandyas at Tellaru (Nilakantha Sastri, History of South India, p. 153), Chola Aditya I was called Maduraikonda, "capturer of Madura" (ibid., p. 168).

has parallels in Java and Bali. -476 It is proved to be a mo-> dern adaptation of a much older tale. It may have been adopted from the folk-tale, "Tomarind and the Wicked Datu", which appears to be pre-hispanic in character. Its adoption tended to reveal certain connection with the Biblical incident, which nevertheless is remote. It may be connected with the Javanese and Balinese tales, with the Tomarind tale as its archetype. The Javanese and Balinese counterparts may have their early developments in India. The most interesting parallel elements are the Bamboo Shoots (§ 4.35) incidents in the oral literatures in both regions. They are found in the tribal oral literatures in India, the Santals; in the Philippines, the Tingians. This is the most perfect parallel in all the parallelisms that have been discovered. An incident by incident comparison shows the tales to be almost identical. Whether or not this is a fortuitous resemblance, it is difficult to say. It can not, however, be denied that either (may) echo(s) the other. The strangest aspect of this parallelism is that both tales are found among the Cf. also this tendency appearing very commonly in Puranic mythology in names of gods and goddesses, e.g., Siva as Madanantaka or Tripurantaka;B Devi (or Paramesvari) as Mahisasuramardini, etc.

-477 tales of two tribal groups that certainly do not have pretensions of contacts even in very remote times. The Brother-Sister Union ( § 4.39) falls under the same category. It may well have similar aspects of parallel development as the Bamboo Shoots incident. For it may be seen that the tales developed in the oral literatures of two tribes - in India, the tribes of Orissa;B in the Philippines, the Ifugaos and the Igorots. These problems may as well be left at this juncture trusting that future research will solve them. Regarding the other elements - Noise Created by Slapping the Armpits ( § 4.32), From Happiness to Sorrow (§4.33), Calling the Wind to Aid ( § 4.34), Fish Swallows Man ( § 4.37), and Goddess-Mortal Union ( § 4.38) - the re are apparently evidences of very remote echoes of Indian literary and folk-tale elements. Moreover, the conclusion seems inescapable, particularly in regard to the Armpit Noise and the Windcalling elements, that the Indian epics (may) have in remote times been known in the Islands. viewing these in the whole context of Indian influences in the Philippines, it is still difficult to accept (or reject) these conclusions without caution. But, The last element - The Most Precious of Relatives (§4.310) - gives something more than parallel incidents.

-478 Comparing the Philippine tale with the Jataka, identical incidents are found, as suggested in the Rama epic. This suggests that the Philippine tale has its origins in the Buddhist literature. Apart from this suggestion, however, a step further may be taken, particularly in relation to the problematic nature of the Philippine tale. The person to whom the story is told participates actively in the solution of the dilemma, which shows that the Philippine tale has two frames. The first frame is the story of the Old Man being importuned by the grandson to tell more stories, in which the latter participates. The second frame is the story proper - the story of the boy, his uncle, his father and his mother. The aspects - "frame story" and "story within the frame" - suggest the influence of the Pancatantra style. Furthermore, the dilemma aspect reveals the type and style of the Vetala cycle of tales. The problem given by the Old Man to the Boy and the ingenuity of the reply and solution betray the style and type of the questions posed by the Vetala to King Vikrama and the ingenious replies of the latter. This is the only Philippine tale which shows in every aspect the style and type of the famous collections of Indian tales - the Pancatantra, the Kathasaritsagara, and

-479 the Vetalapancavinsati. The influence of Indian literature upon Philippine literature has its more stable hold in the motif indices. For although in some instances, there are found tales in the Philippines which appear to be versions of Indian tales, the final deciding factor that connects these tales is the motif indices (which are recurrent in both literatures). In the whole fabric of the motif index genre, the identical motif elements, or more appropriately incidents, in both the Philippine and Indian literatures, with some of these elements discoverable in the intervening literatures, show marked Indian character. The fact remains that, although the Islands lie within the compass of a more. profound Chinese influence, the tales of the Archipelago do not seem to show Chinese elements. character of the Philippine tales and epics may be identified with the Indian counterparts, despite the fact that the Islands lie at a comparatively distant point from the targets of saturative Indian influences. The very 6 The preponderance of Chinese household terminologies found in the Philippine languages is quite evident. This may be understood in terms of the continuous traffic between the Islands and China from as early as the ?6 th A.D. Vide E. Arsenio Manuel, Chinese Elements in the Tagalog Language.

-480 Professor Bloomfield's conjecture (vide Chapter IV) seems applicable in the Philippines. While it seems impossible to find Philippine tales, particularly those found in the tales of the tribal groups cited above, which may be said to be versions of Indian tales, the motif traits in the Philippine tales are illustrative of their recurrent nature in India. With the establishment of the genealogy of the Panicatantra in the East, the tracing of Philippine motifs to those of the Pancatantra as they were in vogue in the East appears comparatively easy. 6.21. Specific conclusions with regards to individual motifs have been drawn in the course of the discussions in the chapter dealing with the subject matter. The presence of the Life Index Motif ( § 5.1) in the folk-epic Bidasari establishes the connection of this motif with its use in India. It is known that Bidasari is an exact copy of the Malay version, and the motif may have its earlier influence from India. On the other aspects of the motif, while it may be seen in some cases a very slow development of the motif index in comparison with its use in India, the fundamental elements had been caught in the folk-literatures of the Islands. Its employment in the Tingian tales and in the oldest folk-epic, Lan-ang, reveals the antiquity of the introduction of the motif.

-481 The widespread usage of the motif of Coming to life again ( § 5.2) in both the Indian and Philippine literatures . evinces close affinity between the two. The motif is employed under two categories, viz., revival by divine intervention and by magic and occultism. In both categories the motif is seen in a highly developed form, and in the second category, the Philippine form seems to surpass that in the Indian. The most peculiar aspect of this motif is that there is an example which falls under neither the first nor the second categories, i.e., neither is magic performed, nor divine intervention employed in the revival of the hero. The motif may be a combination (?) of the two categories. Regarding the motif of Magic Articles ( § 5.3), its widespread employment in the Philippine folk-literature is seen. The most identical elements of the motif in both the Indian and Philippine tales may lead to the conclusion that the development of the motif in the Islands depended upon the inspiration of a source no other than India. The Metamorphosis Motif ( § 5.4) reaches its full development in the Philippines, for there are found four categories of transformation. Although the other three categories (M-B, M-C, and M-D) appear to be indigenous developments, it is likely that these developments have their

-482 source of inspiration from the first category (M-A), which shows an influence from India. The conclusions that have been drawn in regard to this motif are based on the M-A category in comparison with the India tales. The employment of the motif in the Philippine tales (falling under the M-A category) shows an Indian ancestry. Perhaps, even the tales themselves are versions of the Indian tales, for they (the Philippine tales) exhibit certain peculiarities that appear to be Indian. The Dohada Motif ( § 5.5) does not have widespread employment in the Philippine folktales. However, the motif is known among the story-tellers of the Islands. At least, there are four headings of the motif represented in the Philippine cycles of tales. Despite the very meagre number of examples employing the motif, the presence of four definite motif headings can not be ignored. The employment of the motif of Bluff ( § 5.6) is the most widespread in the Philippine cycles of tales. Its widespread usage shows its being preferred to any other motif discussed in the thesis, except perhaps the Metamorphosis and Francis and His Uncle motifs. One of the most interesting developments of the motif, however, is its employment in connection with the Overhearing Motif, which

-483 already has its early employment in India. The motif has its full fruition of employment in two cycles of tales The Race-Bluff and Out-Heroding Herod genres, both of which may have their sources in India, as derived through the intervening regions. The Philippine fiction example which illustrates the Sound for a Smell Motif ( § 5.7) belongs to the same type as the Malay pelandok tale. But since it comes down to the present era in a modern language, it presents a difficult problem. It has all the features of the Malay, but the motif concept goes back to the Indian. But, with the discovery of one tale in the Islands possessing the motif idea, the connection between the Philippine tales and the Indian arche-types, by the intervention of the Malay tales possessing the motif concept, seems conclusive. The popular (Batangas) tale shows an arche-typal character just like the Indian. This shows that the reversion of the main motif concept suggests its employment in the Bulosan tale (and even perhaps in the Malay pelandok tale). The Francis and his Uncle Motif ( § 5.8) is as developed in the Philippines as in India. The resemblances of the tale-examples taken from both regions point to the conclusion that the ancestors of the Philippine tales may be Indian. In some of the variants of these tales, the

-484- $ motif is still in its primitive form. This may suggest that the motif idea reached the Islands at a very early date, and never developed beyond this stage. It remained stable even at the time of the introduction of the more developed genre of the motif. However, its development in the variant tales may be indigenous. Moreover, the relationship it has with the North Bornean tales shows its authochthonous character. Regarding the last three motifs, they show certain peculiarities which suggest foreign provenance. But, the very few tales illustrating these motifs in the Philippine literatures make it difficult to prove definite importation. For instance, in the Counting the Chicks Motif It ( 5.91), there is only one tale. In the Water from Rock Motif ( § 5.92), the examples show some affinity with the Indian. The Sapatha Motif ( § 5.93) shows very interesting aspects that may lead to the conclusion that its employment in the popular literatures is highly developed. is also employed directly in Acts of Truth (IV and V, § 5.93). Though there is no introduction of tales bodily, the motif itself reveals the influence of the Indian upon the Philippine tales. 6.22. Perhaps in the total assessment of the Indian

-485 influences on the folk-literatures of the Islands, one particular aspect in the literatures may stand against these conclusions. This aspect is the explicit employment of Spanish names for the characters, the marked usage of Spanish systems in the folktales and epics. But all these are very late introduction into the matrix of the tales and folk-epics. However, even with the introduction of the se, the authochthonous elements in the tales and epics are still recognizable. If these tales and epics are stripped off all the recognizable late accretions, particularly the Spanish, a folkliterature that is truly native is discerned. For instance, in the example illustrating the "Henpecking Wife" genre, a modern fiction story that shows all the traits of the Bluff-Overhearing Motif, which if all the Christian garb is stripped off, a perfect folktale with a history dating back to ancient times, is revealed. Apparently, the old iconological aspects had been substituted by the Roman Christian statuary worship. Similarly, in the example illustrating the Sound for a Smell Motif, if it is stripped off all the modern court appurtenances, a perfect folktale whose Malay and thereby Indian character is seen. 6.3. The whole perspective of Indian influences in

-486 the Philippines may be interpreted only in relation to the Hinduized culture of the Malays and the Indonesians whose part in the "Hinduization" of the Islands preponderates over that of any of the other peoples of South East Asia. While there may have been influences introduced directly (?) from India, the part contributed by the Hinduized Malaysians, in so far as these influences are concerned, is far more dominant, with the result that their elucidation is not without difficulty (owing to the changes that Hindu cultural elements had undergone, sometimes beyond recognition, when they passed through these intermediate regions). This may be explained further if the Philippines is viewed in the context of its geographical location in relation with India and the Malaysian peninsula and archipelago. It may be a fair inference that the Indian influences in the cultural patterns and orientations of the Filipinos have been due to the evident fact that the Philippines occupies a position marginal only in relation with the spread of the culture of India in Farther India. Indeed, a mental picture could be perfectly seen that the Philippine Archipelago is far from the direct arrival of the Indian "colonists". Add to this marginal position of the Islands, the Hindu elements tended to blend with the

-487 native elements in the intervening regions, and when they reached the Philippine Islands, they are no longer in their pristine form. Moreover, whatever percolated through the intervening regions were not carried by Indians themselves, but Hinduized Malaysians. Corollary to this, the rather sketchy evidences of these influences, as they are presented in the text, lead to another fair inference that the percolation of Indian culture into the Islands had been sporadic and far between. The sporadic nature of this percolation may be patently discerned in the regions in the Islands that have received these influences. It may be pointed out now, on the basis of the evidences presented in the previous chapters. The Indian influences in the Philippines could only be traced in the Western regions of the Islands, that is from the Iloko region through the western part of Central Luzon, the Mindoro-Palawan Axis, Western Bisayas, and the Sulu sub-archipelago. However, the whole Mindanao Island appears to have been "permeated" by that culture. Moreover, the Western side of the Islands seemed, even as it is today, to be more conducive to shipping harbourage owing to its position - its being protected from the violent buffetting by tropical storms that come from the East. It may be said in passing that the best har-

-488 bours in the Islands face the West. It is noteworthy, therefore, that the Indian elements in Philippines are very conspicuous by their absence in the Eastern regions of the country. On the whole, however, despite the marginal location of the Islands in relation to the Indian cultural route to the East and the sporadic, rather intermittent, percolation of Indian cultural elements, it may safely be posited that the enrichment of Philippine culture in ancient times had been due partly to the spirit of Indian culture that managed to reach the Philippine archipelago.