The Political Scene

The long expected elections to the Lok Sabha having been completed a new Government has taken over at the Centre displacing the Congress (I) under the leadership of Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao. The elections are remarkable in more than one sense. There has been very little violence even as some 550 million voters exercised their franchise. Secondly, the entire process spread over some that no single party obtained a majority. In fact for several months before the poll it was being said that the days of single party rule were almost over. There have been suggestions for a national Government considering the grave problems – internal and external – the country was facing so that those at the helm could view matters in a purely non-partisan manner. But this plea has not been viewed with favour. After all India opted for a system of parliamentary democracy in which the party in power has to have the confidence of Parliament to rule. This does not admit of a national government however eminent the persons forming it may be. Possibly such an arrangement could be thought of in an emergency but right now there does not seem to be a case for it. Now that no party has obtained a majority it was left to the President to call the leader of the single largest party to form a Government. Accordingly the mantle of Prime Ministership fell in Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee. He could not, however, prove his majority in the Lok Sabha and even before a vote was taken he submitted his resignation to the President. Thus ended 15 days of rule by the BJP. It was then that the United Front came into being with the Janata Dal as the core and several national parties like the CPI and the CPI (M) and regional parties like the Telugu Desam, Assam Gana Parishad and the DMK supporting the alliance. For the first time India has a sort of a coalition government although the Janata Government formed in 1977 was of a similar nature. But the big difference then was all the parties submerged their separate identity and worked as a single entity. But soon differences arose, mostly among important leaders, and the Morarji Desai Government fell. After a brief rule by Mr. Charan Singh fresh elections were ordered and the Congress (I) came to power. The present Government is composed of several entities and a common minimum programme was evolved with the Congress (I) which has 142 members supporting it from outside. But the hard fact is that the moment the Congress (I) decides ‘to withdraw’ support the UF Government is bound to fall. The big question is whether under the circumstances the President will ask Mr. Rao to form a Government. What if the BJP supports from outside the Congress (I)? These are the imponderables but for the present we must reckon with the United Front Government.

The assumption of the high office of Prime Mnister by Mr. H. D. Deve Gowda is a remarkable event if only because it is the first time that an essentially State leader who has had no experience at the Central level has come to occupy the most important position in the country. As the recent events have shown Mr. Gowda did not really work for it and the prize post came to him by certain fortuitous circumstances. And yet it must be said to his credit that as the Chief Minister of Karnataka he did exceedingly well especially in the matter of keeping together different parties on matters of common interest. It is the hard school of experience that has so far stood him in good stead and much earlier, as the front ranking leader of the Janata Party he played a crucial role in bringing the party to power in Karnataka ending the unbroken rule of the Congress (I). His deft handling of men and matters at the State level and the way he stood his ground even against leaders known to be far more experienced than him as, for instance, Mr. Ramakrishna Hegde, speak volumes of his ability to survive against odds. At the centre as Prime Minister he has to contend with national problems of far reaching magnitude and this requires sagacity of a rare order. There is no reason why Mr. Deve Gowda should not be in a position to exhibit statesmanlike qualities given his track record over the last 20 years.

The formation of the United Front which has as many as 178 members was not a little due to his persuasive skills and the behind-the-scene activities of which he was one of the prime movers. The skillful negotiations he conducted with the Congress (I) leader Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao really made it possible for the United Front to lay its claim to form the Government. Undeterred by the wait that was forced on him and his supporters by the President Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma, who had first-offered the Prime Ministership to the BJP leader, Mr. A.B. Vajpayee, Mr. Gowda conducted himself with quiet dignity which ultimately brought him his reward. There was a much bigger task awaiting him and that was to persuade the regional parties which had become a vital part of the United Front to participate in the Government. The hesitation which was shown by the Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Assam and the TMC soon gave place to consent to join the new Ministry and there is now a compact Cabinet composed of members belonging to representative groups which together lend a broad representative character to the new Government formed by Mr. Deve Gowda. This augurs well for Centre ­State relations which had reached the boiling point some time ago leading to fresh demands for State autonomy.

It should be possible now for the State leaders who have been inducted into the Cabinet to take a national view of important matters even while adopting a balanced and objective stance on issues that chiefly concern the States. The United Front could thus turn out to be an improvement on the system of one-party rule at the Centre, in as much as the concept of cooperation federalism is built into the new structure. Mr. Gowda is fully aware of the problems of States as units in the federal system and could be expected to protect their interests without in any way sacrificing the overall requirements of the country. Viewed in the context the united Front Government could become a path breaker. He has now a ministry of some talent-all experienced and out­standing persons who have contributed a great deal to the enrichment of national life. Mr. Inder Gujral, Mr. P. Chidambaram, Mr. Ram Vilas Paswan, Mr. S. R. Bommai, Mr. Murasoli Maran, and Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav are unquestionably men of proven ability and whatever portfolios they handle they could show conspicuous ability.

One has to look to the Prime Minister, Mr. Deve Gowda’s first address to the nation since assuming office for a comprehensive picture of the policy framework of the United Front Government. It is an authentic account of the do’s and don’ts of the new Government which itself is a novel experiment in administration at the Central level. As Mr. Gowda has said the UF government is just not a coalition to share power; it is much more than that and for the first time since Independence national and regional parties have come together to shape the destinies of the people and the country in a manner that is acceptable widely. And if as Mr. Gowda expects the Government to last the full term India would have made history in a political sense. Mr. Gowda has listed his priorities in an unambiguous manner although one would have wished that he laid more emphasis on freeing the administration from corruption which has invaded high places in the last few years, especially. The number of “scams” is legion and they seem to cover diverse spheres. It is extremely important that the enquiries already set in motion are completed quickly and not bogged by procedural difficulties. Mr. Gowda has, of course, said that his government would initiate a series of measures to check graft but what is more important is to take steps that impress the people that he fully means what he says. Possibly in the next few days he would come out with some concrete proposals to convince the nation that corruption would be tackled in an aggressive form so that his other objective of dealing with the deficiencies in the political, judicial and administrative processes is achieved more effectively and with greater speed.

Mr. Gowda’s emphasis on improving the quality of life is well taken in as much as it concerns the vast millions of people who are yet to doss the poverty line. Providing drinking water, shelter to the poorer sections and making available health care are being talked about for nearly five decades but the success in this direction has not been as pronounced as one would have liked. Mr. Gowda who himself has a deep understanding of the needs of this section of the society could be trusted to take a determined view of the matter and fulfil his promise with adequate supportive measures. And if he is able to promise with adequate supportive measures. And if he is able to do that, Mr. Gowda would have won the admiration of the entire nation. Mr. Gowda has also talked about fair price shops in villages and if his Government is in a position to strengthen them so as to make them more efficient and meaningful there is little doubt that the lot of the rural folk would go up.

Successive Governments did make efforts to promote the spread of literacy but they have not met with any great response. Mr. Gowda has promised to redouble the efforts in this direction; Even today hundreds and thousands of people vote in the elections on this basis of symbols which is a broad indication of the low level of literacy in the world’s biggest democracy. Mr. Gowda’s assurance that he would review the priorities of various programmes in this sector should be universally welcomed. Mr. Gowda was touching a very sensitive subject as when he said that in an effort to improve the lot of women his ,Government would take all measures to enhance their representation in State legislature and in Parliament. Reservation of jobs for women in certain categories and special protection for them in junior elective bodies raise no objections. Mr. Gowda will have to take the entire nation into confidence on fulfilling this promise and go about it in a manner that is acceptable one and all.

The most intriguing question is how long will Gowda last for within a week of the Government obtaining a vote of confidence in Parliament the inherent weaknesses of a coalition had become apparent when the Finance Minister, Mr. P. Chidambaram, announced certain austerity measures which were aimed at achieving an annual reduction of Rs. 3,000 crores in the expenditure budget of the Central Government. The guidelines issued in this connection say that the Ministry of Finance would not provide any real increase in budgetary allocations for pay and allowances from 1997-98. Communist parties which are supporting the Deve Gowda Government were immediately up in arms against the proposal which, according to them, might eventually result in the reduction of manpower in very many departments. They would not countenance any kind of retrenchment and they even demanded that the guidelines issued by the Finance Minster be withdrawn. This indeed is a highly piquant situation for the incumbent, Mr. P. Chidambaram, who quickly clarified that there was no question of slashing the number of jobs.

A coalition Government of the kind that has now come into being with the principal partner, the Janata Dal’s leader as the Prime Minister cannot certainly function as a single party government and needs to tread cautiously especially in matters which are extremely sensitive and which concern the entire working force. The Left parties could never accept schemes which imply wage or employment freeze and since they constitute an important and vital segment of the coalition forces, Mr. Chidambaram should have first taken them to confidence even as he could have discussed the issues involved with the trade union leaders. Coalition governments can retain power even in a theoretical sense only by constant compromises among the constituent parties. The common minimum programme is at best an outline of policy and cannot include all the details of administrative decisions which might have to be taken. Hence the decision-makers, not excluding the Prime Minister, will perforce have to be more consultative and Mr. Gowda’s decision to hold talks with the trade union leaders, although belated, should be welcomed. With so many parties forming a coalition even in a loose sense it is extremely difficult to fulfil all the commitments of all the parties. Fissures are bound to develop and if these should not bring about the fall of the Government, it is for the Prime Minister and his colleagues to be constantly in touch with the leaders of the constituent parties and obtain their approval at least in respect of matters which touch the essential needs of the common man.

Of course it is extremely difficult, not even technical, to be obtaining assurances and promises form the coalition partners on every occasion and it is here the common minimum programme could be of help. Mr. Deve Gowda is in a very delicate position and in his effort to please every party, he might land up in a situation where he could please none. And yet it would be next to impossible to do serious governance if the consultation process is carried beyond a certain measure. Possibly some kind of a working arrangement - an institutional set up - could be evolved to obtain the views on vital matters periodically of all party leaders who have a stake in the durability and credibility of the Government. Mr. Chidambaram’s experience should be an eye opener and it should not be beyond the ingenuity of the Prime Minister who has had         considerable experience in administration to devise some mechanism to get over the kind of aberration that had arisen. In the ultimate analysis the soundness of the Government is judged by the impact of its decisions and, therefore, Mr. Gowda has his task cut out if he has to give a good account of governance. The Congress (I) leader, Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao, has said that the support of his party from outside cannot be taken for granted but it to be expected that he will stand by his firm statement in parliament that he is not interested in pulling down the Government. (June, 96).