‘The Triple Stream’

‘TRIVENI’ HAS SHED LIGHT ON MY PATH.
BLESSED BE HER NAME!

“TRIPLE STREAM” ¹

 

The Congress

With the Kalyani session, the Indian National Congress enters on an important phase of its career of service to the nation. Having played a leading role in the struggle for freedom, the Congress took over the administration of the country from the British, overcame the initial difficulties consequent on Partition, consolidated the nation’s strength, and planned for its social and industrial progress. But the organisation, which started nearly seventy years ago as the champion of the people’s rights and emerged as the Party in power at the dawn of Independence in 1947, has now to acquire new virtues and display new qualities of leadership. Differences in temperament and outlook led to one secession after another from the parent body. The secedes formed themselves into parties or groups, and, after the first General Election, they sat in opposition to the Congress Governments in the Central and State Legislatures. The Congress must therefore strive to retain its hold on the biggest body of electors in the world, exercising adult franchise and looking to the leaders of political parties to implement their programmes. Success at elections has become the prime condition of continuance in power, and a complicated party-machine has to be kept going from year to year, charged with the task of educating the ‘common man’ in every constituency not only with regard to his rights under the Constitution but also his duties as the citizen of a democratic State. The Congress still retains its idealism as well as the ability to guide our new Democracy through the present tangled conditions, and to assert India’s position as the advocate of peace and goodwill among the nations.

But mere continuance in power, as a result of electoral victories, is not enough. The Congress organisation has not maintained intimate contact with the people in whose name the Congress Governments claim to govern. The emphasis must hereafter be shifted from the Parliamentary programme of the Congress to its constructive tasks as envisaged by Gandhiji. A better understanding between Congressmen in office and in the Legislatures, and Congressmen in charge of what is called ‘field work’, is essential for the proper functioning of a great Party like the Congress. Once this understanding is established, Ministers and legislators will develop the strength of will to keep the hordes of local party-men who wish to promote their personal influence rather than the welfare of the Constituency or the country. After a general election or even a bye-election, a legislator must consider himself, as Pandit Nehru pointed out, the representative of the entire population of the area and not merely of those who voted for him. This applies with even greater force to the Ministers. So long as the objectives of the Congress are defined on an all-India basis and applied to the needs of the States, the Ministers owing allegiance to the Congress must keep these objectives in view. But it does not follow that they should look at every single problem, big or small, from a party point of view or appoint persons to places of dignity and influence merely to promote party ends. There was a time when the Congress was the nation. It has now to work its way to that position. This effort will involve the extending of the hand of fellowship to the members of other democratic parties pledged to Parliamentary methods. These can re-enter the Congress or co-operate with it in the implementation of programmes conceived in the interest of the State as a whole.

Without intending it, the Congress alienated the intellectuals. It treated with superior disdain the members of the legal and the educational professions and those who pursed art and literature. All these were sympathetic towards the Congress but they did not identify themselves with any political party. No effort has been made by Congressmen generally to profit from the experience and the ability of these sections of the public, and, when candidates are set up for any constituency, men of light and leading are usually left out. This has resulted in the emergence of a class of legislators definitely below par, unable to apply their minds to the serious study of public questions. Their contribution to the debates is a blank, except for occasional vituperation. The dignity of the Legislatures, particularly of the States, has to be restored by the selection of persons who may not please the Party bosses or promote sectional interests in particular areas, but yet function as wise legislators and custodians of national welfare.

These are some of the ways in which the Congress can strengthen itself, and become an efficient instrument of the national will.

Re-organisation of States

At the open session of the Congress a great deal of heat was imported into the discussion of the resolution dealing with the reorganisation of States. It was left to Pandit Nehru to restore a saner outlook and to treat the question as one of national reconstruction. He wanted an integrated, united nation, not a regimented nation, not a uniform nation”. He wished to preserve “all the magnificent variety of India”. The appointment, by the Government of India, of a States Re-organisation Commission consisting of Mr. Fazl Ali, Pandit Kunzru and Sardar Panikkar bas been widely welcomed. When the opponents of linguistic States wax eloquent over the need for Indian unity, they forget that neither Andhra nor Karnataka ever claimed the right to cut itself away from the Indian Union. They forget also that the greater part of India is already divided on the basis of language: U. P., Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Rajasthan and Saurashtra are fairly homogenous units. If a few more States are carved out in response to the reasonable demands of the people of Southern and Western India, it cannot lead to the disintegration of India or to inefficiency from the point of view of the defence of the country. The advocates of linguistic States are only asking for new administrative units, based mainly on language and cultural traditions but not ignoring considerations of military safety or financial viability. The Centre is always welcome to take over particular areas like seaports or cantonments to be administered directly by itself. Nor is it denied that citizenship of any linguistic State carries with it simultaneously the citizenship of the Indian Union and the right to settle down, carry on business, acquire property, or hold office throughout the Union.

When the Commission gets down to fundamentals, it will realize that language is an important factor, though not the sole one, to be taken into consideration. If linguistic rivalries have assumed ugly shapes, it is largely due to the continued denial of the right of many millions of Indian citizens to live an integrated life in well-knit, homogeneous States. It is unfair to claim that the U. P., the Bihari and the Saurashtra people are better all India patriots than those of Andhra, Maharashtra or Karnataka. These latter pulled their full weight in the national struggle and placed Mother India on a high pedestal, offering her their devotion and loyalty. Border-areas which are bi-lingual present a problem and it is here that friction arises. But it will not be beyond the wit of the Commission to evolve some reasonable formula for demarcating the border-line, and, in addition, for safeguarding the interests of both the language groups in respect of education; administration, and business. Among the knotty problems which the Commission has to tackle are the future position of the Rajpramukhs, the obliteration of the distinction between different classes of States–A. B. or C–in the Indian Union, and the grouping of contiguous States into ‘regions’ for purposes of defence and fiscal policy. For the first time after the achievement of freedom, the politicians and the thinkers can address themselves to these questions in an atmosphere of quiet, and come to conclusions based on an objective study of the facts and conditions of our time. It is not necessary for Congressmen of the status of Sri S. K. Patil to seek to create prejudice against the protagonists of linguistic distribution by starting National Unity fronts and arguing that linguistic States must inevitably lead to national disaster. He and his friends are free to present their case to the Commission. If the Congress has directed, Congressmen to desist from all kinds of open propaganda or agitation in favour of linguistic States, the directive applies with equal cogency to those who are opposed to the formation of such States. Attention may now be diverted to the collection of the data to be presented to the Commission. The Government of Andhra have appointed a special officer to gather the material relating to the border-areas between Andhra and the neighbouring States of Madras, Mysore, and Orissa. He and the non-official Committee which will work with him may be depended upon to apply themselves with care to their immediate task. Other States can copy this example and thus enable the Commission to assess the conflicting claims in the border areas. The Commission work will form an important landmark in modern Indian history.

A Music Academy for Andhra

The Diamond Jubilee of the Saraswati Gana Sabha, Kakinada, will be celebrated on a magnificent scale from the 5th of February to the 14th. The Sabha is one of the oldest institutions in Andhra Desa devoted to the promotion of music and dance. Among its founders was the late Dewan Bahadur K. Suryanarayana Murti Naidu, a prominent businessman and a connoisseur of the fine arts. The city of Vizianagaram, in the palmy days of Sri Ananda Gajapati, led the entire Telugu country in the sphere of art and literature. Venkataramanadas, the Vainika, and Narayanadas, the Bhagavatar, graced his court, besides a constellation of poets and scholars. Pithapuram was the home of Sangameswara Sastri, another eminent player on the Veena, who won the highest encomiums from Rabindranath Tagore. But Kakinada had the distinction of organising the earliest or our Gana Sabhas with the support of a cultivated middle-class. The Sabha invited musicians even from the far South who conveyed the message of Tyagaraja and forged the bond of fellowship between Tamilnad and Andhra. The public of Kakinada, true to that early tradition, have extended invitations to all the recognized musicians of South India and also to Bade Gulam Ale Khan, a leading exponent of the Hindustani style. The Golden Jubilee will also be marked by special functions to honour Sri Dwaram Venkataswami Naidu, the violinist, Sri Vedula Satyanarayana Sastri, the poet, and Sri B. N. Reddy, the Film Director who gave us the famous picture ‘Malleswari’. The celebrations will be rounded off with a Music Conference under the presidentship of Sri R. Anantakrishna Sarma of Tirupati.

It is the expectation of art-lovers in Andhra that an Academy of music and dance will be established at Kakinada with the support of the Central and State Governments, and junction as a branch of the Central Academy at Delhi. While interest in music and dance is now more widespread in Andhra than it was some years ago, no organised effort has been made to maintain high standards and to make the public as ‘music minded’ as in Tamilnad. The famous composers Annamacharya, Kshetragna and Tyagaraja left a rich heritage to Andhra, but it was given to the Tamils to cherish it and to win for it India-wide recognition. With the establishment of a new State and the growing desire to achieve excellence in diverse fields, the Andhras must make amends for their neglect of music and dance. An Academy is not merely an assemblage of scholars and artistes; it is a center radiating a love of the Arts. It will train all aspirants and help them to reach the highest levels. There is plenty of musical talent in Andhra but not enough of sustained endeavour. The artistes must submit to a long course of discipline and pursue their art in a spirit of dedication. An Academy can provide the proper atmosphere for the growth of the Arts and draw unto itself the homage of all art-lovers.

Sri Alladi Krishnaswami Aiyar

Triveni being a Quarterly, I could not pay my tribute to the memory of Sri Alladi Krishnaswami Aiyar earlier than January of this year. I recall with gratitude the very generous and affectionate welcome accorded to Triveni by the leading lawyers of Madras in the early thirties. But for the atmosphere of tenderness then prevailing in and around Luz Church Road, the infant journal could not have made any progress, The stalwarts of that generation, Sivaswamy Aiyer, Venkatarama Sastri, Alladi Krishnaswami Aiyar, and C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar–who is happily with us still to cheer and to comfort in moments of anxiety–attached the highest value to a cultural journal. The late Justice Govindarajachari belonged to my generation, and his close association with Triveni secured for it the special attention of Sri Alladi. Whenever Govindarajachari, Chandrasekharan and myself went about for financial assistance to the journal, Sri Alladi would greet us with his broad smileand his hearty ejaculation: “You three form the Triveni. I can guess why you have come: Here is my cheque!” It was in those days that Govindarajachari gave me a little-known instance of Sri Alladi’s generosity. The Maharaja of Pithapuram once sent him an extra ten thousand, and Sri Alladi passed the amount to the Ramakrishna Students Home, Mylapore, saying, “This is more than my stipulated fee. I cannot keep it. Let a good institution have the benefit.” He knew how to earn and how to give away.

Others have assessed his achievement as a practitioner of the Law, as a jurist of eminence, as an architect of the Indian Constitution. His remarkable gifts were always at the service of the nation, and he left behind him the shining example of a person of humble birth scaling to great heights through sheer power of intellect and industry. Very early in his career at the Bar, and while we were still in the Law College, the phenomenalrise of Sri Alladi was something of a legend. Some of those privileged to work in his chambers lateradorned the Bench of the High Court. Between him and his apprentices and juniors there were the closest. ties of affection. The Alladi tradition in the professional and public life of India is bound to shape the future to nobleends. The memory of this renowned jurist and philanthropist will be cherished as longas the virtues of the intellect and the heart are recognised as precious.

New Design and Motto

The new design has been prepared by Sri Vemula Kameswara Rao of Vijayawada, from an unfinished drawing of Adivi Bapiraju. In a sense, it is Bapiraju’s last gift to Triveni.

The Motto “Bring Me thy Failure” no longer represents my attitude. Triveni is now the Deity shedding Light on my Path.