The Indian Scene

THE INDIAN SCENE
(October - December 1951)

By Prof. D. GURUMURTI, M.A., Ph.D.

The session of the Indian National Congress held at New Delhi in the middle of October was perhaps the quietest, least spectacular, if not somewhat most tame, among the sessions during its long career. The election of Pandit Nehru as President by the A.I.C.C. in August was fulfilled by the holding of a plenary session. The only excitement was provided by the short-circuiting of electric fittings which burned up the Congress pandal on the eve of the general session. The sober atmosphere of Delhi, with its heavy preoccupation with the administrative responsibility for the governance of the whole nation, made this incident pass off almost unnoticed. The President himself having somewhat exhausted himself by his public statements, Press conferences. Reports to the A.I.C.C. at its Bangalore session, etc., made one of the quietest and most unemotional speeches of his career. The usual resolutions on Foreign Policy, Five-year Plan, Congress Manifesto for the coming General Elections, were passed. One missed altogether the thrill, the novelty, the excitement and the enthusiasm generally associated with a session of the Congress. It was a very sober function; the President, overweighed with his heavy responsibilities, cast his mood over the gathered Congressmen, and the all dominating General Elections to come were occupying the minds of all.

The dastardly outrage, the assassination of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan, sent a wave of horror all over the two nations. The reaction of the event in India proved clearly the real bonds of sympathy that still unite the whole sub-continent. The sincere messages of sympathy and condolence sent by Pandit Nehru and the President to their opposite numbers of Pakistan evoked the kindliest feelings. Almost at a stroke the strained relations between the sister States subsided. The expression of fellow feeling from several public bodies and leading organisations in India flowed in a continuous stream towards the bereaved nation and acted as a soothing balm to the lacerated hearts of the better elements of Pakistan’s national life. Not a little of this effect may perhaps be due to the close resemblance between the end of Liaquat Ali Khan and the passing of Mahatma Gandhi three and odd years earlier. In the presence of a large gathering, with prayers about to be recited or just after recital, to be openly shot-at at close range, to lose consciousness reciting ‘Ram nam’ of the Quoranic prayer, were features that brought the association with the end of Mahatma Gandhi very intimate. It was the manner in which a hero, a great servant of the nation, passes from the earthly scene of his labours in a chariot of fire and in the presence of his countrymen whom he had served ably and devotedly. For, Liaquat Ali is undoubtedly the greatest statesman whom Pakistan has had the good fortune to possess in the first years of its career as an independent nation. Though somewhat subdued under the masterly leadership of the late lamented Quaid-e-Azam Mahomed Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali was a man of personal charm, a fine product of culture, suave and collected, and had excellent personal contacts with political friends and opponents alike. Though in the pursuit of his nation’s policies and programmes he could wield the language of provocation and propaganda, no one who ever came into contact with him failed to recognise the fine type of Muslim gentleman in him. He served the nation of his choice with single-minded devotion and exceptional ability, and has carved his name indelibly on the infant history of Pakistan.

The last week of October witnessed the exit from the Central Cabinet of two notable personalities. Sri Rajaji finally decided to retire from public life, the attainment of the age of 72 being his main reason. His last duty as a Cabinet Minister in charge of Home Affairs was rather a mixed pleasure, in that he had to steer a very unpopular measure, the Press Law Amendment. Under the leadership of the late lamented Lala Desabandhu Gupta, whose tragic death occurred in an air crash a few weeks later, the opposition waged a gallant battle against the restriction on Press freedom. But Rajaji’s ripe parliamentary technique raised the debate to a high plane, and when the Bill was passed finally, it was a triumph for the tact and fairplay which characterised the conduct of the Bill by the Home Minister. In the praises that were showered on the retiring Minister, in which even the strongest critics of the Bill joined, one had a glimpse of ripe wisdom and firm handling by this elder statesman. In spite of the noise created, Rajaji secured for the Press freedom from executive high-handedness by making judicial authority essential for the exercise of the penal clauses. On calm reconsideration it will be seen that, in the absence of a voluntary Press Code of Honour, some restriction was essential Over the unbridled excesses of the Indian language journals whose standards compare favourably, of course with honourable exceptions, with the level of journals in the English language in the country.

The rather sudden exit of Dr. Ambedkar from the Central Cabinet evoked a controversy in which the learned Doctor came off second best. The immediate grievance was stated to be the abandoning of the ‘Hindu Code Bill’ by the current Parliament, a matter on which the ‘Kaliyuga Manu’, as he was flamboyantly hailed by some members of the house, had set his heart. Dr. Ambedkar, who was busy with his major achievement of steering the Constitution Act and other legal measures, suddenly discovered that the Hindu Code Bill was given the cold shoulder because he did not possess the pull necessary over the leader of the Government, while other powerful ministers got precedence for their bills. Following on this, Dr. Ambedkar also realised that, in spite of his repeated desire, no other portfolio was entrusted to him while the Law portfolio was insufficient to find scope for his capacities, and he was kept out of important committees of the Cabinet. He also could not approve of the foreign policy of the Government, though this disagreement did not disturb his four years’ tenancy of the Law Ministership. In the event he found it necessary to resign on the eve of the General Elections, in order to be free to carry on his campaign as leader of his Party. Added to all this was the paramount consideration that according to his view the retiring Government had not done sufficient for the scheduled and suppressed classes, not even as much as was done for the Muslims.

The visit of the Chinese Cultural Mission commencing in the last days of October, and lasting forty days in all, gave opportunities for forging afresh the cultural links between the two ancient civilisations of China and India. The exhibition of paintings and pictures which they carried with them revealed the time-old affinities between the two cultures, and the warm hospitality uniformly extended to them in Bombay and other important centres must have given the honoured guests an inkling into the fundamental bases of the Eastern outlook on life.

The month of November has been monopolised by the choice of candidates by the various political parties to represent them in the contest for seats in the legislatures in the General Elections. Varied opinions have been expressed with regard to the efficacy of the General Elections on adult franchise by an electorate of 180 million voters, undoubtedly the biggest election held so far in the history of humanity. James A. Michener, writing in the leading American journal ‘Life’, says: “To talk seriously of general elections in an area where ninety per cent of the electorate cannot read, is to mock the very meaning of democracy.” Mr. C. R. Srinivasan, President of the All-India Newspaper Editors’ Conference, is reported by the A.I.R. on December 5 to have described the General Elections as the biggest gamble; the very fact of the need of symbols points to the ignorance of the electorate; the elections will amount to an exploitation of ignorance; how can the electorate be expected to judge policies and programmes of rival political parties? Mr. C. R. Srinivasan suggests the formation of electoral colleges, at the rate of one representative for five hundred or a thousand voters; election by these electoral colleges of the members of the legislature would serve the purpose better. But these views forget that the General Elections will themselves constitute a vital education to the masses of the country. The usual mistake that is made to confuse mere literacy with enlightenment. The villager in India may not read or write, but he is wide awake as to the values of life, thanks to a long tradition of mass diffusion of culture through indigenous means–pilgrimages, ‘harikathas,’ village minstrels, travelling entertainers, and village assemblies, for oral spread of general knowledge.

One disturbing feature of the situation has been the large number of meaningless parties springing up, the so-called Independents constituting the largest group outside the Congress. Pandit Nehru in his Madras speech in November remarked on the epidemic of eve-of-election affiliations. Sri Jai Prakash Narain speaking at Gaya on 28th November deprecated the rise of parties on the eve of elections, called them mushroom parties, and likened them to frogs of the rainy season. Many of the so-called Independents are really disappointed Congressmen who, failing to get selected for Congress tickets, resign overnight their membership and stand as Independents. In Madras State there are over a thousand of this variety of candidates. All this spotlights the lack of political training and the highly individualistic tendency of the Indian intellectuals who, conscious of their own merits, have never learnt the need for political discipline. In a well-developed democracy such anomalous groups are unthinkable. Either a candidate stands for a certain programme and policy, or he steps aside from political contests altogether. To put the person over against principle and to ask the electorate to choose oneself, is to trade upon the political inexperience of the electorate and the lack of a diffusion of general understanding. It is in this context that we can reconcile ourselves to Pandit Nehru’s resiling somewhat from his earlier declaration to invite men of integrity and ability to stand for election on behalf of the Congress. As he pointed out, five hundred men of ability pulling in five hundred different directions will make a sorry mess of the country’s fate. He said that in India there are three hundred and fifty million problems and not a score or two.

The months of November and December are witnessing Election campaigning by the leading parties. Foremost among the leaders stands Pandit Nehru who, in the midst of his heavy duties as Prime Minister, is gallantly touring the States of the Indian Union in his capacity as President of the Congress. His election speeches addressing mammoth gatherings have made him cross swords with political opponents like Dr. Shyam Prasad Mukherji, Dr. Ambedkar, J. P. Narain, N. B. Khare and other able party heads. Now and then the great leader has let escape an impulsive remark or two which are seized upon by less generous opponents to make political capital out of. His reference to the Mahasabha and its unhappy association with the murder of the Father of the Nation, never legally established, has brought forth an ominous threat from Dr. Khare. Speaking on December 7 at the Nagpur Forum at an election symposium, Dr. Khare is reported to have said: “If he (Pandit Nehru) repeats this propaganda as he did in Bhopal, scenes like February 1948 will be re-cnacted.” One hopes, for the sake of the country, that utterances like this will be taken note of in time.

Another disturbing feature in the situation has been the influence exerted by the ex-Ruling Princes and Maharajahs by entering the elections or by exerting pressure upon candidates. Recently the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh had to issue a warning to the ex-Ruler of Bastar State not to coerce rival candidates to withdraw from the election contest. Pandit Nehru had to openly remark on the propaganda methods adopted by the Maharajah of Jodhpur, who is himself a candidate in the contest. On the top of this comes the great confusion or the rejection of nomination papers by the various Returning Officers, which has been characterised by a variation and bewildering perplexity of decision resulting in suits in every High Court in India. Dr. Mathai’s nomination at Kottayam in Travancore set the ball rolling, and like a snowball the Problem is gathering moss and momentum every day. High Court after High Court has scanned the Electoral Law, the Representation of the People’s Act, the handiwork of the learned ex-Law Minister Dr. Ambedkar, and has come to the conclusion that there is no remedy for the vagaries of Returning Officers until the election results are declared and Election Tribunals are set up to try disputes. This glaring lacuna is a parting gift of the learned Law Minister, as a consequence of which a lot of litigation before the Supreme Court is going to ensue.

Mr. Sri Prakasa, Central Minister for Natural Resources, has, in a statement issued by him from Jaipur on November 29, answering Dr. Ambedkar’s reference in an election speech casting oblique aspersions on the Congress Party members of Parliament showing dislike of certain disqualifications listed in the Act against standing as candidates, recalled his urging the Law Minister, at the time the Representation of the People’s Act was on the legislative anvil, that it would be best to have fool-proof rules. But Dr. Ambedkar was satisfied with his own proposals as drafted by himself, with the result that all over the country, because of the language not being clear, rejection of nomination papers has been raging as an epidemic among Returning Officers Sri Prakasa stresses the need to make clear what is an ‘office of profit ‘ under Government, what public companies are Government contractors, who is a licensee under the terms of the Act, whether Vice-Chancellors are Government servants. “I have no doubt that he (Dr. Ambedkar) will be wishing that he had made the wording of the Act as draft by him less foggy than evidently it is.”

The first week of December has been saddened by the passing of that great son of India and of Bengal–Srijut Abanindranath Tagore at the ripe age of 81. Abanindranath, the great artist, the co-inspirer with E. B. Havell of the modern Renaissance in Indian Art in Bengal was a colourful personality. His great masterpieces in painting like the mendicant Buddha and others, his co-operation with his great world-honoured uncle, Gurudev Rabindranath, in the founding and working of the Viswa-Bharati, his versatile gifts as storyteller, Bengali litterateur and as leader of the neo-Bengal school of painting, have made him almost a legendary figure within his lifetime. Half a century of devoted service to the Arts of India has assured him a place among the great leaders of culture in the country.

The tidal wave of legal trouble in the affairs of the Utkal University over the election of a panel of names for the Vice-chancellorship has shown up the danger of extra-academic influences ruffling academic atmosphere. The striking convocation address just delivered to the Utkal University Convocation by the veteran educationist and eminent luminary of the medical world, Dr. A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar, Vice-chancellor of Madras University, deserves to be pondered over by State authorities and academic men alike. Here is a physician diagnosing the disease that is affecting the full fruition of University life and prescribing with unerring precision the much needed remedy. This is the well-known policy of autonomy to Universities. Not only Utkal but many other Universities like Mysore and Travancore will profit by the wholesome advice of the learned Doctor.

The political cauldron is still to rise to a higher tempo of boiling. The General Elections are bound to throw up a large number of new leaders. The fateful month of January, the double-faced Janus, will usher in the new era of a Legislature elected on an adult franchise. The coming months are full of portent for a troublous period in the young history of New India. The seasoned warriors of the political arena may yet wield awhile the reins of power. Much will depend on foresight and practical ability that can be displayed in handling the new forces. May the country reap wisdom out of the failures of the immediate past and steer clear to its destined future!

Bangalore,
December 13, 1951.