‘The Triple Stream’

…………..he that laboureth right for love of Me
Shall finally attain! But, if in this
Thy faint heart fails, bring Me thy failure!

THE SONG CELESTIAL

‘THE TRIPLE STREAM’ ¹

 

Fighting the Congress

The stage is now set for the first General Elections in India under the new Republican Constitution. There is a bewildering multiplicity of parties seeking the support of an electorate which is, without doubt, the largest in the world. The Congress, the Party in power at the Centre and in the States, has already published its list of candidates. The rest are finalising their lists, and entering into combinations and ‘understandings’ among themselves with a view to fighting the Congress. Nearest to the Congress in its aims and ideology, but the most determined in its opposition, the Praja Party of Kripalani, Ghosh and Prakasam has gathered momentum in Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, and Andhra. The defection of Kidwai at the last intent has not unnerved his erstwhile leader Kripalani, who is more intent on the defeat of the Congress than on the success of his own Party. His slogan seems to be, “Vote for anyone except a Congressman.” There is a touch of fanaticism in this attitude,–an eagerness to depict the Congress as a monster of iniquity, an evil power which be exorcised from the body politic. Apparently, the Acharya would like even the Communists, the Justicites or the followers of Dr. Ambedkar to be returned to the legislatures in preference to candidates set up by the Congress!

It is easy to do propaganda against a Party which has run the administration during a period of acute trouble, and to point to its lapses. It is easier still to make large promises of a new heaven wherein the utmost rectitude and devotion to the people’s interests will prevail. It is not necessary to attach great importance to election speeches of this type. The real value of the Praja Party lies in that it affords a chance to Congress-minded electors to cast their votes in favour of candidates who, till the other day, were within the Congress organisation and played a heroic role in the fight for Independence. The choice really is between two groups of Congressmen, divided not by principles but by personalities. And in every constituency where the official Congress candidate is deemed unsatisfactory on account or inefficiency or alleged corruption, the voter has an alternative choice provided by the Praja Party, without being thrown perforce into the arms of rank communalists, reactionaries, or violent revolutionaries To people who have been satisfied with the general objectives of the Congress but felt disappointed by its actual achievement in certain directions, it must be disquieting to realise that a vote against the Congress must only mean a vote for reaction or revolution The balance between these extremes is held by the Congress, the Praja Party, and the Socialists. The hope for ordered progress at home and for the maintenance of our status abroad lies in the wielding of power by legislators belonging to these three moderate sections.

With the experience of the coming elections and of the actual administration during the next few years, a new alignment of parties is bound to shape itself. In that alignment, progressive Congressmen, both official and Praja Party, will coalesce with Socialists of the Jaya Prakash complexion, and form the great Centre Party of India corresponding to the Labour Party in Britain. The right-wing Congressmen will then merge in an Indian Conservative Party of landlords, capitalists, and communalists. Whether the Communist Party will make any headway and become a powerful Opposition group in our legislatures, now or hereafter, will depend largely on the successful functioning of the three elements composing the Centre Party envisaged above. If they can deliver the goods, they will crowd out the Communists from our public life or absorb them. From this analysis it will be clear that, whatever the slogans of the parties contesting the forth coming elections, the cause of peace and progress demands that the electors should either vote Congress or support the Praja Party-Socialist alliance. The only feasible alternative to the Congress is this alliance. In a majority of cases, the voter’s choice will depend not on the party labels of any candidates belonging to these three important sections, but on the individual merit and antecedents of the candidates. If a forecast may be ventured at this stage, the Congress is likely to be returned by safe, but not overwhelming, majorities to the Central Parliament and the Slate Legislatures. The Praja Party, in alliance with the Socialists, will form the main Opposition, and keep a vigilant watch over Congress administrations. Bearing this in mind, it would be more proper for the Praja Party and the Socialists to ask for support to either section of their alliance than to insist: ‘Anyone but a Congressman.’

As for the candidates set up by the Congress, grave dissatisfaction has been expressed at the reappearance of legislators with dubious records, and the recruitment of others from powerful monied interests. Considerations based on merit and achievement have not had their due weight. And, despite Nehru’s earnest desire, few have been invited to contest on behalf of the Congress, the choice being confined to applicants. But, subject to these unwelcome features, the selection is in the main satisfactory. An organisation which has had the wisdom to select from the South such trusted servants of the nation as Giri, Avinashilingam, Tirumala Rao, Ananthasayanam Aiyangar and Durga Bai, cannot be unworthy of esteem and support. And it has chosen fresh entrants like Sri K. Raghuramaiah, who threw up a Law secretaryship in Madras to devote himself to public life. The Congress rose to great heights in the past, and, under proper guidance, it will once again prove worthy of the confidence of the Indian democracy. But the drift to a one-party domination has to be checked by a well-knit, intelligent Opposition, which can function efficiently and with due restraint, bearing in mind that it may be called upon at any moment to shoulder the burdens of office.

Churchill in Office

Mr. Winston Churchill is in office as Prime Minister, with a narrow Conservative majority of lees than twenty. He hopes to annex a dozen seats by reviving the representation of the Universities which have generally supported his Party; but this move has been put off for the present. His effort to win over the small group of Liberals under Mr. Clement Davies has not succeeded. It was, in fact, the Liberal voters’ swing to the Right which determined the final result of the elections, but the Party chiefs are unwilling to efface themselves by a virtual merger with the Conservatives. A feature of the election was the superiority in number of the total poll in favour of Labour, though Labour’s strength in the House suffered anotable decrease. It is yet to be seen for what length of time Mr. Churchill will be able to retain power, in the face of an Opposition almost equal in strength and determined to fight relentlessly. Within the Conservative fold are several who would prefer Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill. And prophets foresee an early overthrow of Mr. Churchill from the leadership of the Party. Meanwhile this old war-horse is carrying on with his accustomed vigour and enthusiasm. The King’s speech gives an indication of the new Prime Minister’s domestic and foreign policy. State supervison rather than State ownership of industries like steel and coal is envisaged. In Persia and in Egypt, the British Government will pursue a policy of firmness, while trying at the same time to negotiate with Russia in the interests of peace.

India has cause to rejoice that she won Independence when a progressive statesman like Mr. Attlee was in power. It is difficult to imagine the die-hard Mr. Churchill agreeing to what he once termed as the liquidation of the Empire. Now that Indian Independence is an accomplished fact, Mr. Churchill cannot put the clock. As for possible Anglo-American intrigues on the Kashmir issue, Mr. Churchill, as a shrewd realist, can be trusted not to push matters too far, for that might involve a risk of India openly aligning herself with Russia and China.

Liaquat Ali Khan

That the frenzy of political assassination overspreading Eastern lands should have taken its toll of a front-rank statesman like Liaquat Ali Khan is very much to be deplored. As the right-hand man of Jinnah and as an architect of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali endeared himself to his Muslim co-religionists. By his suave manner and spirit of accommodation, he won the respect of Nehru and other Indian leaders despite the strained relations between the two new States. He was vehement in speech but moderate in action, so that while he kept his hold on his turbulent followers, he always refused to take the final step that might precipitate war with India. An accomplished scholar and gentleman, and an admirer of India’s past, he played a notable part in recent Indian history. India mourns the loss of a great son who served the cause of progress according to his lights. When the dust of acrimonious controversies is laid, and India and Pakistan settle down under normal conditions as friendly neighbours, the memory of Liaquat Ali Khan will be cherished on both sides of the border.

It was feared that, with his passing away, the more fanatical elements in Pakistan’s public life would gain the upper hand. But the new Prime Minister, Kwaja Nazimuddin, has adopted a conciliatory tone in his utterances. The Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan are anxious to settle all outstanding differences by peaceful negotiations. The conoept of a theocratic State has become an obsession with the leaders of Pakistan, and this has coloured their outlook and influenced their treatment of non-Muslim minorities in the State. It is to soon to expect a change in this outlook, but so long as the will to peace is present, the hope of a settlement persists.

Prof. Bhushan

Prof. V. N. Bhushan, Principal of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan’s College, Bombay, and a distinguished writer in English and Telugu, passed away last month at the early age of forty-two. While yet a student of the Noble College, Masulipatnam, he made his debut as a poet in English. Later he was a post-graduate student of English literature at the Benaras Hindu University, where he won golden opinions from Prof. U.C. Nag, Head of the Department of English. As Professor of English at Bikaner, Poona, Bijapur, and Bombay, he won the love of his students; they were stimulated by his personal example to admire the classics of English literature as well as post-war poetry and fiction. In a series of volumes of verse, he expressed himself with remarkable felicity of phrase, giving rein to a picturesque imagination. There was an element of heaviness in his early productions, whether verse or prose, but with maturity came ease of craftsmanship. He wrote excellent critical essays, edited anthologies of Indo-English poetry and literary critici8m, and lectured to appreciative audiences on cultural topics. His love of English was combined with devotion to Telugu, and he attained a high level as a writer of Telugu short stories.

Prof. Bhushan was one of the group of Indo-English scholars who had a passionate faith in their mission as theinterpreters of culture between East and West. He was positive that Indian writers of English verse and prose could fulfill that mission despite the prevailing scepticism about the employment of a ‘foreign’ medium. He and his fellow literary artists are entitled to the gratitude of lovers of literature, for pursuing the ‘vision splendid’.

To Triveni and its Editor, Bhushan was particularly close. His original contributions and his renderings from Telugu were highly valued. So recently as September, Bhushan promised to induce his Gujarati and Marathi colleagues at the Bhavan’s College to write about their respective literatures to Triveni. The Editor hoped that, some day, he could welcome Bhushan at the poet’s home-town of Masulipatam, but, instead, it fell to him to preside at the condolence meeting held to mourn his demise. Such is the irony of Fate!

¹ November 9.