'The Triple Stream'

‘Triveni’ is devoted to Art, Literature and History. Its main function is to interpret the Indian Renaissance in its manifold aspects.

‘Triveni’ seeks to draw together cultured men and women in all lands and establish a fellowship of the elect. All movements that make for Idealism in India as well as elsewhere, receive particular attention in these columns. We count upon the willing and joyous co-operation of all lovers of the Beautiful and the True.

May this votive offering prove acceptable to Him who is the source of the ‘Triveni’–the Triple Stream of Love, Wisdom and power!

...he that laboureth right for love of Me
Shall finally attain! But, if in this
Thy faint heart fails, bring Me thy failure!

–The Song Celestial

‘The Triple Stream’

PURCHASING PEACE

By the Munich pact, the dictators and the democracies have averted a world war. Working with superb zeal, and at the risk of grave misunderstanding, Mr. Neville Chamberlain achieved success at a moment when failure seemed imminent. He has been the recipient of warm and grateful congratulations from allover the world; he has been acclaimed as the hero who has won a signal victory for peace.

It would be churlish to deny the great service rendered by the Prime Minister to civilised humanity. But there are deep searchings of heart among lovers of democracy who realise that peace has been purchased at a staggering price. No actual violence was used, but the threat of violence by Germany was present right through the agonised suspense of many days during which the fate of the world hung on the words of Herr Hitter. The problem before the western Powers was not so much whether the Sudeten and other Minorities in the Czechoslovak Republic should have the right of self-determination. Rather was it a question whether a well-governed democratic republic, whose integrity had been guaranteed by the Allied Powers at Versailles, should be dismembered with the connivance of the same Powers. Even among the Sudetens, there is a minority of Social Democrats who prefer the wise rule of Dr. Benes to the tyranny of Herr Hitler. The Czech Government under the leadership of Dr. Benes was prepared to make large concessions and to embody them in a Minorities Statute; and if Herr Hitler had not made Henlein his tool, it is conceivable that all the Minorities in the Czechoslovak State–Sudeten German, Polish and Hungarian–would have settled down peacefully and evolved a State and Government very much like that of Switzerland. Even Hitler would not have dared to go to war, if the united voice of Britain, France, and Russia had been raised against him, and if it had been made clear that any attempt to invade Czechoslovakia would involve him in a war with all the three Powers. But Britain and even France seem intent on combating the spread of Bolshevism, and to this end, Russia must be isolated, Germany and Italy appeased, and a progressive democratic State like Czechoslovakia sacrificed without mercy.

The Munich pact is a great blow to democracy. It registers the will of the dictators. It points the way to further concessions to armed might.

NEGOTIATIONS IN INDIA

During the tense moments when a declaration of war was expected, the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress sat at Delhi from day to day, debating the attitude India should adopt in the event of war. The All India Congress Committee had delegated its powers to the Working Committee, and the Working Committee was willing to be guided by Gandhiji, the great apostle of non-violence. A suggestion was thrown out that India should make a conditional offer of help to Britain, the condition being a favourable settlement of the Indo-British problem by immediate negotiation. Like a true Satyagrahi, Gandhiji turned down the proposal, for he would not take an unfair advantage of an opponent’s difficulties. Now that the war clouds have lifted, the Congress is not called upon to take any decision on the issue of help to Britain. But the very moderation of the Working Committee during a crisis of such magnitude makes it obligatory on the British Government to open negotiations with the Congress. The Congress has definitely declared that it cannot tolerate further extensions of the term of the Central Legislature, which have the effect of maintaining autocracy at the Centre as against a modified form of autonomy in the Provinces. The Congress further declared that the continuance of such a state of affairs would lead to a crisis which all parties ought to regret.

Lord Linlithgow is shortly returning to India, and it is expected that, even as he negotiates with the Princes, he will negotiate with the Indian national leaders. It is not tinkering with the Government of India Act that will satisfy the Congress and other progressive schools of thought, but an understanding that the Act will be replaced by a scheme of self-government on lines to be indicated by a Constituent Assembly of the nation. Federation, even for a transitional period, can be accepted only if this fundamental concession to Indian opinion is made at the outset. The Congress is strong with the strength of the national will behind it, and it may be trusted to enforce that will, and to win peace with honour.

THE PRINCES AND RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT

The agitation for Responsible Government is spreading rapidly in the Indian States. In Mysore, a committee is at work to thresh out the details of a new Constitution. In Hyderabad, the Government has sought to: stifle the people’s organization by banning it, on the plea that it is communal. But this step is not likely to stem the tide. The dominant position achieved by the Congress in eight out of eleven Provinces, combined with the memories of the great struggle for freedom which the Congress has put up for several decades, has had its inevitable effect on the people of the States. It is idle to speak of the two Indias–the States and the Provinces–when everything points to Indian unity.

In the far South, Travancore presents a, problem of the utmost significance. His Highness the Maharaja is an enlightened Ruler, beloved of his people. The State is being administered by a Dewan, well-known for his liberal outlook. The men and women of Travancore are highly intellectual. The demand of the State Congress is modest and reasonable–the establishment of responsible Government under the aegis of the Maharaja. One would have thought that here was a fortunate combination of circumstances,–that Travancore would set an example to all Indian States in the matter of constitutional advance. But, by an irony of fate, Travancore is today the scene of arrests, lathi charges, and firing. The Maharaja has received a memorial which makes very serious allegations against the Dewan Sir C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, and demands his dismissal. The Dewan, on his side, characterises the entire movement as the work of a few disgruntled individuals who are rank communalists. To add to the confusion, there have been outbreaks of mob violence. The main issue is thus clouded.

Gandhiji has advised the State Congress to withdraw the allegations against the Dewan and to maintain an atmosphere of non-violence. If this is done, there may be a chance of settling down to a consideration of the demand for Responsible Government. This demand has to be met at the earliest opportunity, for, whatever the origins of the State Congress, there is little doubt that today it is a strong and growing organization, drawing unto itself the affections of the people, and determined to achieve its object.

‘MALA PILLA’

At long last, South India has produced a film which can stand comparison with the pictures of the ‘New Theatres,’ ‘Prabhat,’ or ‘Bombay Talkies.’ The language is Telugu, and the scene is laid in the district of Kistna. Contemporary social life in Andhra is portrayed with admirable taste, against a ground of village temples and festivals, village fields and tanks. For the first time we have a picture which is of the soil, and represents the problems of the villager with deep sympathy and understanding.

Temple-entry for the Harijans, and the love of a Brahmin youth for a Harijan girl, are the main strands of the plot, and in between come the strikes of agricultural labourers and the gruesome rites where goats are offered to appease village goddesses. The story is disjointed, the various parts not being worked up to a climax and its resolution. But this seems inevitable in a film which, while it is artistic, is also propagandist in intention.

‘Stunts’ and ‘overacting’ are the besetting sins of most Indian films. ‘Mala Pilla’ is generally free from these. There is restraint, sense of proportion, and discipline throughout the picture. The photography, the music, the costumes and the settings are all of a high standard. Dr. G. V. Subba Rao, who is a distinguished figure on the Andhra stage, makes his first appearance on the screen. He has adapted himself to the new technique with surprising rapidity, and his performance is perhaps the best we have so far come across in any South Indian film–Telugu or Tamil. Kanchanamala as the Harijan girl, and Sundaramma who acts as her younger sister, sustain their previous reputation for acting and singing. Even the minor roles are played with success–a thing which cannot be said of most films. The Sarathi Films Ltd., under Mr. G. Ramabrahmam’s direction, have achieved a triumph. Their next picture will be the ‘Battle of Palnad,’ a memorable episode from medieval Andhra history.

It is regrettable that, in one or two places, attempts are being made to have ‘Mala Pilla’ banned, on the ground that it is likely to incite hatred between different communities. This is a far-fetched and wholly perverse view. Better counsels must prevail, for ‘Mala Pilla’ marks the beginning of a new chapter in the history of film-production in South India.