Part 6 - The Balbir lineage

THE BALBIR LINEAGE Balbir* Ma Kaviram* Symbols: * ** *** History of Thak Khola /191 Harkaman* Mohanman - Hitman* - - - Chetman* Guptaman* - Lalitman** Nagindraman** Shankarman Shamsherchand Anangman*** Krishnaman**/*** Indraman Yogindraman www. Bupendraman - - -Ganesh B.* Komal B.* Chandraman Gobindraman Gujaman Gujendraman Iswariman Subba (Contractor in Dana) Subba (Contractor in Butwal/Nepalganj/Rajapur) Subba (Civil Servant) In 1895 the customs contract was held by Kaviram Thakali's son Harkaman (1860- 1903). 113 Harkaman also held the contract in 1899 when Kawaguchi (a Japanese monk) passed through Thak Khola, 114 In 1902 the situation in Thak Khola took a dramatic turn when the customs contract was awarded to Man Lal Gurung from Ghanpokhari in Lumjung district. 115 The circumstances for this are unclear, but they may relate to political changes in Kathmandu. 116 Initially, Man Lal held the contract only to 1903, and in the following 113 Uprety 1980, p. 169. Harkaman Thakali was probably awarded the contract some years earlier, because it is said that he was very young when he first got the contract, and that his mother's brother (Harka Bahadur) stood as his guarantor. For Harkaman's dates, see von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, p. 144. 114 115 Kawaguchi mentions a "local Governor, named Harkaman Suppa". (1909, p. 45). Messerschmidt and Gurung 1974, p. 208. 116 In the 1846 Jung Bahadur Kunwar (later Rana) and his six brothers took the power in Nepal in a coup. Jung Bahadur died in 1877 and was replaced by his brother Ranaudip. In

192/Kailash years the contract was back in the hands of the members of the Balbir lineage. 117 However, Man Lal and his sons got the contract back, once from 1905 to 1910, and again from 1918 to 1920.118 Harkaman died in 1903119, but his younger brother Ganeshman took up the challenge against the Gurung subba, assisted by Hitman's sons (Mohanman, Hitman, Chetman and Guptaman), and his own (Komal Bahadur, alias 'Sete'). Informants mention that these persons all became subba before the salt monopoly was abolished in 1927. The relationship between the Thakali and Gurung subba is not clear. Shortly after Man Lal Gurung obtained the customs contract in Thak Khola, he became bond brother with Harkaman Thakali, and also their sons established such a relationship. 120 In spite of this, the Thakali subba and their supporters are said to have secretly opposed the Gurung subba. To avoid this opposition, Nar Jung Gurung (Man Lal's eldest son) shifted the customs office from Tukche (where the Thakali subba had their home) to a plain opposite Chairo, outside the control of the Thakali subba. 121 The Thakalis stood, 1885 the sons of the youngest brother (Dhir Shamsher) killed Ranaudip, and the eldest of the 17 Shamsher brothers (Bir) was declared prime minister. Bir Shamsher died in March 1901 and was succeeded by another brother Deb Shemsher, but only three months later (June 1901) a third brother, Chandra Shamsher, made a successful coup d' etat. Chandra Shamsher was a powerful ruler and held the post of prime minister until his death in 1929. He was succeeded by a fourth brother, Bhim Shamsher who died in 1932. Bhim Shamsher was succeeded by a fifth brother, Juddha Shamsher who ruled Nepal until 1945. The prime ministership was then given to Padma Shamsher (a son of Bhim) who retired in 1948 and was replaced by Mohan Shamsher (a son of Chandra Shamsher). The Rana family's monopoly on the prime ministership in Nepal was abolished in 1951. For a study of Rana period (1846-1951 ), see Rana 1978. 117 Meserschmdt and Gurung 1974, p. 210. Informants mention that the customs contract was awarded for a period of three years (see also von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, p. 143). It is not clear why Man Lal Gurung held the contract for two years only. 118 Messeerschmidt and Gurung 1974, p. 210. But according to von Furer-Haimendorf (1975 , p. 145) the Gurung subba last held the contract from 1917-19. 119 von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, pp. 144. 120 Messerscmidt and Gurung 1974, p. 210. Since Harkaman died in 1903, the formal relationship must have been established shortly after Man Lal got the customs contract for the first time in 1902. 121 In the 1870's Kaviram moved his residence, and, according to von Furer-Haimendorf (1975, p. 144) also the customs office to Tukche. There is, however, documentary evidence (Regmi 1978, p.1) that the customs office was in Dana in 1886, and, according to my informants, it remained there until 1928. However, the Thakali subba established a branch

History of Thak Khola /193 however, not united in the opposition against the Gurung subba, and several Thakalis cooperated with the Gurungs, including Dham Narayan Gauchan and Cham Narayan Gauchan who are said to have been guarantors for Man Lal and his sons. 122 The competition between the Thakali and Gurung subbas increased the price of the customs contract, and in the early 20 th century the royalty reached Rs 150,000 a year. 123 This was a fortune, equal to about 56 kg of gold. 124 In order to pay this sum of money 125, the customs contractor obviously had to trade very large quantities of salt and grain at high profit margins. 126 Moreover, an interruption in the flow of commodities, fluctuations in exchange rates, changes in the monopoly status, decreasing demand for salt in the Nepalese hills, etc. could turn the contractor's projected profit into a loss. office in Tukche for use in summer, and it was this office which Nar Jung shifted to Chairo. Informants mention that Nar Jung made ths move after he had been threatened to be thrown in the Kali Gandaki (where he is said to have taken a daily bath regardless of the season) if he remained in Tukche. 122 As mentioned above, the indroduction of the salt monopoly in favour of the customs contractor had an adverse effect on the business of other Thakali traders, and some of these were probably pleased when Harkaman's family lost the contract to Man Lal Gurung. 123 von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, p. 145. 124 In 1910 gold cost Rs 31 per total (11.66 gm) in Kathmandu. (Regmi 1981 b, p. 116). 125 The royalty payable to the government was Rs 150,000 in cash. It is not clear how the customs contractor got this sum of cash, because the trade is reported to have taken place on a barter basis, "people from Lo and Baragaun brought the salt to Tukche and received grain in exchange, while people as far as Lamjung, Kunsa, Baglung and Gulmi came to Thaksatsae to exchange grain for salt". (von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, p. 190; see also Bista 1971, p. 52, and Manzardo 1978, p. 10). However, the Thakalis used not only imported rice to pay for the salt, but also (mainly?) locally produced barley. Moreover, considering the limited demand for rice in Thak Khola and Tibet (rice was then a luxury), it is likely that some of the salt was sold to southern traders for cash. 126 von Furer-Haimendorf mentions that in Tukche the contractor would buy salt from northern traders at the rate of 32 lbs per rupee, and later sell it to traders from the south at the rate of 10 lbs per rupee (1975, p. 189). Even with this high profit the contractor would have to buy and sell 990 tons of salt a year to cover the cost of the contract (Rs 150,000). This is 2.7 t a day, and it would require about 60 porters to transport it out of Thak Khola. It is hard to imagine that the customs contractor really traded this big quantity of salt.

194/Kailash In the 1920's the royalty was reduced first to Rs 110,000 and later to Rs 90,000.127 Von Furer-Haimendorf relates this to a decline in the salt trade: The reason for this decline of the salt-trade was not a fall in the demand for Tibetan salt-the competition of Indian salt being not yet effective-but a sharp drop in the amount of salt exported by Tibet from the area north of Thak Khola. (1975, p.145) In a footnote von Furer-Haimendorf adds: According to a personal communication of Mr. Don Messerschmidt, the temporary decline of the flow of salt into Mustang and Thak Khola was probably due to the successful efforts of Gurung customs contractors to divert the Tibetan salt-trade to the Marsyangdi route over which they had control. (pp. 145-146) Manzardo (1978) rejects this explanation. According to him there was no decline in the salt trade, and the reduction in the royalty was the result of a successful scheme by the Thakali subba to increase their own profit. 128 Neither von Furer-Haimendorf nor Manzardo support their propositions with documentary evidence. However, there exists documentary evidence that in 1895 the Tibetans who traditionary supplied salt to Thak Khola began to send their salt to other destinations, and the flow of salt was only resumed after a meeting at the border between the contractor (Harkaman Thakali) and the Tibetans. 129 Man Lal Gurung had the same 127 von Furer-Haimendorf 1975, p. 145. 128 "A still more plausible explanation, however, is that the Thakali subba, when he was in power, and his agents, when the Gurungs were in power, were not accurately assessing the amount of salt which was being imported. It is quite possible that the difference between revenues collected and revenues said to have been collected was merely a source of increased income for certain Thakalis. Thak Khola being a remote district at that time, it is unlikely that there would have been an inquiry (Nep: daudaha) unless the discrepancy was very large. In the text we noted that Man Lal's bid for the contract was excessively high and that the Ranas' were allowing him credit to pay off his debt. If the Thakalis were shortweighing the Thak Khola customs records, then the Gurung's own income was being lowered. By bidding up the price of the contract and shortchanging the contract holder, it is likely that the Thakalis were soon able to make short work of their Gurung rivals. There is no reason to assume that the Thakalis would then discontinue the shortage once the Gurungs had been defeated." (Manzardo 1978, p. 55). 129 Uprety 1980, p. 169.

History of Thak Khola /195 problem in 1905.130 These episodes support von Furer-Haimendorf's proposition that the reduction in the royalty payable to the government relate to a decline in the supply of salt. However, this explanation does not rule out that due to their competition, the Gurung and Thakali subba had in the 1910's given unrealistic high bids, and that the bids (and the royalty) later were reduced to accord with the market situation. 131 Informants mention that in the 1920's the Thakali subba made little of no profit from the customs contract, and consequently they began to work for the abolishment of the contract system and the reintroduction of free trade. 132 Although this would mean an end to their monopoly in the trade of salt, they would no longer have to pay about Rs 90,000 a year as royalty to the government. As mentioned above, other traders in Thak Khola and Baragau had been against the monopoly ever since it was first introduced, and, for the first time since 1862, the Thakali community stood united in their plea to get the monopoly abolished. The abolishment of the monopoly would, of course, result in a loss of revenue to the government, but the Thakali subba were close to the Rana rulers, and in 1927 the government abolished the old customs collecting system, including the customs contractor's monopoly in trade of salt. 130 Ibid. As suggested by von Furer-Haimendorf and Messerschmidt, the Gurung subba may have tried to divert the supply of salt from Thak Khola to the Mharsyangdi after they had given up the customs contract in Thak Khola. However, considering that Man Lal had problems with the supply of salt to Thak Khola when he was customs contractor in 1905, it is unlikely that the decline of the flow of salt to Thak Khola in the 1920's was due to the successful efforts of his son. An alternatives guess is that the Tibetan suppliers sent their salt to areas where prices were higher than in Thak Khola, that salt supplies were interrupted by bandits along the supply route, or that the Tibetan government temporarily stopped the supply of salt due to a despite with the Nepalese government. 131 There could be other explanations for the reduction in the royalty. For example, the Thakali and Gurung subba could have agreed not to compete against each other and to share the profit arisen from the reduction in the royalty. The lower bids could be explained to the government as a result of a decline in the salt trade. And Manzardo (note 129 above) suggests that the Thakali subba forced the Gurung subba out of the contest, and subsequently reduced their bid and thus achieved a reduction in the royalty payable to the government. None of these explanations make, however, sense, because the subba are said to have made little or no profit during the final years of the monopoly (see also note 133 below). Moreover, informants mention that it was the Thakali subba who approached the government to get the old custom collection system abolished. 132 See also von Furer-Haimendorf (1975) who mentions that "during the final years of the monopoly, the customs contractors' accounts are said to have shown a loss of about Rs 40,000 per year". (p. 145). Von Furer-Haimendorf doubts, however, whether this actually was the case, "We may doubt whether the Thakali subba really suffered in any year a loss of Rs 40,000". (pp. 146).

196/Kailash Instead of the old system, the government established in 1928 a customs office in Jomsom and entrusted the collection of customs duties to government officials. This system did, however, not function satisfactorily, and in 1930 the government appointed some members of the Balbir lineage as customs collectors in Jomsom against an annual payment of Rs 12,000. This contract was only of minor importance to the Thakali subba, and the management of the customs office was entrusted to some relatives from 133 Jomsom. When the monopoly ended in 1927 the members of the Balbir lineage were the richest persons in Thak Khola and surrounding areas. The wealth of the family was founded primarily on the customs contract which it had held almost constantly since 1869. Besides trade in salt and foodgrains, the Thakali subba had a major income from trade in wool. The wool was bought in Tibet and transported to the Indian border where it was sold and exported to India. In the late 19 th century the Thakali subba also held a contract for collection of customs duties in the upper part of the Marsyangdi river. 134 Further, the subba family owned much land, and while the production of barley (the wintercrop) was exchanged for salt, buckwheat (the summercrop) was used for consumption. Finally, the subba were major money lenders. A default loan occasionally gave a loss, but more often it was a good opportunity to acquire land and (bond) labour at a cheap price. In the early 20 th century, the majority of Thakalis, especially in the villages situated away from the caravan route (Taglung, Kunjo and Naprungkhung) are said to have made a living primarily from agriculture and animal husbandry (yak, goat and sheep). These Thakalis had little or no income form trade and the monopoly did not affect them much, except for the restrictions imposed on import of salt for household consumption. 135 But to major Thakali traders the monopoly was an evil. The restrictions imposed on trade in salt in effect put them out of this business, and during the period of the 133 In 1954 the government moved the customs office to Necyung near the Tibetan border so that villagers north of Jomsom no longer had to pay customs duties on foodgrains imported for consumption. In connection with this relocation of the customs office, the Thakali subba involvement in custom collection the Kali Gandaki area came to an end." 134 Messerschmidt and Gurung 1974, pp. 204. 135 According to informants from Thaksatsae as well as Pacgau, households were allowed to import only five pathi of salt for their own consumption during the monopoly. This was not sufficient (especially for households raising animals), and informants from Taglung mention that villagers therefore smuggled salt during the monopoly.

History of Thak Khola /197 monopoly they therefore concentrated on trade in other commodities, especially wool and live animals (goats and sheep). Some traders also travelled to Kalimpong (in India) to buy Tibetan tea and other goods for resale in Thak Khola and Lo. The number of Thakalis who gained from the monopoly was very limited. Besides the members of the Balbir lineage, the customs contract benefitted only a small group of affinale relatives and trusted friends who assisted the subba in the buying and selling of salt and grains, the collection of customs duties, the keeping of records and accounts, etc. 136 The wealth of the Thakali subba and their connections to the rulers in Kathmandu gave them a dominant position in the political affairs in Thak Khola and neighbouring areas. Within their own community the subba used their political influence to introduce reforms of Thakali culture. In the 19 th century Thakali society and culture was heavily influenced by Tibetan civilization. However, in the beginning of the 20 th century the sons of Harkaman Thakali introduced reforms to substitute Tibetan elements in Thakali culture with elements from the culture and religion of the Hindu rulers in Kathmandu. This 'Nepalization' included, among others, the introduction or Nepali surnames (Gauchan, Tulacan, Sercan and Bhattacan 137), the abolishment of the Thakalis' traditional Tibetan-style winterdress, a ban on the consumption of yak meat 138, and a ban on capture marriages. The Thakali subba obviously introduced these reforms in order to appear less 'Tibetan' in the eyes of the high caste rulers in Kathmandu, and this move may well relate to the loss of the customs contract to Man Lal Gurung in 1902.