4.2. Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa

[Full title: Kalidasa Studies (2): Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa]

The works of Kalidasa are replete with reference to sacrifices or things connected with them. This should not be unusual in view of his description of hermitages and penance groves with ascetics for whom performance of sacrifices was a matter of course. Then there were kings who organized big sacrifices which would last long and to which they would invite important sages and seers of the time. They would either do so for the fulfilment of some wish like the birth of a son or to proclaim their supremacy among contemporary kings. Kalidasa must have lived in an age when he would have seen columns of smoke going up the sky and heard of the chant of the Vedic mantras to enable him to describe them with a certain intimacy. A major part of his themes he has laid in penance groves, Tapovanas or hermitages, Asramas of Kanva, Marica and other sages. Dusyanta, the king of Hastinapura, reaches it in course of hunting. The Asramites come to know of this and send him the sons of the Rsis, the Rsikumaras, with the request that he should stay in the Asrama for a few days. The reason: On account of the absence of Kulapati Kanva the demons are causing obstructions to their sacrifices: tatrabhavatah kulapater asannidhyad raksamsi na istivighnam utpadayanti¹. The king agrees. The sacrifices go on, the king taking care of the hindrances. As they conclude, he is sent off by the sages for his capital: adya rajarsir istim samapya rsibhir visarjitah ..........2 For the performance of the sacrifice an altar, Vedi, was laid, around which was placed the sacred Kusangrass, The Rtyijs or

72 Classical Sanskrit Literature the sacrificial priests would then light the fire and pour oblations into it. A pupil of the sacrificer, the Yajamanasisya, in the Abhijnanasakuntala is shown carrying the Kusa grass which he is to pass on to the sacrificial priests: yavad iman vedisamstaranartham darbhan rtvigbhya upanayami³. Back in his Asrama, Kanva arranges for sending Sakuntala to her husband's home. At the time of her departure he asks her to walk round the fires to which sacrifice had just been offered: itah sadyohutagnin pradaksinikurusva. He then blesses her in Rgvedic metre: rkchandasa 'saste-'May these sacrificial fires having their places assigned them round the altar with sacrificial sticks offered to them and the Kusa grass strewn round them, chasing away evil with the odours of sacrificial offerings, purify you: ami vedim paritah klptadhisnyah samidvantah prantasamstirnadarbhah apaghnanto duritam havyavahair vaitanas, tvam vahnayah pavayantu 115 The plural number in sacrificial fires, vahnayah, is indicative here of more than one fire. It probably refers to three that are usually worshipped by the Agnihotrins: the Garhapatya, the Daksinagni and the Ahavaniya which are collectively called Treta according to Manu. Kalidasa too calls them as such in describing the smoke filling the path of Rama's aerial car on his return from Lanka to Ayodhya: tretagnidhumagram anindyakirtes tasyedam akrantavimanamargam ghratva havirgandhi rajovimuktah samasnute me laghimanam atma 11 and in describing the three brothers of Rama as having the lustre of three fires: itare 'pi raghor vamsyas trayas tretagnitejasah³. There is indirect reference to three fires when Kautsa approaching Raghu is told by him to wait like the fourth fire for two or three days in his fire sanctuary: vasans caturtho 'gnir ivagnyagare⁹. It is only once that Kalidasa in his works gives the number of fires as four and that is in the context of the description of the thew Delhi works gives the number

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 73 sage Sutiksna who is spoken of as practising penance in the midst of four fires: havirbhujam edhavatam caturnam madhye....asau tapasyati¹º. Kanva's statement that the fires have their assigned places on the altar agrees very well with the Vedic practice. The Garhapatya is situated in the middle of the western part of the Vedi, the Daksinagni is near the south-western corner of it and the Ahavaniya is at the eastern end of it. Every Agnihotrin or worshipper of fire in days of yore had a separate room, or if circumstances permitted, a house dedicated to the holy fires. Kalidasa refers to this in three places, one, when the incorporeal metrical speech informs Kanva of Sakuntala's marriage as he had entered the fire sanctuary: agnisaranam pravistasya sariram vina chandomayya vaca¹¹, the second time, when Dusyanta asks his staff-bearer Vetravati to lead the way to the fire-sanctuary where he is to receive the pupils of Kanva and Gautami who had escorted Sakuntala to him : Vetravati! agnisaranamargam adesaya¹² and the third time when Raghu asks Kautsa to wait for three or four days in the fire-sanctuary while he would endeavour to accomplish his object: vasans caturtho 'gnir ivagnyagare... dvitrany ahany arhasi sodhum.13 Now, the word used in the Abhijnanasakuntala for firesanctuary is agnisarana while that used in the Raghuvamsa is agnyagara. Both have the same meaning of a house for sacred fires. One of the alternative meanings of agara is house. Kalidasa uses it in this sense in the Meghaduta: tatragaram dhanapatigrhan uttarenasmadiyam.14 As per tradition, offerings in the sacrifices go to the deities who are called for that reason havirbhuj . In the Abhijnanasakuntala even the sage couple Daksayani and Marica in whose Asrama Sakuntala takes shelter after her repudiation by her husband is called so. Not only that, it is said to be the foremost among them: yajnabhagesvaram... 15 dvandvam daksamaricisambhavam. In the Kumarasambhava even the mount Himalaya is assigned that position: yajnabhagajusam madhye padam CC-0. Prof. Satya Vret Shastri Collection, New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA atasthusa tvaya.

Though the Rsis could, through their spiritual power itself, ward off obstructions to their sacrifices from demons wont to disrupt them, they would normally not like to do so for fear of its depletion. Raghu specifically enquires from Kautsa whether his preceptor Varatantu has not to spend his threefold penance treasured up by him to remove impediments. The normal course for the ascetics was to approach the rulers of the time and to request them for protection. It was only when that was not available that they would strike the disruptor with their curse-arm and spend their penance: tranabhave hi sapastrah kurvanti tapaso vyayam. 17 The theme of the rulers or their sons being called upon by ascetics to afford them protection is taken up by Kalidasa in two of his works, in the Abhijnanasakuntala as noted above as also the time when Dusyanta hears a call informing him that while the vesper sacrifices, the savanakarman, are commenced, the shadows of flesheaters are inspiring terror in various ways: savanakarmani sampravrtte chayas caranti bahudha bhayam adadhanah....pisitasananam 18 and in the Raghuvamsa at two places, first time when the sage Visvamitra approaches King Dasaratha to spare Rama for him to remove obstruction to his sacrifice: kausikena kila sa ksitisvaro ramam adhvaravighata- santaye... yacitah19 who together with Laksmana afforded him protection while he had entered upon the initiatory ceremonies of the sacrifice: tatra diksitam rsim raraksatuh20 with the result that the priests were able to complete his (Visvamitra's), while he was observing silence, sacrificial rites in due order: rtvijah kulapater yathakramam vagyatasya niravartayan kriyah21 and the other time when the sages living on the banks of the Yamuna with their sacrifice disrupted by Lavana came to Rama for protection: lavanena viluptejyas tamisrena tam abhyayuhi munayo yamunabhajah saranyam saranarthinah 122 The sages did have their power of asceticism which could afford them protection but they thought that since Rama was there, there was no need for them to do so and attack Lavana with it: aveksya ramam te tasmin na prajahruh svatejasa,23 for, in the New Delhi, Digitizattack

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 75 absence of a protector only do the curse-armed ones expend their ascetic virtue: tranabhave hi sapastrah kurvanti tapaso vyayam. While enumerating the qualities of the scions of the race of Raghu Kalidasa mentions one which is particularly relevant to the present study. It is their offering oblations to fire according to prescribed rules: yathavidhihutagninam. 24 Dilipa going to Vasistha to enquire of the cause of his issuelessness and to know the means to be out of it mentions to him his obscured state for want of an issue, prajalopanimilitah25, though he is purified by sacrifices, ijyavisuddhatma 26. The sacrifices may not only serve the purpose of self-purification, they may also lead to meterial prosperity. Dilipa mentions to Vasistha that the oblation duly offered by him to the holy fires turns into rain for nourishing the crops which otherwise would wither by drought: havir avarjitam hotas tvaya vidhivad agnisul vrstir bhavati sasyanam avagrahavisosinam 17 The mantras that he, their revealer, the mantrakrt 28, the repository of the Atharva lore, atharvanidhih29, utters keeps the enemy away and accounts for the welfare of the people. Since ghee was the principal offering in the sacrifices, the cow, the means of obtaining it, had an importance of its own for the sacrifice. It is said to be the ahutisadhana, the source of oblation, for the hotr30, the sacrificer, who maintains the sacrificial fire: ahitagni³¹. In addition to making a general observation like agnicit, one who has consecrated the sacred fires as in the case of Aja³2 or yajvan³3, sacrificer as in the case of Ksemadhanvan Kalidasa mentions a number of kings having performed certain specific sacrifices. Dilipa performed ninety-nine Asvamedhas 34 and, though he could not perform the hundredth one; his horse guarded by his son Raghu having been taken away by Indra who would not part with it, (though challenged by the former, not wanting the nomenclature of Satakratu to pass on to someone else); he got its full reward.35 Dasaratha performed the Putresti sacrifice for begetting sons. 36 Raghu performed the Visvajit sacrifice wherein he gave away in CC- 0. Prof. Satya Yat Sharity all his possessions.37 Rama performed

the Asvamedha sacrifice 38 wherein he placed the figure of exiled Sita in gold by his side.39 Sita's father Janaka performed a sacrifice, name not given, but inferable to be Asvamedha because of the mention of Yupa in a reference to its conclusion: yupavaty avasite kriyavidhau 40 and its mention by the word kratu with which it is referred to elsewhere, to which he had invited the sage Visvamitra: tam nyamantrayata sambhrtakratur maithilah 41 who had taken Rama also with him. It was there that the incident of the lifting of the bow and its breaking had led to the marriage of Rama with Sita. There is reference by Rama to the Asvamedha intended to be performed in the context of the ocean having been enlarged by his ancestors when they had dug into the earth in search of the sacrificial horse of their father that had been taken down by the sage Kapila to the nether regions: guror yiyaksoh kapilena medhye rasatalam sankramite turangel tadartham urvim avadarayadbhih purvaih kilayam parivardhito nah 1142 Rama's grandson Atithi is also described to have performed the Asvamedha sacrifice, jigisor asvamedhaya¹³, and that is incidentally the last reference to Asvamedha in the Raghuvamsa. Since the Asvamedha involved the killing of the horse, it was but natural that Kalidasa should have made a frequent reference to the Yupa, the sacrificial post, to which the animal was tied before it was slaughtered. The Yogin Kartavirya is said to have fixed sacrificial posts in eighteen continents : astadasadvipanikhatayupah babhuva yogi kila kartaviryah1 f 4 The sacrificial ceremony performed by Janaka consisted of the Yupa: yupavaty avasite kriyavidhaus, Dasaratha is said to have made the banks of the rivers Tamasa and Sarayu glisten with the loftly golden aYupas Collection, New Delhi. Digitized by laten

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 77 kratusu tena visarjitamaulina bhujasamahrtadigvasuna krtahi kanakayupasamucchrayasobhino vitamasa tamasasarayutatah1 f 6 Rama in the aerial car points to Sita the banks of the river Sarayu flowing by Ayodhya lined all along by the sacrificial posts, the Yupas 47. The mention is in the context of the horse sacrifice, the turangamedha 48. Rama's son Kusa on his way back to Ayodhya to shift his capital to it saw on reaching the banks of the Sarayu hundreds of Yupas, with square pavements for their pedestals, of the descendants of Raghu having performed sacrifices: ity adhvanah kaiscid ahobhir ante kulam samasadya kusah sarayvahi vedipratisthan vitatadhvaranam yupan apasyac chataso raghunam if⁹ Siva in the guise of a Brahmacarin while dissuading Parvati from her resolve to win him for her, says that the good do not accord a stake, sula, in the cremation ground the Vedic honour due to a sacrificial post: apeksyate sadhujanena vaidiki smasanasulasya na yupasatkriya.50 If it was Asvamedha, the animal killed was horse. If it was Gomedha, it could even be cow. King Rantideva is mentioned by Kalidasa to have slaughtered cows. The cloud in the Meghaduta is asked to tarry for a while on the river ( Carmanvati) to do honour to the glory of the king that had appeared on the earth in the form of a river: vyalambethah surabhitanayalambhajam manayisyan srotomurtya bhuvi parinatam rantidevasya kirtimi! Rama in the aerial car while overflying the forests also draws Sita's attention to a number of Asramas and Tapovanas of the Rsis giving his comments on their preoccupation with the sacrifices. The ascetic Sutiksna he mentions as practising penance in the midst of the four fires fed with fuel: havirbhujam edhavatam caturnam madhye 52. The sage Sarabhanga after keeping the sacred

fire and after continuing to propitiate it with sacred fuel for long, ciraya santarpya samidbhir agnim, at last offered his body consecrated with mantras to it: yo mantraputam tanum apy ahausit 115³ The ablution at the conclusion of the sacrifice called avabhrtha is referred to by Kalidasa at more than one place, once in the context of the mention of Nandini's milk which was said to be more sanctifying than it (the avabhrtha): bhuvam kosnena kundodhni medhyenavabhrthad api 54, the second time in the context of Dasaratha having had it: avabhrthaprayatah55, the third time Visvamitra having had it: avabhrthapluto munih 56 and the fourth time in the context of Rama's mention of the Iksvakus having had it: turangamedhavabhrthavatirnair iksvakubhih57. Kalidasa uses a number of words for sacrifice: yajna, 58 ijya,59 homa, 60 adhvara,61 kratu, 62 makha,63 isti,64 and vitana the last one identifiable from its derivative Taddhita use vaitana found first in the context of the sacred water vaitanikam santyudakam 65 and the other time at Sakuntala'a circumambulation of the sacred fires vaitana vahnayah66. Sometimes the idea of the sacrifice or sacrificial rites is just conveyed by the general word kriya, act. Dilipa asking the lion to accept him in lieu of the cow says by doing so neither the means for the sacrifice of the Muni (Vasistha) would be destroyed, bhaved aluptas ca muneh kriyarthah67, nor would the dinner-after-fast of his be violated. Raghu while asking Indra as to why he should cause obstruction to the sacrifice of his father also uses this word: madguroh kriyavighataya katham pravartase 68. After Rama had removed the obstruction by demons, the sacrificers were able to perform the sacrificial rites for Visvamitra. In this context too the same word figures: rtvijah kulapater yathakramam vagyatasya niravartayan kriyah69. So does it figure in connection with the mention of the conclusion of the sacrificial rites of Janaka: yupavaty avasite kriyavidhau 70. Once a while even the word karman appears to carry the meaning of sacrifice or sacrificial ceremonies . When Agnivarna was ill, his ministers made out to the suspecting subjects that he was engaged in performing sacrificial ceremonies for the birth of a CC-0. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri Collection, New Delhi. Digitized

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 79 son: badham esu divasesu parthivah karma sadhayati putrajanmane". The bigger sacrifices like the Asvamedha and the Visvajit were referred to occasionally with the word mahat: tad angam agryam maghavan mahakratoh,72 iti ksitiso navatim navadhikam mahakratunam..........tatana,73 rtvijah sa tatha 'narca daksinabhir mahakratau,74 putro raghus tasya padam prasasti mahakrator visvajitah prayokta.75 Interestingly, the word yaga for sacrifice never figures in the works of Kalidasa. The words for sacrifice mostly have been used by the great poet as synonyms though in ritualistic texts they go with a particular sacrifice for which his use of a number of different words for the same sacrifice can be cited as proof, e.g., homa, makha and kratu for Asvamedha, yajna, adhvara and makha for Visvajit and so on.76 It went with the rules of the sacrifice that the fee and the gifts were to be given at the conclusion of the sacrifice without which it was taken to be as good as futile: hato yajnas tv adaksinah. Kalidasa mentions it first in the context of the coronation of Atithi, son of Kusa and the grandson of Rama so that Snatakas could complete their sacrifices with liberal gifts: sa tavad abhisekante snatakebhyo dadau vasul yavataisam samapyeran yajnah paryaptadaksinah 177 and the second time in the context of the performance of the Asvamedha sacrifice by the same king: rtvijah sa tathanarca daksinabhir mahakratau yatha sadharanibhutam namasya dhanadasya ca 1178 Called Dirghasatras some of the sacrifices would last very long. Patanjali in his Mahabhasya mentions them as going on for a hundred or even a thousand years: varsasatikani varsasahasrikani. Kalidasa for once makes a mention of the same in the context of the non-availability of the divine cow Surabhi (who had cursed Dilipa) for her being in the nether region, Patala, for providing oblation, havis, for the Dirghasatra of Pracetas: havise dirghasatrasya sa cedanim pracetasahi bhajangapihitadvaram patalam adhitisthati 179

It is only once a while that the sacrificial instrument is referred to by Kalidasa. There is mention of the sruc, the long sacrificial ladle, made of the vikankata wood in the context of the disruption of Visvamitra's sacrifice. As the Rtvijs noticed the Vedi defiled with large drops of blood, they got so upset that the ladles dropped down from them: viksya vedim atha raktabindubhir bandhujivaprthubhih pradusitam sambhramo 'bhavad apodhakarmanam rtvijam cyutavikankatasrucam 1180 There is also mention of the sacrificial food, caru, which Dasaratha is said to have divided among his wives: sa tejo. vaisnavam patnyor vibheje carusamjnitam³¹. Oblation to sacred fire is of common enough occurrence in Kalidasa . Among the many good things happening at the time of the birth of Raghu one is the household fire receiving oblation with the flame rightward: pradaksinarcir havir agnir adade $2 The same thing happened at the lustration caremony of the horses at the start of his victory expedition: tasmai samyag ghuto vahnir vajinirajanavidhau! pradaksinarcir vyajena hasteneva jayam dadau 11 83 The augmentation of the natural splendour of fire with oblation is used by Kalidasa in the context of the description of the sons of Dasaratha to compare the improvement (lit. increase) of their natural modesty by means of the method of educaton of discipline (which they underwent): svabhavikam vinitatvam tesam vinayakarmanam mumurccha sahajam tejo haviseva havirbhujam 184 The red Karnikara is compared by him to the fire blazing with oblations : hutahutasanadipti yuvatayah kusumam dadur ahitam tadalake SS5 It is worth noting that quite a few times that Kalidasa makes a mention of offering of oblations into the fire, he uses CC-0. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri Collection, New Delhi. Digitized by uses the word

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 81 vidhina or yathavidhi 87 or vidhivat,88 or yathavat 89 or samyak⁹0 according to rule, in due order, with it. A sacrifice has to be performed according to rules or the procedure going with it as detailed in the relevant texts. Kalidasa belonged to a civilization when Vedic sacrifices were still in vogue, when altars were made and strewn around with the sacred Darbha grass, when the sacred fires, three or four, with each a specified place for it were lit, when an adequate stock of sacrificial firewood was maintained, when the priests, the Rtvijs, would help perform sacrifices for the Yajamanas or the Yajyas, when sages would pronounce blessings in Vedic metres and reveal the mantras, when kings and emperors would take pride in performing sacrifices, big and small, the daily ones and special ones requiring elaborate arrangements and would have on their completion the sacred avabhrtha ablution. This was a civilization which has so much permeated the spirit of Kalidasa that it has found spontaneous expression all through his immortal works. REFERENCES Note: The references and quotations in the article are from the text of Kalidasa's works as given in the Kalidasagranthavali, edited by Rewa Prasad Dwivedi, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, 1976. 1. Abhijnanasakuntala (Abh.S), Act II, p. 456. 2. ibid., Act, IV, p. 476. 3. ibid., Act III, p. 459. 4. ibid., Act IV, p. 486. 5. Manusmrti, ibid. 6. Manusmrti, II. 231. 7. Raghuvamsa (Ragh.), XIII. 37, p. 205. 8. ibid., XV. 35, p. 222. 9. ibid., V. 25, p. 136. 10. ibid., XIII. 41, p. 205. Cc-o The observation of Pandit, as quoted by Nandargikar, on this is that this refers to what is called the pancagnisadhana, or a kind the Digitized by $3 Found of mortification practised between four fires, one in front, Sne

behind and one on either side, and the summer sun shining on the head as the fifth'. The Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1982, p. 881. Though Manu at one place, II. 231, mentions the holy fires to be three, the Daksina, the Garhapatya and the Ahavaniya, at other places, III. 100, 185, he mentions them to be five, the two more being Sabhya and the Avasathya. It is possible that Kalidasa in his mention of four fires had in his mind one of the two, the Sabhya or Avasathya in addition to the three referred to by the term Treta. 11. Abh. S., Act IV, p. 482. 12. ibid., Act V, p. 498. 13. Raghu., V. 25, p. 136. 14. Meghaduta (Megha.), Uttaramegha, verse 12. 15. Abh.S., Act VII, p.556. 16. Kumarasambhava, (Ku Sam.), VI.72, p.81 17. Raghu., XV.3., p.219 18. Abh. S., Act III, p.475 19. Raghu., XI. 1, p. 183. 20. ibid., XI. 24, p. 185. 21. ibid., XI. 30, p. 185. 22. ibid., XV. 2, p. 219. 23. ibid., XV. 3., p. 219. 24. ibid., I. 6, p. 103. 25. ibid., 1.68, p. 108. 26. ibid. 27. ibid., I. 62, p. 108. 28. ibid., I. 61, p. 108. 29. ibid. 30. ibid., I. 82, p. 110. 31. ibid., II. 44, p. 115. 32. ibid., VIII. 25, p. 159. 33. ibid., XVIII. 12, p. 245. 34. apurnam ekena satakratupamah satam kratunam apavighnam apa sah, ibid., III. 38, p. 122. 35. ajasradiksaprayatas sa madguruh krator asesena phalena yujyatam, ibid., III. 65 , p. 124. 36. tam adhvare visvajiti ksitisam nihsesavisranitakosajatam, ibid., CC-0.YoPs 34 Vrat Shastri Collection, New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

Yajnas (Sacrifices) in Kalidasa 83 37. rsyasrngadayas tasya santah santanakanksinah arebhire jitatmanah putriyam istim rtvijah, ibid., X.4, p. 175. 38. tam adhvaraya muktasvam, ibid., X. 5, p. 175. 39. vidher adhikasambharas tatah pravavrte makhah, ibid., XV. 62, p. 224 40. ibid., XI. 37, p. 186. 41. ibid., XI. 32, p. 185. 42. ibid., XIII. 3, p. 202. 43. ibid., XVII. 76, p. 242. 44. ibid., VI. 38, p. 145. 45. ibid., XI. 37, p. 186. 46. ibid., IX. 20, p. 167. 47. jalani sa tiranikhatayupa, ibid., XIII. 61, p. 207. 48. turangamedhavabhrthavatirnair iksvakubhih punyalarikrtani, ibid. 49. ibid., XVI. 35, p. 231. 50. Ku. Sam., V. 73, p. 74. 51. Megha, Purvamegha, verse 45, p. 33. 52. Raghu., XIII. 41, p. 205. 53. ibid., XIII. 45, p. 206. 54. bhuvam kosnena kundodhni medhyenavabhrthad api, ibid, I. 84, p. 110. 55. ibid., IX. 22, p. 168. 56. ibid., XI. 31, p. 185. 57. ibid., XIII. 61, p. 207. 58. pp. 81, 556. 59. pp. 108, 23, 219 60. p. 144. 61. pp. 134, 183, 223, 231. 62. pp. 122, 124, 148, 186. 63. pp. 122, 135, 190, 224. 64. p. 175. 65. Abh. S., Act III, p. 459. 66. ibid., Act IV, p. 486. 67. Raghu., II. 55, p. 116. 68. ibid., III. 44, p. 122. 69. ibid., XI. 30, p. 185. 70. ibid., XI. 37, p. 186. 74-0. ibidsaXIXta 62 apri 25 Baction, New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

. ibid., III. 46, p. 122. 73. ibid., III. 69, p. 124. 74. ibid., XVII. 80, p. 243. 75. ibid., VI. 76, p. 148. 76. ibid., III. 38, 39, 45, pp. 122, IV. 86, p. 133, V.6, pp. 134, 135. 77. ibid., XVII. 17, p. 237. 78. ibid., XVII. 80, p. 243. 79. ibid., I. 80, p. 109. 80. ibid., XI. 25, p. 185. 81. ibid., X. 54, p. 179. 82. ibid., IV. 25, p. 128. 83. ibid., IV. 25, p. 128. 84. ibid., X. 79, p. 182. 85. ibid., IX. 40, p. 169. 86. yad agnau vidhina hutam, Ku. Sam., VI.6, p.77. 87. yathavidhihutagninam, Raghu., 1.6, p. 103. 88. havir avarjitam hotas tvaya vidhivad agnisu (mark the plural indicative of the three fires), ibid., I. 62, p. 108. 89. tato yathavad vihitadhvaraya, ibid., V. 19, p. 135. 90. tasmai samyag ghuto vahnih, ibid., IV. 25, p. 128.