Chapter 3 - Biography of Kapilendra: The empire builder

I Early Life We have scant information about the early about the early career of Kapilendradeva, the founder of the Suryavamsi Gajapati dynasty, that ruled over Orissa, and parts of Madras Presidency for more than a century. Some of his inscriptions as well as those of his successors, and the Sarasvativilasam ascribed to his grandson Prataparudra, no doubt, describe the genealogy of the family; but neither do they mention his ancestors nor furnish a complete account of his descendants. A recently discovered copper-plate grant of his nephew (brother's son), Raghudeva-narendra takes back the history of the family by two generations, and gives us some valuable information about his grandfather, father and brothers. la The inscriptions of the contemporary Vijayanagara kings especially Krsnadevaraya, as well as the Chronicles of the Qutb Shahy sultans of Golkonda bring to light the names of some members of the family not known from other sources. Consolidating all the available evidence on the subject, the genealogy² of the Suryavamsi Gajapatis may be formulated as follows; Sun Raghu Dasaratha Rama Kusa (continued on p. 31) 1. Indian Archaeology, 1955-56, p. 31. 1 a. All the Oriya inscriptions call him Kapilendra, but some of the copperplate grants refer to him as Kapilesvara. In the following pages the name Kapilendra alone is adopted. 2. Kondavidu plates of Ganadeva. Indian Antiquary Vol. XX, p. 390 ff. Gopinathpur inscription of Gopinatha Mahapatra, minister of Kapilendra. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal LXIX 1900, p. 175 ff. Bhasvad-vams avatamsah ... Kapilendr = dbhidhano narendrah | = Ciruvrolu plates of Hamvira. Bharati, Nov. 1941, pp. 514 ff. Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra. Andhra Patrika Annual, 1928, pp. 167-80. Sarasvativildsam, p. 4 verse 2. Prataparudrasya kul = agraganyah pratapa-bhanuh prathamo grahanam ||

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER Kusa In his family was born Kapilesvara Jagesvara Virabhadra 31 Kapilendra m. Parvati Balarama Parasurama 1 Purusottama m. Rupambika Raghudeva narendra 1 Prataparudra m. Padmavati Tirumala Rahuttaraya Ramacandra Purusottama Some interesting details of Kapilendra's early life are preserved in the Madala Panji.³ According to that chronicle, 'Kapila' was a man of "low birth";4 and while a boy, he was picked up by Bhanudeva (Kajjala Bhanu or Matta Bhanu) near the Vimala temple,5 and was brought up in the royal palace as the king's son. Kapila or Kapilendra succeeded Bhanudeva IV, after his death. This same story is preserved in the Katakaraja-vamsavali and, in the Kaifiyat of Jagannatham but with slight differences. The boy whom Bhanudeva found at the temple of Vimala-Parvati was given the name Kapila Samanta Rao. During the last days of Bhanudeva's rule, the Mughals invaded the country and demanded a large ransom. The king paid a portion, and for the remainder left his 'son' Kapila Samanta Rao as a hostage. The king died 3. Kalingadesa Caritra, p. 646. 4. According to the Jagannatham Kaifiyat, he was a thief in the beginning (Mackenzie Manuscripts 15-6-48). For details see, 'Further Sources' Vol. II, p. 85 ff. 5. This Matta Bhanu was the last of the Ganga rulers and was childless. He prayed Lord Jagannatha to bless him with a son so that he could perpetuate his dynasty. Lord Jagannatha then appeared before him in a dream and said that he would find his successor near the Vimala temple the next day. The next day the king went to the temple and there finding Kapila, brought him home and adopted him. This Kapila succeeded Bhanudeva IV after his death. (Madala Panji. Cf. Kalingadesa Caritra, p. 646). The Gopinathpur inscription of Kapilendra (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. LXIX Part I, 1900, p. 171 ff.), seems to lend support to this story. Therein Kapilendra is said to have. become ruler of Orissa by the 'adesa' or the order of God Jagannatha.

32 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA soon after. The Mughals then released Kapila Samanta and sent him to rule this country. The Gangavamsanucarita, though it does not mention anything about the birth and early life of Kapilendra, describes the manner in which he rose to power. According to that work, Kapilendra was a minister of Bhanudeva and when the king was away from the capital, on a campaign, he usurped the throne. Bhanudeva retired to Gudari-kataka and spent his last days in obscurity.8 & 9 Bhanudeva IV, the last of the Gangas, came to the throne about A.D. 1415 and must have ruled upto A.D. 1434-35.10 So the 'Mughals' referred to in the Katakaraja-vamsavali should be some Muslim neighbours who invaded Orissa during his reign; and they have nothing to do with the Mughal dynasty of Delhi. On the other hand, the reference appears to be to the invasion by some neighbouring Muslim power. So far no corroborative evidence for this campaign has been forthcoming from among the accounts of the Muslim chroniclers. No doubt, Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad 11 refers to an invasion of Jajnagar by Sultan Hushang Shah of Malwa, in A.D. 1421. But this could not have been 'during the last days of Bhanudeva's rule.' If the testimony of Katakarajavamsavali is to be accepted, we will have to presume that about A.D. 1434 there was some other Muslim invasion of Orissa either from the side of Malwa or Bengal, for which there is no support in the extant chronicles. 6. Further Sources, II, p. 83-84. 7. Kalingadesa Caritra, p. 344. . 8 & 9. Ibid. Krtva rajyam = akamtakam kila samam kamddum bhuja-damdayoh hartum niryati tatra digjaya-krte durvara dor = vikrame sunyayan = nrpa nirgamena suciram sa rajadhanikrta tat = tasyam Kapilemdradevam = anagham bhupam vyadhur = mamtrinah || Krtva tam kapilemdram = atma-visaye simhasan = adhyasinam maulanam = api mamtrinam kucaritany = alokya ros-akulah tam dhikkrtya ca daksinatya-nrpaten = utsarya viry = occhryat rajarthi-prathamam Gudarikatake vasaya cakre munah || 10. The last known date of Bhanudeva IV according to his inscriptions (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, No. 784) is S. 1352, A.D. 1430. Nothing is known about him from inscriptions subsequent to this date. He must have ruled Orissa at least upto A.D. 1434-35. According to the Gangavamsanucarita, his throne was usurped by Kapilendra, his minister, when the king was fighting in the south; and inscriptions show A.D. 1434-35 (s. 1356) as the first year of Kapilendra. 11. The Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Vol. III (Eng. Trans.) p. 476 ff. I

KAPILENDRA ·THE EMPIRE BUILDER - 33 The account of the Gangavamsanucarita which states that Kapilendra usurped the throne when Bhanudeva was absent on a distant campaign appears to be much more reliable. 12 The Gangavamsanucarita which alludes to this last campaign of Bhanudeva does not mention the enemy against whom it was directed. The existence of two inscriptions at Simhacalam, dated §. 1356 (A.D. 1434) recording gifts by Vema and Virabhadra of Rajahmundry enable us to presume that there was a Reddi invasion against Kalinga in A.D. 1434 and probably to ward off this Reddi attack Bhanudeva might have come down to the south.13 During the king's absence in the south, intrigue was at work in the capital to overthrow the dynasty. Kapila Samanta usurped the throne, probably with the support of the discontented officers. In this task he was assisted by "Mahapatra Kakai Santara, Mahapatra Jalasarasena Narendra, Mahapatra Gopinatha, Mahapatra Kasi Vidyadhara, Balesvara Praharaja, Mahapatra Laksmana Purohita, and Patnaik Damodara, the generalissimo. 14 Of these officers Kasi Vidyadhara and Jalasarasena Narendra are mentioned in the Madala Panji as the associates of Kapilendra in his youth. It is reasonable to infer that these officers supported Kapilendra either before his usurpation or after that. The date of his accession:-Bhanudeva's last known date from inscriptions 15 is S. 1352 or A.D. 1430. But he seems to have lived longer and his reign actually ended with the usurpation of the throne by Kapilendra. The latter's first regnal year can be calculated with the help of his Anka years given in his inscriptions. No. Anka Saka date. 1. 4 th 2. 19 th A.D. A.D. 1436-37 A.D. 1449. 3. 25 th §. 1377 4. 37 th §. 1386 A.D. 1455 A.D. 1464-65 Reference Left side Ins. No. 3. Jagannatha temple, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII, 1893 pp. 92-93. Right side, Ins. No. 1 at Bhuvanesvara temple, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII, 1893, p. 99. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 313 of 1895-6. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1919. 12. Gangavamsanucarita, Kalingadesa Caritra, p. 344-54; Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. II, parts III and IV, p. 252. 13. See Supra, Intro. p. 24 f. 14. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXII, 1893, p. 88 ff. 15. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, No. 784. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 277-c of 1899. G. 5

34 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Saka 1386 was his 37 th Anka year or 30 th actual regnal year. Then his first year should be S. 1386-30 = $. 1356 or A.D. 1434-35. Madala Panji gives some details regarding the date of Kapilendra's coronation. According to it he was crowned at Bhuvanesvara on "2 Kakara, su. 4, Anka 2."16 This date works out nesvara correctly to Wednesday, 29 th June A.D. 1435. Mr. G. Ramadas says that in Oriya calender (panji) the expired years of Kapilesvara's era are given every year. 498 years of Kapilendra's era are said to have expired in A.D. 1933. So the first year of that era should be 1933-498 = A.D. 1435.17 This era was started at the time of his coronation. So Kapilendra must have been crowned on 29 th June A.D. 1435. Kapilendra soon realised that he had a hard task ahead. His authority was actually limited to the capital city. In the south the Reddi rulers at Rajahmundry too were extending their frontiers farther north. From the north, the country was threatened by the sultan of Bengal and distant Malwa also tried to take advantage of the revolution in Orissa. Even in Orissa he was not left unchallenged. Some of the local chiefs refused to acknowledge Kapilendra as their overlord and began to act as independent sovereigns. One of his earliest inscriptions dated in his 4 th Anka (A.D. 1436) records his exhortations as follows. "All the kings in my Orissa kingdom should work for the good of the (paramount sovereign), should keep virtuous ways, should not remain in bad ways. If they act boldly towards the sovereign they will be expelled from the kingdom and all their property confiscated." " 18 From this we can infer that there was some revolt against his authority. Since the inscription is so generally addressed, it is difficult to identify 'the kings that had acted boldly against him'. Yet it is reasonable to suppose that the revolt was headed by some of the supporters of the old dynasty. Among these could be counted 'Visnuvardhana-Cakravartins', who ruled over parts of Orissa as subordinates of the Eastern Gangas. They claimed descent from the 'Eastern Calukyas' of Vengi and were allied 16. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, No. 2, 1900, footnote on page 181. 17. Ibid., Vol. XXXI, part III, p. 174 (1945). 18. Bhuvanesvar. Ins, Right side No. II, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXII, 1893, p. 88 ff.

KAPILENDRA - -THE EMPIRE BUILDER 35 matrimonially with the Eastern Ganga rulers. 19 They might have challenged the authority of Kapilendra with a view to restore Bhanudeva IV on the throne of Cuttack. L There is very little information about the achievements of Kapilendra in the early years after his accession. The Katakarajavamsavali refers to his visit to the Ganges for a holy bath early in his reign.20 The Gopinathpur inscription 21 gives a long list of places and kings that were conquered by Kapilendra. His first campaign was against the ruler of Bengal; the contemporary sultan of Bengal was Shams-ud-Din 'Abul Mujahid Ahmad Shah (A.D. 1430-46), son of Jalal-ud-Din. He was a peevish, oppressive and bloodthirsty ruler. He tried to raid Orissa but was beaten back by Gopinatha Mahapatra, a minister of Kapilendra.22 In the Gopinathpur inscription we find a new title 'Bhramaravara-nrpati' (ruler of Bhramaravara country) assumed by Kapilendra. M. M. Chakravarti, who edited that inscription, is silent regarding its origin. Kapilendra must have assumed that title after conquering that country. Bhramaravadra (vara?) and 19. Jacalladevi, wife of Bhanudeva I, and Hiradevi, wife of Bhanudeva III, were both Calukyan princesses. These chiefs had their capitals at Yellamancili and Pancadharla in the Visakhapatnam district. Some of these chiefs had their headquarters at Pancadharla. Many of their inscriptions are discovered near about that place. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 209 of 1899 dated §. 1339 Hevilambi at Pancadharla mentions the grant of the queen of Visnuvardhana Cakravartin Nagendradeva Cakravartin for the fulfilment of her desires. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 213 of 1899 supplies us with the genealogy of one of these chiefs. Visnuvardhana in his family Calukya Bhima from him Erraksmapati, m. Singamamba Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy 215 of 1899 dated §. 1354 Parithavi records gifts by Kumara Erramayya, son of Nagendradeva Cakravartin and Bhavanidevamma of the Lunar race. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 219 of 1899 dated §. 1356, Pingala, refers to Visnuvardhana Maharaja Narasimhadeva Cakravartin, son of Upendradeva Cakravartin. 20. Further Sources, II, p. 85. 21. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, part I, No. 2, 1900. This is undated. M. M. Chakravarti has assigned it to A.D. 1464-65. 22. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. LXIX, 1900, p. 175 ff. Gaudendrasya nitantam = Utkala-patha-prasthana rodhargalam/

36 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Bhramarakuta find mention in epigraphs 23 of the Mahakosala chiefs of the 12 th century A.D. The name appears to have survived in that of the modern town of Umarkot in the Central Provinces. Kapilendra or one of his generals (probably Gopinatha) must have conquered these regions sometime about A.D. 1440-41, when he is said to have marched to the west for the conquest of these countries 24 Having secured the northern and western frontiers, Kapilendra, then turned to the south. Early in A.D. 1441-42 (10 th Anka) he subdued 'Kimidi', which lay to the south-west of Cuttack. Then he began a systematic conquest of all those chiefs, Silavamsis of Nandapura, Matsyas of Oddadi, 'Visnuvardhana-Cakravartins' of Pancadharla, etc., who had declared their independence during the last years of Bhanudeva. The subjugation of these chiefs must have been an accomplished fact by S. 1365 (A.D. 1443), when his authority was recognised at least as far south as Korukonda 25 in the Visakhapatnam district. Thus by A.D. 1443 Kapilendradeva became master of the coastal territory extending from the Ganges in the north to Visakhapatnam in the south. Kapilendra and the Reddis of Rajahmundry: Before taking up the story of Kapilendra's further expansion to the south, it is essential to give in brief the history of the neighbouring kingdoms and the conditions that favoured his expansion. To the south of the kingdom of Orissa lay the kingdom of the Reddis. It has already been noted that before the rise of Kapilendra in Orissa, Vema and Virabhadra succeeded in extending their dominions as far as Simhacalam and its neighbourhood in the north. 26 Their enmity with the Bahmany sultans and the Velama chiefs of Racakonda and Devarakonda, not only prevented them from taking advantage of the confusion caused by the usur- 23. Hiralal: Descriptive Lists of Inscriptions in Copper Plate Grants Berar. Nos. 1245 and 207, and also see Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. LXIX, part I, 1900, p. 184. 24. Further Sources II, Katakaraja-vamsavali and Jagannatham Kaifiyat. p. 86 ff. 25. Elliots Collection, Vol. I, p. 177. Korukonda Inscription, dated S. 1365. 26. See Supra. p. 25.

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER - 37 pation of the throne by Kapilendra in Orissa, but also threatened their very existence. To the west of the kingdom of the Reddis lay the small principality of the Velama chiefs which included Devarakonda, Racakonda and Warangal. These chiefs exercised considerable influence, in Telingana. As allies of Vijayanagara they fought against Kondavidu; but subsequent to the latter's fall, they seem to have changed their attitude, entered into an alliance, as noticed already, with Bhanudeva IV, and helped him to conquer both the Reddi kingdoms of Rajahmundry and Kondavidu. Though the Reddi rulers of Rajahmundry bowed before the Gajapati and the Velamas, they soon regained their position with the help of the Vijayanagara king, Devaraya II. Virabhadra's last known date from inscriptions is A.D. 1437.27 Since then the Rajahmundry kingdom remained as a subordinate ally of the Vijayanagara rulers, though Virabhadra was nominally acknowledged as sovereign.28 The history of the kingdom of Rajahmundry subsequent to A.D. 1437 is obscure. What happened in the following years cannot be definitely ascertained. Vema and Virabhadra seem to have lost much of their power; and their authority was sustained by the military aid from Vijayanagara. The Bahmany sultans were busy with the affairs of Telingana; they did not realise immediately the implications of Kapilendra's rise. Between them and the Reddi country lay the small principality of the Velamas, who were known as 'the Rayas of Telingana'. Though from the time of Muhammad Shah I, the Bahmany sultans maintained friendly relations with them and treated them as allies, their friendship came to an end during the reign of Firuz Shah,29 27. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 424, 426 of 1893. 28. There is an inscription (Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy 442 of 1893) at Daksaramam, dated S. 1366 recording the gifts of Mallappa Odeya, minister of Devaraya II. Below that inscription we find the names of Virabhadra and Vema as the donees of some grants. This portion of the epigraph has not been copied by the Epigraphic Department. 29. In the wars between Peda Komati Vema of Kondavidu and Kataya Vema of Rajahmundry, Sultan Firuz proffering help to Peda Komati Vema, marched against Kataya Vema, (Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Indian Antiquary XXVIII, p. 187). and the Velamas who were on terms of enmity with the Kondavidu Reddis invaded Dharanikota, but as Sultan Firuz was an ally of Kondavidu, he was compelled to change his attitude towards Velamas and probably this change

38 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA whom they deserted in his battle against king Devaraya I of Vijayanagara. Ahmad Shah, who succeeded Firuz on the throne of Gulburga wanted to punish the Velama chiefs; for, they sided Vijayanagara king Devaraya II against himself in the war of A.D. 1425. So with the object of chastising the Raya of Warangal for joining the Raya of Vijayanagara, he "marched into his country with the intention of conquering Telingana."30 On his arrival at Golkonda he sent an army in advance under Khan-i-'Azim while he himself halted behind with the main army for 27 days. Khan-i-'Azim, with his small force defeated the enemy and killed the Raya, with seven thousand other Hindus and obtained possession of Warangal. Sultan Ahmad Shah then marched into Warangal, took possession of the treasures and sent Khan-i-'Azim to reduce the whole of Telingana, which he effected in four months and returned to join the sultan at Warangal. The latter left behind Khan-i-'Azim, to bring the remaining forts under subjection and returned to Gulbarga. Ahmad Shah once again attacked the Velamas after concluding a treaty with sultan Hushang Shah of Malwa, in 837 A.H. (A.D. 1433). "Not long after this," writes Ferishta, "the king marched into Telingana to quell an insurrection of some powerful chiefs whom in a short time he reduced to obedience."31 Some of the chiefs like Singa III of Racakonda apprehending defeat submitted without fighting and they were allowed to remain in possession of their territories. 'Ramgir', one of the strongholds of the Velamas, fell into the hands of these Musalmans. The sultan then returned to Bidar leaving Ibrahim Sanjar Khan 'to conquer the country and conciliate the people' 32 The latter conquered more territory and by A.D. 1435 almost the whole of Telingana came under Muslim authority. Sultan Ahmad, before his death divided his kingdom among his sons to avoid trouble. According to the division effected by him, Rayachal in Telingana with its dependencies went to the share of Prince Daud Khan; Mahur, Ramgir and of attitude drove the Velama chiefs into the fold of Vijayanagara and since then the Velamas were friendly with Vijayanagara. 30. Briggs Ferishta, II, p. 406. Sayyid 'Ali gives a slightly different version of this incident. He refers to the conquest of Devarakonda and Racakonda but is silent about the death of the Raya of Warangal in battle. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Indian Antiquary, XXVIII, p. 216. 31. Briggs Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 416. 32. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXVIII, p. 216.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 39 Kallum together with a portion of Berar fell to the lot of Muhammad Khan.33 Sultan Ahmad Shah died in A.D. 1435 (A.H. 838) and was succeeded by his son 'Ala-ud-Din II in the same year. Thus the situation in the Deccan at the time when Kapilendra rose to power was as follows. The Reddi kingdom was devoid of all strength; Vijayanagara was supreme and its authority was unchallenged as far north as Simhadri along the coast. The Bahmany sultans in spite of their wars with their Muslim neighbours, subdued portions of Telingana except Devarakonda under Velama chief Linga, and were fighting with Vijayanagara for the domination of the coast. While those two major powers were fighting with each other, Kapilendra joined issue with them. Kapilendra's conquests: - After securing the western and northern frontiers, Kapilendra, as stated above, turned to the south to deal with the Reddi rulers of Rajahmundry. As we have already seen, he subdued and brought under his control the region as far as Korukonda 34 in Visakhapatnam district by A.D. 1443. Then he appears to have made an attempt on the capital of the Reddis. Virabhadra, as has been shown already, was only the nominal ruler of the Rajahmundry kingdom and all the power was in the hands of Vijayanagara. We find an inscription of Mallappa Odeyar, the Vijayanagara general, at Daksaramam within that kingdom dated A.D. 1444; it records the donations by Virabhadra and also by Mallappa Odeyar. 35 It seems from this that Vijayanagara ruler sent his general Mallappa Odeyar to check the advance of the Gajapati monarch.36 Whether their armies came into conflict with each other, or not, we have no definite information. But we have 33. Considerable amount of uncertainty prevails regarding the situation of the estates granted to Prince Daud Khan. Sayyid 'Ali mentions Raichur and Chival without giving their exact location. Ferishta (Briggs II, 412 and 42) asserts that Raichur was assigned. This cannot be the Raichur of the Krsna-Tungabhadra delta. Sayyid 'Ali, in another connection, referring to the generous treatment given by 'Ala-ud-Din to his brother Mahmud, says, "Ala-ud-Din, conferred on Mahmud Khan on feudal tenure the districts of Rayachal in Tulingana" as that fief had just then fallen vacant by the death of his brother Prince Daud. (Briggs, II, 423). 34. Elliot's collection, Vol. I, p. 177. 35. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 442 of 1893. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. No. 1375. 36. According to 'Abdur Razak (India in the Fifteenth Century, p. 33), there was an attack on the life of Devaraya II in A.D. 1442-43 and in the same year Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II learning that there was an attempt on the

40 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA reason to believe that a battle was fought between them and the Gajapati ruler sustained a defeat. While describing a simultaneous attack upon Vijayanagara by the armies of the Gajapati and the Hayapati, Gangadhara in his drama Gangadasapratapavilasam³7 says that they who were defeated before (purva-parabhutabhyam) came there again to wipe off their former disgrace. If this statement is correct this 'former defeat' of the Gajapati which Gangadhara refers to in his works, must have been sustained by the Gajapati Kapilendra about A.D. 1444 (S. 1366) in the Rajahmundry region at the hands of Mallappa Odeyar. The causes of Kapilendra's failure, inspite of his great preparations are not far to seek. He could not concentrate his powers in the south against the Reddis; for, Orissa was threatened at that time with an invasion from the north. Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad writes that Sultan Mahmud Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur advanced into the country of Orissa with the object of Jihad and there plundered several temples. 38 Ferishta also refers to this invasion and assigns it to A.D. 1444 (848 A.H.).39 Kapilendra had to hurry back to ward off the Jaunpur invasion and this may have been the reason for the defeat of his army at the hands of Mallappa Odeyar. As soon as the danger from Jaunpur had passed Kapilendra was once again on the march to the south. Devaraya II died in A.D. 1446 and the Reddis of Rajahmundry were left unsupported. Mallikarjunaraya, the successor of Devaraya II on the throne of Vijayanagara was weak and the troubles at the capital prevented him from sending any support to the Reddis of Rajahmundry. Kapilendra's armies under his son Hamvira easily defeated the Reddis 40 and brought under his sway the Rajahmundry kingdom life of Devaraya II 'demanded seven lakhs of varahas', as he thought the moment auspicious to crush the Vijayanagara kingdom. "Diourai king of Bidjanagar was equally troubled and irritated by the receipt of such message, but he sent a brave answer and made all preparations for war." But Ferishta (Briggs II, p. 432) says that it was an unprovoked attack by Devaraya II. Disturbances at Vijayanagara and the war between Vijayanagara and Bahmany kingdom gave Kapilendra a good opportunity to crush the power of the Reddis. In spite of all his troubles Devaraya II had sent forces to Rajahmundry to oppose the Gajapati. 37. Further Sources, p. 65. 38. Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 458. 39. Briggs IV, p. 315. 40. Penugonda inscription dated S. 1370. Mackenzie Manuscripts 15-4-4. Katakaraja-vamsavali. (Further Sources, II, p. 84) also refers to this incident but assigns it to the 19 th Anka, 16 th regnal year of Kapilendra.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 41 before A.D. 1448. Then the armies under Hamvira marched against Khambhammettu (modern Khammamet), where according to a catu verse Gajaravu Tippa, one of the Velama chiefs in his service won the approbation of his master, by defeating the Yavanas. 41 The Yavanas referred to in the catu verse should be some officers of the Bahmany sultan. At this time Sanjar Khan an officer of the Bahmany sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II, was actually engaged in suppressing the revolt of the Hindu chiefs of Telingana.42 He was so reckless in his operations that 'Ala-ud-Din II had to warn him not to meddle with the "possessor of elephants", evidently the Gajapati. Probably this warning fell on deaf ears and his hostile conduct landed him in an actual conflict with Hamvira, the Gajapati prince, in which Tippas distinguished himself. Thus by A.D. 1448. Kapilendra conquered the whole of the kingdom of Rajahmundry including Khammamet and appointed Raghudeva Narendra Mahapatra as the governor over that region. Operations against Vijayanagara:- Devaraya II died in May A.D. 1446 and Mallikarjuna ascended the throne in A.D. 1447 and ruled up to A.D. 1465. According to Gangadhara, immediately after Mallikarjuna's accession, 45 the capital Vijayanagara was besieged by the armies of the Hayapati and the Gajapati to wipe off their former disgrace. Kapilendra, as we have seen, suffered a defeat at the hands of Mallappa Odeyar near Rajahmundry in A.D. 1444 and the death of Devaraya II and accession of Mallikarjuna gave an opportunity to Kapilendra to try again his strength, against Vijayanagara. He seems to have sent forces under his son Hamvira to attack Vijayanagara. The Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra, the grandson of Kapilendra, record that Hamvira attacked the capital of Vijayanagara kingdom and after defeating 41. No. 72, Further Sources, p. 86. 42. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Indian Antiquary Vol. XXVIII p. 237. 43. Further Sources, 72, p. 86. Yavanula gelvade = Yambardyalu cuda nett = aina Kambhamumettu baita 44. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. V, No. 100; AR. No. 494 of 1893. 45. Sources, p. 65. It cannot be a combined attack of both the Hayapati and the Gajapati for we have no evidence to show that those two were on terms of friendship. On the contrary, the available evidence all goes to prove that they had strained relations. The warning of 'Ala-ud-Din to Sanjar Khan (Indian Antiquary XXVIII, p. 237) and Gajaravu Tippa's (Further Sources II, p. 86) victories over 'Yavanas' or 'Turuskas' all prove that there were frequent skirmishes between the two. G. 6

42 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA its ruler exacted tribute. 46 Gangadhara, on the otherhand, claims victory for Mallikarjunaraya, who sallied forth from his capital like the cub of a lion from his den and routed the armies of the besiegers after completely defeating them in battle. 47 We cannot say anything definitely about the result of this campaign as both sides claim victory. It looks as though the Gajapati prince scored a victory over the armies of Vijayanagara in open battle, but when he laid siege to the capital of Vijayanagara, he met with utter failure and had to retire. It is definitely known that the region to the south of the Krsna was under the authority of the Vijayanagara rulers till A.D. 1453. This is borne out by the inscription 48 of Mallikarjunaraya at Maruturu. The region in the neighbourhood of Bapatla was under the rule of Kathari Saluva Tippayadeva Maharaya 19 in A.D. 1449, and that round about Konidena in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur district was administered by the Mudivemula chiefs Tippareddi and Parvata Reddi, 50 in A.D. 1452 and 1453. The inscriptions which mention these chiefs do not at all refer to any overlords. Mallikarjunaraya's control over these chiefs is doubtful. They appear to be acting independently. However, the authority of Vijayanagara ruler was acknowledged as far north as Maruturu, in the Guntur district in A.D. 1453. The earliest known record 51 of the Gajapati monarchs in this region is of 12 th April, A.D. 1454. This inscription records a grant by Ganadeva 'the Pariksa' of Kondavidu, Addanki and Vinukonda. We cannot definitely fix the date of the Gajapati occupation of this region. It must have taken place sometime between 19 th August, A.D. 145352 and 12 th April, A.D. 1454. day. . 46. And. Pat. Annual, 1928. Anantavaram plates. Prasahya Karnata-mahipateh purim nirudhya Vidyanagarim nijair = balaih Sam = unnatam manam = iv = occhriyam karam Samadade karkasa-cakri-vikramah || 47. Sources, p. 66. 48. AR. No. 386 of 1915-Saka 1375 Srimukha, Bhadrapada, su. 15, Sun- 49. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 771 of 1922. 50. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 373 of 1915 and 371 of 1915. 51. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 70 of 1917 dated Saka 1376 Bhava, Vaisakha, su. 15, Thursday (First known date of Kapilendra). 52. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 386 of 1915 dated Saka 1375 Srimukha Bhadrapada, su, 15, Sunday (the last known date of Mallikarjuna).

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER 43 In this connection it may be interesting to note that there are some catu verses current in Telugu country enumerating the conquest of some of the forts in the region south of the river Krsna by the generals of the Gajapati. Gajaravu Tippa, who has already been referred to, claims a victory over Camadapamatya near the Kondavidu hill.53 From another catu verse, 54 we come to know that an officer under Kapilendra, Tamma Bhupati of the Pusapati family captured several forts in this region and among them were Bellamkonda, Vadapalli and Ramgarajukonda. Further the catu verse says that he defeated Ravu Singa 55 and that he gave protection to one Bahatikhan after defeating him in battle. 53. Further Sources 72, p. 86. Camadap = amatyuni sabiga-gottade Kondavid = a-pedda-konda-gavini An inscription at Tripurantakam in the Kurnool district (AR. No. 255 of 1905) dated §. 1345 Sobhakrt (A.D. 1423-24) registers a gift by Nagayamantrin son of Caundapamatya, who was, as pointed out by the Government Epigraphist, identical with Caundapa, the author of Prayogaratnamala, and a minister of Bukka II and his son Vira Bhupati Udayar. (A.R.E. 1905, para 30 and 1906 para 45). He could not have been the Caundapamatya who was defeated by Gajaravu Tippa. 54. Further Sources, II, p. 66. Varilo-damma-bhupati-mauli dor = damda tata-bala-samagri tarame yenna? damdimai Bellamukomda sadhincenu praudhi-gelcenu Ramgarajukomda Tribhuvaniray = amkadipitu Ravu Simgananu parajitugan = onarcen- = ani saran = anna Bahatikhanuni-gacebatu-sakticen = odapalligoniye The father of this Tamma Bhupati was Raciraju, an officer under Devaraya II. He fought with Damera Timma, and the Yavanas probably in the service of Devaraya II. Subsequently when the country passed into the hands of Kapilendra, his son took up service under the Gajapati. 1 Sakala-saujanya-rajanya-cakravarti raju Kapilesvara-svami-rajya-dhuryu husur arama-taru-vati Pusapati Raja-vibhu-Tamma! uddamda- rajamana. 55. Ravu Singa referred to in the catu verse, as the title signifies, must have been a Velama chief. The contemporary Velama chiefs were Linga of Devarakonda and Sarvajna Singa III of Racakonda. Ibrahim Sanjar Khan, who was left in Telingana to conquer the country and conciliate the people by the Sultan Ahmad Shah, seems to have attacked Singa and deprived him of his ancestral dominions including Racakonda, and that fief was assigned to 'Prince Daud Khan' (Briggs Ferishta II, p. 423) by Sultan Ahmad Shah. An undated inscription (Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II, Gt. 767) at Bellamkonda refers to the charities of Singa. Probably after losing his ancestral home, Sarvajna Singa might have retired to Bellamkonda, and it must have been here that he was defeated by Tamma, the officer of Kapilendra.

44 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Kapilendra having brought under sway Kondavidu, Addanki and Vinukonda, before April A.D. 1454, appointed one of his own kinsmen Ganadeva as governor of the Kondavidu country. Encouraged by these victories and taking advantage of the weakness that crept into the Vijayanagara administration, the Gajapati armies under Hamvira, marched on a conquering expedition to the south. The Veligalani plates 57 of Kapilendra dated A.D. 1458 describe his achievements as follows: Hampa kampam = agat = tad = adhika-dara Dhara ca dhar =atura | dvara Kalbaraga vimukta-turaga dilli ca bhillivrta.58 He is said to have terrified Hampa, Dhara, Kalbarga and Delhi. Apart from the exaggeration implied in this statement, it appears certain that before A.D. 1458 Vijayanagara (Hampa) and Kalbarga (Gulbaraga) did suffer territorial losses at the hands of Kapilendra. Though Gangadhara claims victory for Mallikarjuna, the decline of the authority of the first Vijayanagara dynasty begins from that date. Kapilendra did not lose heart with the reverse he met with in his attempt on the capital. He sent an army under Tamma, against Udayagiri, the headquarters of the eastern province of Vijayanagara, and sent another force to the south under his son Hamvira; while a third contingent appears to have marched against the capital of Vijayanagara. Conquest of Udayagiri:- Tamma Bhupala appears to have conquered Udayagiri in or before A.D. 1460; for, there is an inscription 59 dated in that year on the top of the Udayagiri hill recording the construction of some temple and gifts made to it by him. Kapilendra seems to have appointed Tamma, as ruler over a portion of the Udayagiri-rajya. Basava Bhupala, 60 son of Tamma Bhupala, 56. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, p. 310. Kondavidu plates of Ganadeva dated B. 1377 record the grant of the village Cavali. In the Prasasti he claims discent from Kapilesvara of Surya Vamsa, very probably the grandfather of Kapilesvara Gajapati. 57. Saka 1380. See Mad. Ep. Rep. A 17 of 1934-1935 58. Cp. 17 of 1934-35, dated S. 1380, Bahudhanya, Vaisakha. This verse is repeated in the Chiruvrolu plates of Hamviradeva. (Bharati, Nov. 1941). 59. AR. No. 208 of 1892, dated Saka 1382. 60. Pamcatamtram of Dubagunta Narayana Kavi; Nasiketopakhyanam. of Daggupalli Duggana.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 45 ruled Udayagiri as a subordinate of the Gajapati and earned for himself the titles 'Ranaranga-Bhairava, Rasika Sikhamani' etc. He was a great scholar and munificent patron of men of letters. Kapilendra marched with his forces through modern Kurnool district, reducing to subjection those who opposed him. He was at Srisailam 61 in A.D. 1460, making gifts to the God on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. Another inscription from the Koilkuntla taluk of the Kurnool district records the setting up of a 'Jayastambha' by one "Narasim.... trudu" (probably Narasimha Patrudu) and the gift of lands for the merit of Kapilendradeva Maharaya."62 The Navanathacarita 63 incidentally refers to a victory over the Gajapati won by 'Mukti Santa Bhiksavrttiraya', the Vira Saiva Pontiff of the matha of the same name at Srisaila, probably as an ally of Mallikarjuna. He claims to have seized the 'Saptangas of the Gajapati', i.e., deprived him of the insignia of royalty. But this statement of the Navanathacarita does not appear to be quite true. Velugotivari Vamsavali 64 credits Madaya Linga with a victory over "Mukti Santa Bhiksavrtti" and we have seen that the Velamas were allies of the Gajapati Kapilendra. Linga might have fought against the Pontiff and inflicted a defeat on his forces. The erection of Jayastambha, and Linga's claims to a victory over the Vira Saiva Pontiff of Srisailam, show that some portion of the modern Kurnool district was conquered and annexed by Kapilendra. This explains the mention of the name 'Kapilesvara-raju in the list of kings that ruled over Kurnool.65 Gajapati armies under Hamvira marched to the south and Mallikarjuna in spite of his weakness and troubles at home tried his best to stem this wave of the Gajapati advance. The transfer of 61. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 30 of 1915, dated Saka 1382. 62. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 277 of 1935-36, Uyyalavada village. 63. No. 1079. Des. Cat. of Telugu Mss., p. 1410. Sannuta Saiva-diksa-gurumd=asama -Sannaha Gajapati-saptanga-harudu. 64. 'Velugotivari Vamsavali, p. 51. Santa-Bhiksavrtti jagam=ellan=eruga Srisaila-patnambu tan=elinadu. 65. Further Sources, Local Records 55, p. 240. (From a fragmentary 'kavile in the possession of the Karanam Gangaraju of Gorakallu. Visnubhakti Sudhakaram and the Usabhyudayam (Further Sources, p. 86) refer to the conquest of "Tondamarayagulla' by Tamma Bhupati. This is identical with the present Marella in the Kanigiri taluk of the Nellore district on the border of the Kurnool district.

46 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Saluva Nrsimha from Candragiri to Penugonda, Prof. S. K. Ayyangar observes, was done only to oppose Kapilendra.66 Mallikarjuna's visit to Penukonda in A.D. 1459 on 'rajakarya' with Danayaka Timmana might have been undertaken to make the But as necessary preparations for opposing the Orissa ruler. later events prove, nothing came out of the talks except the rise of Saluva Nrsimha to prominence and his ultimate usurpation of the Vijayanagara throne. Notwithstanding the attempts of Vijayanagara rulers, Orissa forces under Hamvira conquered a large portion of Vijayanagara kingdom. Several inscriptions 67 in the Tamil districts refer to this 'Oddiyan-galabat or Oriya conquest of the south. An inscription from Munnur in South Arcot district dated A.D. 1464 mentions one 'Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra, son of Hambira' (who was previously the governor at Kondavidu) as ruling over "Kondapalli, Addanki, Vinukonda-Dandapada, Padaividu, Valudulampattu- savadi, Tiruvaruru, Tiruccirapalli (Trichinopoly) and Candragiri 68 in A.D. 1464. Candragiri was the headquarters of that part of Vijayanagara empire, known as Chandragiri-rajya and a branch of the Saluva family to which Saluva Nrsimha belonged was ruling at Tirumala and the surrounding country during the reign of Mallikarjunaraya. With the transfer of Saluva Nrsimha to Penugonda from Candragiri, Candragiri-rajya was left unguarded and in the absence of a capable leader to defend the fortress no wonder it fell into the hands of the Gajapati armies. Saluva Nrsimha who was transferred to the central division of Vijayanagara empire increased his authority as a semi-independent chief in the modern North Arcot, South Arcot and Chingleput 69 districts, taking advantage of the weakness of the contemporary rulers of Vijayanagara. to 66. A Little-known Chapter of Vijayanagara History, p. 38. 67. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 93 of 1906 dated S. 1395, Nandana, corresponding A.D. 1472-73 refers to the confusion caused by the Oddiyan and the consequent cessation of festivals in the Saiva temples at Jambai in South Arcot district for ten years. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 1 of 1905 dated (1470-71 A.D.) also refers to this 'Oddiyan' disturbances about 8 or 10 years ago. The Krsnaraya Vijayam incidentally refers to this invasion of Kapilendra to the south. 68. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1919, dated §. 1386, Tarana, Mithuna su. 3, Thursday, Pusya. 69. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 318 of 1909.

" KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER 47 In A.D. 1463 when the Gajapati armies were fighting in the South, the defence of Candragiri-rajya seems to have been left to Saluva Ramacandraraya, 70 son of Mallayadeva Maharaya. After the subjugation of Udayagiri-rajya, Pusapati Tamma Bhupati marched against Candragiri and conquered it sometime before A.D. 1464 (S. 1386), probably defeating Saluva Ramacandraraya. An inscription 71 from Tirumalai refers to him as a Mahamandalesvara, Medini-misaraganda, and Katari-saluva. The Gajapati advance into the South was not unopposed. Trichinopoly, one of the places mentioned in the inscription, 72 over which Daksina Kapilesvara Mahapatra was appointed governor in A.D. 1464, was under the authority of the Saluva chief Tirumalaiyadeva Maharaja, son of Gopa or as his Srirangam inscription 73 styles him Gopa Timma Nrpati.74 He was a subordinate of Mallikarjuna and ruled as his vassal over these regions. This Saluva chief appears to have opposed the invading Oriya forces under Hamvira and his son, while Mallikarjuna, his overlord went to his support. A copper-plate 75 inscription dated A.D. 1462-63 from Srirangam temple recording gift of villages by the king Mallikarjuna ''for the. success of his own arms' enables us to infer that Mallikarjuna was at that time fighting with his enemies near Srirangam in Trichinopoly district. It is reasonable to suppose that he was then engaging the Oriya forces under Hamvira and his son. The result of the battle was not favourable to Mallikarjuna. We learn from an inscription 76 at Srirangam temple, that 'Daksina Kapilesvara Hamvira Kumara Mahapatra was making a gift of cows in March A.D. 1464, probably as a token of his victory over the Vijayanagara monarch. After this victory over Mallikarjuna in March A.D. 1464 his armies proceeded towards the southern 70. T.T.D.I. Vol. II, No. 19, pp. 33-34. 71. Ibid., A.R.E. 1904, para 29; ibid., 1907, para 73, 72. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1917. 73. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 59 of 1892, dated §. 1385, expired Svabhanu. The year Svabhanu ends with 25 th March A.D. 1464. 74. A.R.E., 1903, para 15. A.R.E. 1923, para 77. This Gopa Timma or Tirumalaiyadeva Maharaja is very probably a brother of Gopa Tippa alias Tripurantaka, who wrote a commentary on Vamana's 'Kavyalankara Sutra' named 'Kavyalankara Kamadhenu.' (Sources, p. 62-63). 75. Cp. No. 28 of 1905-6. 76. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 87 of 1937-38, dated §. 1386, Svabhanu, Panguni 25 (Tuesday 25, March, A.D. 1464,

48 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA sea" in the waters of which Kumara Hamvira washed his bloodstained sword. Thus when the armies of Orissa had conquered the south, Kapilendra rewarded his grandson Daksina Kapilesvara for his valuable assistance in this campaign, by appointing him as the 'Pariksa'78 of the newly conquered dominions in June A.D. 1464. The Gajapati conquest of the south was not a mere raid. The inscription of Munnur and Tirukkoyilur refer to 'the confusion caused by the Oddiyan (i.e. the king of Orissa) and consequent cessation of festivals in the temples 'for ten years'. The Munnur inscriptions prove that even in A.D. 1464 Kapilendra was in possession of almost the entire eastern sea-board of the Vijayanagara empire up to the Kaveri. On the authority of these inscriptions H. Krisrna Sastri wrote that the 'conquest of the Gajapati was not a passing inroad only but almost an occupation of the country right upto Tiruvarur in the Tanjore district and Trichinopoly." $ 79 The appointment of Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Hamvira Mahapatra as 'Pariksa' over all these regions also shows that the Gajapati monarch intended to annex the whole territory to his empire. Then the question arises whether all the Tamil districts as far south as Tanjore were under the authority of the Gajapatis 'for ten years'. R. D. Banerji,80 on the testimony of Jambai and Tirukkoyilur records in the South Arcot district, has expressed the opinion that they were under the Gajapatis for ten years. But an inscription of Saluva Nrsimha dated S. 1388 (A.D. 1466) found at Munnur in the same district shows that the Saluva chieftain began the task of redeeming the country from the Oriya yoke as early as December A.D. 1466. Whether he met with any success just then is doubtful. As the Vijayanagara inscriptions 81 dated A.D. 1470-72, coming from the same locality still refer to the Oddiyan disturbances and the consequent cessation of festivals in the local temples we have to presume that there was a prolonged fight for the possession of the Tamil districts and it was only when Orissa was 77. Krsnaraya Vijayam. 3:81, and Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra, Andhra Patrika Annual, 1928. 78. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1919. 79. A.R.E. 1919, para 47. 80. Hist. of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 294 ff. 81. A.R, Nos. 1 of 1905; 93 of 1906; 287 of 1929; 310 of 1919; 111 of 1934-35; 213 of 1935; 262 of 1937 and 416 of 1937-38.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 49 entangled in a civil war during the years 1470-72 that Saluva Nrsimha could find time to fulfil his task.81 a Operations against the Bahmany sultans:- Kapilendra in his Veligalani plates 82 dated A.D. 1458, claims for himself the credit of making 'Gulburga devoid of horses' and this implies his conquest of that region. The Bahmany sultans, ever since the foundation of their kingdom, endeavoured to extend their frontiers to the sea in the east, at the expense of their neighbours. We have already seen that the rivalry between the Bahmany and the Gajapati generals in the race for the possession of the coastal area culminated in the battle of Khammamet 83 sometime after A.D. 1448, which gave victory to the Gajapati arms.84 In this battle Hamvira, son of Kapilendra, is said to have defeated the 'Yavanas' and the Velama chief, Gajaravu Tippa distinguished himself in the fight. It is very likely that Sanjar Khan lost his life in this sanguinary battle. At any rate 'Azim Khan figures as governor of Telingana sometime prior to A.D. 1454. Though 'Ala-ud-Din II could not add any territory to his dominions, he tried to maintain his hold over the possessions in Telingana he had inherited. In 859 A.H. (A.D. 1454) Ferishta informs us that, while the sultan was laid up with some dangerous eruption in his foot, rumours were spread that the sultan was dead. Relying on these rumours Jalal Khan, one of his nobles, seized many districts around his fief of 'Nowulgoond' which he 81 a. Per contra. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Further Sources, Vol. I, pp. 121-122. 82. Cp. No. 17 of 1934-35 dated §. 1380 Bahudhanya, Vaisakha. Kalbaraga-vimukta-turagah. "The Bahmany sultans had their capital at Gulbarga only upto A.D. 1432. Then it was shifted to Ahmadabad-Bidur by Sultan Ahmad Shah. Yet to the neighbouring Hindu rulers they were still 'Sultans of Gulbarga'. These sultans are also known in the South by the term 'Hayapati' or the lord of Horses, since cavalry formed a major part of their armies. Kapilendra's claim that he had made Gulbarga devoid of horses was only a poetic way of expressing his success over the Hayapati. 83. Further Sources II, p. 86. 84. Sayyid 'All who describes the exploits of Sanjar Khan appears to have crammed within a couple of years the events of longer period. The Gajapati could not have become "the Uriya leader of Telingana" before A.D. 1448. (See Supra p. 40-41). G. 7

50 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA gave in charge to Sikandar Khan.85 'Azim Khan, the governor of Telingana, also dying at the same time and no officer of sufficient influence being at the spot to assume the charge, the officers of the province submitted to Sikandar Khan.86 Sultan Ala-ud-Din in spite of his indisposition marched with his forces to reduce the rebels. Jalal Khan and Sikandar Khan agreed that the former should remain in Telingana and the latter should proceed to Malwa to distract the movements of the sultan's army. 'Ala-ud-Din II sent offers of pardon; but Sikandar Khan inviting Mahmud Khalji of Malwa for his assistance, 87 advanced at the head of his forces to join him. Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din despatched forces under Khwaja Muhmud Geelany (Gawan) to attack Jalal Khan and himself followed by the army of Berar and Daulatabad advanced to meet the sultan of Malwa in battle.88 It appears that Mahmud Khalji, learning that the sultan was alive, retreated leaving behind a small force to take Sikandar Khan captive. But Sikandar Khan escaped and shut himself up in the fort of 'Nowlgoond'. That fortress was besieged by Mahmud Gawan to whom he surrendered on condition of a free pardon. The sultan once again favoured him and restored him his jagir (Nowlgoond). This success of 'Ala-ud-Din II over the rebels was not achieved single-handed 89 without foreign help as Ferishta wants us to believe. The Velugotivari Vamsavali⁹ categorically mentions that the Velama chiefs helped the sultan in his fight against Sikandar Khan. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya thinks that 'Ala-ud-Din II sought the assistance 85. Grandson (through his mother) to the late Sultan Ahmad Shah and consequently a nephew of 'Ala-ud-Din. Briggs: II, p. 447). 86. Briggs, II, p. 447. 87. Briggs, II (p. 448), informs us that he made Mahmud Khalji believe that sultan 'Ala-ud-Din was dead and the principal nobles were dividing the kingdom. 88. Ibid., p. 449. 89. Ferishta himself (Briggs II, p. 447) after narrating this incident refers to a split in the royal camp and to the formation of the rival groups the 'Deccanis' and the 'Foreigners'. These Foreigners had a large army under them. 90. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Velugotivari Vamsavali, p. 49. Dhirud=aiy = Allavadi- Surathanuton = emmiga Bhuvanadrin = ekkinadu gentinci balimi Sikhendra-khanuni doli yelami rajyambu tan = elinadu

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER 51 of Kapilendra of Orissa, to fight against Malwa 90 a For, the latter claims a victory over the sultan of Malwa 91 and one catu verse 92 refers to his conquest of Mahur. But nowhere have we any reference to a fight between the sultan of Malwa and the Gajapati Kapilendra in any of the Muslim histories, nor do the inscriptions warrant any such inference. The Veligalani plates 93 and Chiruvrolu inscriptions, 94 cited by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, simply record the prowess of the Gajapati. Actually no war is described against Malwa in these inscriptions. They simply say "when Kapilendra marched with his forces Hampa, the capital of Vijayanagara trembled, and Dhara the chief city of Malwa got frightened, Gulbarga became devoid of horses and wild tribes came to live in Delhi which was evacuated by its people due to the fear of Kapilendra." Still Dr. N. Venkataramanayya thinks that there was a possibility for Kapilendra to have fought the forces of Malwa sultan as an ally of Bahmany sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II, at Mahur, 95 Sikandar Khan revolted against the authority of 'Ala-ud-Din II and invited Mahmud Khalji of Malwa to invade Telingana and Berar. On his invitation Mahmud of Malwa marched with his forces and laid siege to the fort of Mahur in 860 A.H. (A.D. 1455).96 Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din Bahmany is said to have defeated the ruler of Malwa. According to Dr. N. Venkataramanayya he must have fought the sultan of Malwa in alliance with Kapilendra. In support of this conclusion he cites the Gangadasapratapavilasam, which according to him mentions that Kapilendra was friendly with sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II, and a catu verse which includes Mahur among the places conquered by Kapilendra.97 Kapilendra could not have fought Malwa as an ally of the Bahmany sultan. The Gangadasapratapavilasam does not mention anything about the relations that existed between these two states. 90 a. Bharati, Nov. 1941, p. 521. 91. Cp. 17 of 1934-35. 92. Catu Verse quoted by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Bharati. Nov. 1941. 93. A. 17 of 1934-35. 94. Bharati, Nov. 1941 p. 515 ff. .95. Ibid. 96. Briggs, II, p. 449. 97. Chiruvrolu plates. Bharati Nov. 1941. p. 521, and the catu verse quoted by him from the Mackenzie Manuscripts 15-4-4, refers to the conquests of Bejavada, Orugallu, Tondamarayagullu Bedadakota, Mades, Mahur, Kambam, Dilli, Devarakonda and Kondavidu by Damera Timma, one of the Velama officers in the service of Kapilendra.

52 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA It describes the fight of Mallikarjuna against the Gajapati and the Hayapati, who laid siege to Vijayanagara at the same time. We cannot infer from it that the invaders had any previous plans or understandings before they attacked the capital of Vijayanagara. On the contrary we have evidence to show that the relations between them were strained. Sanjar Khan's attacks upon the Hindu subjects of Kapilendra,38 the claims of Gajaravu Tippa, an officer of the Gajapati, to a victory over 'Yavanas' (Muslims) at Khammammet⁹ go a long way to support the above conclusion. The catu verse which Dr. Venkataramanayya has cited as one of the evidences for his surmise, includes 'Bedadakota' (Bidar). and other forts with Mahur, among the places that are said to have been conquered by Kapilendra. The Gajapati ruler must have brought 'Bedadakota' under his influence as an enemy and not as an ally of the Bahmany sultan. Mahur then certainly formed a part of the Bahmany kingdom, and naturally Kapilendra should have wrested it, if at all, as an enemy of the Bahmany ruler and not as an ally. So they must have been brought under the sphere of his influence in a different campaign. Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din died in A.D. 1457 (862 A.H.) and his son Humayun succeeded him on the throne. Immediately after his accession Humayun effected certain changes in the government. Malik Shah, an officer who claimed descent from Chengiz Khan, was appointed as the governor of Telingana, conferring on him the title 'Khwaja-i-Jahan'.100 Sikandar Khan, son of Jalal Khan, who felt disappointed when he was not entrusted with the government of Telingana, left the court without taking leave, joined his father Jalal Khan at Nowlgoond, and rose in revolt. Humayan Shah sent forces against him under Khan-i-Jahan, governor of Berar; but he was defeated by the rebel, who seems to have had the support of Linga of Devarakonda. 101 Seeing that 98. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, L.A., XXVIII, p. 216. 99. Subsequent to the suppression of Sikandar Khan's revolt, Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II before he returned to the capital entrusted the government of Mahur districts to Fukhr-ul-Mulk Turk and Furhut-ul-Mulk commanded the garrison of Mahur. (Briggs, II, p. 449). 100. Briggs, II, p. 453. 101. In the earlier rebellion of Sikandar Khan, the Velama chief Linga assisted the Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din II and expelled Sikandar Khan from his fief. We have no information to explain the change in his attitude towards the sultan. Probably he was not satisfied with the treatment accorded to him

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 53 the troops sent under Khan-i-Jahan had proved ineffective, Sultan Humayun himself marched at the head of the forces against the rebel. In the battle that ensured, the forces of the sultan were almost defeated, and when Sikandar Khan attacked the king personally, the elephant on which Humayun was mounted seized Sikandar and dashed him to the ground. The death of Sikandar changed the fate of the battle. The rebels fled seeing their leader dead. Humayun then laid siege to Nowlgoond and at the end of a week Jalal Khan seeing no other recourse but submission offered to surrender. His life was spared but he was confined in a castle where he ended his days. 102 Humayun Shah then marched to chastise the Velama chief of Devarakonda, who had lent support to the rebel Sikandar Khan. Twenty thousand cavalry and forty elephants and countless number of infantry were sent under Khwaja-i-Jahan and Nizam-ulMulk to attack Devarakonda, and the sultan himself marched towards Warangal. The Velama chief on this occasion applied for the assistance of the Raya of Orissa, offering him great sums of money. Kapilendra sent a considerable body of troops with several war elephants for his support in advance, and also promised to follow himself with all his forces quickly. 103 The Velama chief after sustaining several defeats at the hands of the Muslims in open battles, finally shut himself up in the fort of Devarakonda. A battle was fought near that fort between the army of the Bahmany sultan and the Velama chiefs assisted by Oriya forces under Hamvira. The Bahmany forces 'sustained a total defeat'. Humayun Shah Bahmany learning of the discomfiture of his army, recruited fresh troops to march against Devarakonda and wipe out that disgrace. by the late sultan. Humayun Shah was styled even by Muslim historians as a 'zalim' or tyrant. Realising the probable danger to their state and their very existence from Humayun Shah, the Velamas must have made common cause with Sikandar Khan who had also claims for the throne. (Briggs II, p. 447). 102. Briggs, II, p. 456. 103. Briggs, II, p. 457. Why did Kapilendra go to the assistance of the Velama chief against the Bahmany sultan? The reasons are not far to seek. The Bahmany sultan was his enemy, because both of them coveted the possession of the east coast. By this time Kapilendra succeeded in putting an end to the authority of the Reddis and Rayas of Vijayanagara in the coastal Telugu districts and established a viceroyalty at Kondavidu. As such he had to safeguard his territory from a probable attack by the sultan. Humayun Shah's move to chastise the Velama chief of Devarakonda may be the first step to extend his sway to the coast.

54 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Unfortunately some palace disturbances necessitated his return home. He left therefore Khwaja Mahmud Gawan to undertake the campaign and went back to his capital. For this incident Ferishta 104 assigns the date 864 A.H. (A.D. 1459) and hence the siege of Devarakonda must have taken place in the previous year. This victory over the Bahmany forces at Devarakonda enabled Kapilendra to assume the high sounding title 'Kalavargesvara'105 'the Lord of Kalavarga (Gulbarga)' in A.D. 1458. It was only the beginning of his campaign against the Bahmany sultan. Encouraged by the success at the fort of Devarakonda, Kumara Hamvira, who was at the head of the Oriya forces, began to conquer the whole of Telingana. Thus the Oriya support to the Velamas cost the latter their independence. Linga too became a vassal of the Gajapati ruler. The absence of the sultan from the scene of operations, and the rebellion of Prince Hussain at the capital, with the suppression of which the sultan was then busily engaged, enabled the Gajapati prince to penetrate into the heart of the Bahmany kingdom. He attacked Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, who was stationed at Warangal, to protect Telingana.106 'Ambadeva Maharaya' (Hamvira) defeated this Muslim officer, and one of his inscriptions 107 in the fort of Warangal, dated 2 nd February, A.D. 1460, mentions that the fort was taken by the Gajapati prince on that day. 104. Briggs, II, p. 458. 105. The Veligalani plates (Cp. 17 of 1934-35) dated §. 1380 (A.D. 1458) mention for the first time this title 'Navakoti Karnata Kalavargesvara'assumed by Kapilendradeva. His earlier inscriptions do not mention this title. Date Title. Place. A.D. 1450 -doGajapati Gaudesvara. -doSimhacalam. Vira Sri Gajapati Jagannatham. Srikurmam. A.D. 1455 Gaudesvara. Gajapati Gaudesvara Veligalani A.D. 1458 Navakoti Karnata Kalavargesvara. plates. Reference. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, No. 1089. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXII, part I, No. 2, p. 99. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. V, No. 1194. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 313 of 1896. Cp. 17 of 1934-35, A.R.E. 1934-35, Part II, p. 37. This title assumed by Kapilendra needs some explanation. (See Appendix I). 106. Ferishta and Sayyid 'Aly do not at all mention the loss of Warangal in A.D. 1460. Saka 1382, Pramadi, Magha su. 10. Va. (Saturday).

KAPILENDRA THE EMPIRE BUILDER 55 Sultan Humayun Shah died on September 3, A.D. 1461, and was succeeded by his eight year old son Nizam Shah. The queenmother, Makhdumah Jahan with the assistance of Mahmud Gawan, who was appointed vazir, administered the affairs of the state as regent. But as most of the amirs and vazirs, through fear of Humayan Shah's vengeance fled from the country, the army fell into a state of utmost disorder, and discontented nobles withdrew from their allegience and raised rebellions. Ferishta writes that the neighbouring rulers, both Mussulmans and Hindus, hearing that the throne of the Deccan was occupied by a child and that the nobles and other important officers were disaffected owing to the tyranny of the late sovereign, made every preparation to encroach on the Bahmany dominions. The first ruler who attacked the Bahmany kingdom was the Raya of Orissa in alliance with the zamindars of Telingana.108 With a very large army he invaded the 'territory of Islam' with the object of conquering the whole country of Telingana and to exact tribute from the infant king. The Velama forces also joined the Orissa army and soon, plundering and devastating the country they arrived within a distance of ten miles from Ahmadabad-Bidar. The accounts of Sayyid 'Ali and Ferishta both agree regarding the details of this campaign. The two Bahmany ministers collecting an army of 40,000 men marched with the young monarch to oppose the enemy. They sent Shah Mohib Ullah with a message that "their master had designed to invade and conquer Orissa and Jajnuggar, but since the Raya had himself had come so far with his army, the king would be able to effect the object of defeating him without the trouble of marching to those distant countries; moreover, that the king had resolved not to allow a man of the enemy to escape, unless the amount of injuries done to his 107. There is another inscription in the fort of Warangal dated Kali 4561, Saka 1382, Pramadi, Magha su. 10, Friday, (the week day is Saturday and not Friday) mentioning Virabhadra Raghudeva Narendra, son of Para- surama Devaraya of Solar race (Mackenzie Manuscripts 15-4-4). This chief appears to be identical with 'Raghudeva Narendra Mahapatra', a minister of Kapilendra who is mentioned as ruler of Rajamahendra rajya in another inscription (Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 494 of 1893) dated A.D. 1458 (S. 1380 not given) Bahudhanya, Jyestha ba. 13. He was, as a matter of fact, Kapilendra's nephew, son of his brother Parasuramadeva. He must have also accompanied Hamvira in this campaign. 108. Briggs, II, p. 466.

56 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA dominions should be repaired and the Raya agree to pay tribute."109 This messenger followed by an escort of one hundred and sixty men, was stopped by the Hindu army and Ferishta informs us that he charged the Raya's advance pickets so boldly that the Hindus, thinking that the whole army was in motion fell back, and the Raya of Orissa and Tulingana leaving their heavy baggage on the ground retreated during the night. The Raya finding that they lost two to three thousand men in every day's march due to the activity of the Khwajah-i-Jahan took refuge in a fort (name not given) and sent messages to the minister, Mahmud Gawan entreating pardon. After much debate and on payment of a large sum of money they were allowed to retreat towards their own territories without further molestation."110 On the very face of them these accounts of the Muslim historians show that they were not giving a correct picture of the events. Ferishta's account bears on it the stamp of untruth. The remarks of Briggs on this account of Ferishta are worth noting. According to him "Ferishta had exercised neither discretion nor even much research in not endeavouring to account for the sudden retreat of the Hindus; for it is absurd to suppose that the mere appearance of one hundred and sixty men would alone have broken up a confederacy which seems to have been so seriously formed for the recovery of Tulingana."111 1 The real explanation for the withdrawal of the armies of Orissa, without giving battle, when they came face to face with their enemy, is not far to seek. The whole of Orissa army was then engaged in wars in the South. 112 Just then Orissa was also threatened with an invasion from Jaunpur. According to Nizamud-Din Ahmad, Sultan Hussain Sharqi "with the ambition of conquering various countries collected an army of 300,000 horsemen and 1400 elephants and advanced towards the country of 109. Briggs, II, p. 466. 110. Briggs, II, p. 467-68. Indian Antiquary, XXVIII, p. 278-79. Sayyid 'Ali unconsciously gives out the truth, when he describes the causes for the Malwa invasion. He writes "Sultan Mahmud Khalji having become aware of the dispersion of the army of the Dakhan and the disorder which reigned in it, and the ascendancy of the infidels, had... ..come with an immense army". 111. Briggs, II, p. 467. Footnote. 112. Another contingent of Orissa army under Hamvira was then marching into the South.-See Supra, pp. 45-46.

J ORISSA UNDER KAPILENDRA GUJARAT MALWA KHANDESH BAHMANI KINGDOM JAUNPUR BENGAL R.M GONDWANA RISSA ARABIAN SEA VIJAYANAGARAM 100.50 0 G. 8 SCALE OF MILES 100 200 300 400 BAY OF BENGAL

58 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Orissa." After subduing Tirhut he sent detachments for plundering and ravaging the country of Orissa. Kapilendra finding that his country was attacked by the sultan of Jaunpur was compelled to march to the north to save his kingdom from the armies of Jaunpur. The author of Tabaqat-i-Akbari claims that the Raya of Orissa in great distress and helplessness made his submission to Hussain of Jaunpur and purchased peace by offering 30 elephants, 100 horses and several other goods by way of tribute. 113 It was the unexpected danger from Jaunpur that forced Kapilendra to withdraw his forces from the Bahmany territory and not the prowess of Shah Mohib-Ullah, the messenger and his hundred and sixty attendants as Ferishta and Sayyid Ali want us to believe. Soon Kapilendra found himself free to attack the Bahmany kingdom again. According to Ferishta, immediately after the attack of the Raya of Orissa, the Bahmany kingdom was invaded by sultan Mahmud Khalji of Malwa by the route of Khandesh with an army of twenty-eight thousand horse. "The Rayas of Orissa and Tulingana having again taken the field renewed their depredations on the countries of Islam."114 The Bahmany sultan left the defence of Telingana to the local division of the army and his two ministers marched with the rest of their forces to oppose the Malwa ruler. Kapilendra easily defeated the Bahmany army sent against him and in this campaign conquered several other places including Mahur and Bidar and justified his claims for the title 'Kalavargesvara' (Lord of Gulbarga). Last years of Kapilendra, A.D. 1464-1468, and the problem of succession:-By A.D. 1464, Kapilendra was the undisputed master of the land from the Ganges in the north to Trichinopoly in the south along the coast. He could proudly assume the high sounding titles 'Gajapati Gaudesvara Navakoti Karnata Kalavargesvara' with due justification. The Gopinathpur inscription 115 aptly describes his position in A.D. 1464 as follows: Krtva samyati Malavendra-jayinam sen=adhinatham tu yam Gaudendrasya nitantam = Utkala-patha-prasthana rodh = argalam - 113. Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Vol. III, part I, p. 459-60, refers to this campaign of Hussain Sharqi sometime between A.D. 1460-66. 114. Briggs, II, p. 468. 115. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXIX, p. 175 ff.

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER Srikhamnd = adri- payodhar = opari karam nirmaya Kamci-harah. Sanamdam Kapilesvaro viharate Karnata-rajya-sriya || 59 50 Kapilendra could not enjoy this peace and prosperity for long. He was very much distressed by a revolt against his authority by some zamindars. One of the inscriptions at Jagannatha, dated A.D. 1464 records an expression of his wounded feelings thus- "Oh! Jagannatha, thy servant thus informeth the high officers in the kingdom. From soldiers and servants (illegible, probably up to then) I looked after (all) from boyhood. Now they have forsaken me. I will treat them as they deserve. Lord Jagannatha, judge the correctness or incorrectness of mine (acts)."116 This inscription is dated in his 35 th Anka. According to Madala Panji in the 35 th Anka of Kapilendra's reign, the zamindars of Kundajori broke out into rebellion. Kundajori is only a mistake for Krsna-Jhori or the banks of the Krsna; and the inscription enables us to infer that some of the high officers of the state had assisted those rebels. We know from inscriptions of Munnur 117 and Jambai that Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Hamvira Mahapatra was then ruling the southern province as the viceroy of Kapilendra from Kondavidu. He was a son of Hamvira and thus a grandson of Kapilendra. Since the revolt took place on the banks of the Krsna we have reason to suspect the hand of Kumara Hamvira and his father in that revolt. Whether they had any part in the revolt or not, the nomination of Purusottama, and the death of Kapilendra are vitally connected with it. Before attempting to explain the causes for their possible participation, it is essential to mention a few words about Kapilendra's sons. The Katakaraja Vamsavali 118 and the Jagannatham Kaifiyat mention that Kapilendra had several -sons and could not decide upon whom he should bestow his kingdom. These sons quarrelled for the throne immediately before or after the death of that great monarch and finally Purusottamadeva emerged successful. The Mukhalingam Kaifiyat says that 'Purusottama was the youngest 116. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXII, 1893, pages 88 ff., dated 35 th Anka Mesa Kr. 4, Wednesday, 25 th April, A.D. 1464. 117. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 51 and 92 of 1919. 118. Further Sources, II, p. 86.

60 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA son of Kapilendradeva of Cuttack'. 119 We do not hear anything about this prince in the inscriptions, dated prior to A.D. 1466. On the otherhand the name of Hamvira finds mention in several epigraphs. The Warangal fort inscription, 120 dated A.D. 1460 (Pramadi) speaks of him as son of Gajapati Kapilesvara and records his conquest of that fort. The Chiruvrolu plates, 121 dated only a year later describe him in unmistakable terms as the son of Kapilendra Gajapati and the greatest warrior of the time. Inscriptions, dated subsequent to the year A.D. 1466, refer to one Purusottamadeva as the ruler of Orissa. Some scholars tried to identify Purusottamadeva with Hamvira of the earlier inscriptions. 122 The Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra mention only Purusottama as the son of Kapilendra, and the same thing is repeated in Sarasvativilasam. But the Anantavaram record, attributes the conquest of the south to one 'Kumara Hamvira-Vibhu' but does not say anything about his relationship with the ruling sovereign. We know from the epigraphs of Kapilendra's reign that Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Hamvira Mahapatra as the leader of the Gajapati armies to the south and the same inscriptions say that he was the son of Hamvira. Hence the reference to Kumara Hamvira in the Anantavaram plates should be either to the son of Kapilendra or to his grandson. 123 The exact date of Kapilendra's death has been a topic of much discussion. According to the Madala Panji, Kapilendra died on Pausa, Krsna 3, Tuesday, on the banks of river Krsna. 124 It does not give the year. Ferishta says "in the year 876 (A.D. 1471-72) Ambur Ray, cousin to the Ray of Oorea, complained to Muhomed 119. Local Records, Vol. 9, p. 468-71. 120. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VII, No. 733. 121. Chiruvrolu plates. Bharati, Nov. 1941, p. 514 ff. 122. The Kavuluru inscription of Purusottama Gajapati mentions one of his titles 'Pahara Hamvira' (Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 156 of 1913). Basing on this some scholars tried to identify Purusottama with Hamvira. See Journal of Bihar Research Society Vol. XXXI, Part III, p. 179. 123. When there is so much epigraphical evidence to show that Hammviradeva Kumara Mahapatra as a son, probably the eldest son of Kapilendra Gajapati, G. Ramadass in his article on Surya Vamsi Kings of Orissa (Journal of Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXI, Pt. III, p. 179) identifies him with Hamvira Kumara Mahapatra, son of Sandu Mahapatra, mentioned in an inscription dated A.D. 1453 from Simhacalam (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, No. 1088, No. 340 of 1899). But in the light of the evidence cited above his conclusion becomes untenable. 124. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, 1900, p. 181, footnote.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER " 61 Shah, that the Ray being dead, Mungal Ray a brahmin, his adopted son, had usurped the government in defiance of his prior claims to its inheritance."125 The Burhan-i-Ma'asir records the death of Kapilendra as follows:-"In this year the Queen-Mother Makhdumah Jahan died and in A.H. 875 (A.D. 1470). the sultan assumed the reins of government, "In the midst of these affairs a messenger arrived from Telingana and informed the sultan that the Ray of Orissa who was the principal Ray of Telingana was dead."126 The last known date of Kapilendra from inscriptions is 14 th December A.D. 1466.127 In the opinion of Stirling, who attempted for the first time to reconstruct the history of Orissa from original sources, Kapilesvara died near Kondapalli on the banks of the Krsna after a long and distinguished reign of twentyseven years, 128 But we know from inscriptions, published subsequently, that Kapilendra ruled for nearly 33 years and more. Manmohan Chakravarti also discussed this problem while editing the Gopinathapur inscription of Kapilendradeva. He disagreed with Stirling regarding the length of Kapilendra's reign, basing his conclusion on the Jagannath inscription of that monarch dated in his 41 st Anka, which takes his reign at least up to 33 years. He also objected to the date of the Madala Panji on the ground that it "does not come out correctly" with the week day mentioned. So he assigned A.D. 1469-70 as the last year of Kapilendra. R. D. Banarjee in his History of Orissa completely agrees with the conclusion of Chakravarti. Both the scholars are of opinion that the date given for the death of Kapilendra by Hunter and earlier writers is mistaken and incorrect. On the authority of Burhani-Ma'asir Banarjee assigns it to A.D. 1470, when it was hailed with great relief at the Bahmany court. After an exhaustive discussion, G. Ramadass, 130 finally pitched upon 25 th November, 1466 as the date of Kapilendra's death. To support his own conclusion he tried to show the weakness in the arguments of Chakravarti and Banarjee. "When M. M. Chakravarti questioned the correctness of the date given in the Madala 125. Briggs, II, p. 487. 126. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXVIII, p. 285. 1 127. 41 Anka, Dhanu sukla 7, Sunday. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII, 1893. 128. Stirling, Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 163 ff. 129. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, 1900. 130. Journal of Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXI, Pt. III, p. 173.

62 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Panji, he forgot that though the record may be incorrect in other matters, this particular record regarding the date of the death of Kapilesvara could not be refuted as false. For every sraddha must have been performed by his son Purusottamadeva, it was absolutely necessary to record the Lunar month and tithi that the ceremony might be punctually performed. The year and the week day are not so necessary. If the week day did not come correct for the year we presumed, the record of the sraddha day should not be rejected." In addition he quotes a passage from the prasasti given at the end of the Bhakti-Bhagavata Mahakavya of Jivadevacarya, who flourished during the reign of Prataparudra as "the king gave lands and wealth to Jagannatha and after reigning for thirty-two years went to the proximity of Vishnu at Triveni."131 He also questions the inference drawn from the evidence of Ferishta and Sayyid 'Ali with regard to the date of Kapilendra's death, and he asks "who was the Ray of Orissa who was the principal Raya of Telingana reported to have died in 1470?" According to him he could not be Kapilendra as supposed by several scholars, simply because 'the Ray of Orissa, the principal Ray of Telingana, was in possession of a large number of elephants. He concludes that the Ray of Telingana whose death was so noisily reported at the court of Bidar was Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra who was kept in charge of the whole country south of the Krsna. 132 We cannot accept the date suggested by G. Ramadass or endorse his criticisms of previous writers. His justification for accepting the date of the Madala Panji appears plausible. Though he has rightly pointed out the weakness in the arguments of Chakravarti and Banarjee, he assigns a wrong date himself for the death of Kapilendra. The date 25 th November, A.D. 1466 suggested by Ramadass for the death of Kapilendra cannot be accepted, because another inscription, dated December, A.D. 1466 records that he was present while certain gifts were made to God Jagannatha. He has identified the "Ray of Orissa" whose death was reported at the court of Bidar, with Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra, the viceroy of Kapilendra at Kondavidu in the south. The Muslim chroniclers do not mention either the name of Kapilendra Gajapati or his grandson Daksina Kapilesvara. To 131. Trans. given by M.M.H.P. Sastri, given on page 18 of his Report on the search for Sanskrt Manuscripts for 1901-1902 to 1905-1906. 132. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1919.

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER 63 whom soever the statement "Ray of Orissa, the principal Ray of Telingana" may apply it is certain that the throne of Orissa fell vacant with his death. The throne was the subject of dispute and not the viceroyalty. So it is reasonable to identify "the Ray of Orissa whose death was reported in A.D. 1470 at Bidar" with Kapilendra Gajapati. In order to ascertain the exact date of Kapilendra's death we will have to thoroughly analyse the accounts of Muslim chronicles as well as the Madala Panji. For that, it is essential to know the circumstances leading to his death. By about the year A.D. 1464, the Gajapati authority reached its zenith and it is marked by the inscriptions 133 of Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra at Munnur in South Arcot district. The Madala Panji¹84 mentions a revolt against the authority of Kapilendra in his 35 th Anka by the zamindars of Kunda-jhori. This is a corrupt form of the Sanskrit Krsna-jhori as recorded in the Katakaraja-vamsavali. The expressions of his wounded feelings recorded in the Jagannatham inscription referred to above may be an outcome of this revolt. Who were the servants that had forsaken him? We know from other inscriptions of the period, his eldest son Hamvira helped him throughout his long career of wars. Anantavaram plates 135 of Prataparudra make him the leader of the southern campaign. From the Munnur inscription cited above it is clear that in A.D. 1464-65 Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra, son of Hamvira, was ruling the southern provinces. We do not know exactly if he and his father were themselves the rebels. It is very likely, since Kapilendra himself marched to the south at the head of his forces. The Bezwada inscription 136 of that ruler, dated S. 1387 (A.D. 1465-66) mentions him to be staying on the banks of the Krsna. Manmohan Chakravarti basing his conclusions on the chronological details supplied by the Puri records published by him fixed the year 1469-70 as the 'precise year of Purusottamadeva's accession'. But this date cannot be accepted for other inscriptions of the same monarch found at Srikurmam and other places assign an earlier date for his accession. 133. Ibid. 134. Ibid. Note on p. 183. 135. Anantavaram plates. Andhra Patrika Annual, 1928. 136. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IV, No. 761; Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 308 of 1892.

Place Anka Date Date in the Christian era. 1. Srikurmam 7 S. 1392 Asvija su. 7, Tuesday. 25 th Sept. 1470. 2. S. 1393 Khara, Caitra, ba. 10, Sunday. 11 th April, 1471. 3. " S. 1393 Asadha su. 2, Tuesday. 4 th June, 1477. 4. Coppar Axe-head inscription from Balasur. 25 Mesadi 10, Somavara. 6 th March, 1486. Reference. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No 365 of 1896. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. V. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 366 of 1896. S.II. Vol. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 274 of 1896. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. V, Indian Antiquary Vol. I, p. 355.

KAPILENDRA - THE EMPIRE BUILDER 1 65 From the above list it is clear that the first regnal year or 2 nd Anka of Purusottama Gajapati corresponds to A.D. 1465-66. This date is in agreement with the details given in his inscriptions found at different places except the three Puri records which formed the foundation for Chakravarti's conclusions. Dr. Venkataramanayya rightly refuses to accept the date fixed by Chakravarti saying that his conclusions were based upon inaccurate premises and consequently was obliged to make certain unjustifiable corrections in the chronological data supplied by the inscriptions in order to derive what he believed to be "the precise year of Purusottama, deva's accession."137 Since Chakravarti showed the tendency to correct the details given in inscriptions to suit his theory, his conclusions are to be taken with some caution. The differences between the details of the Puri records and other inscriptions of Purusottamadeva, in the opinion of Dr. Venkataramanayya, may be due to the existence of flaw either in the decipherment of the epigraphs or in the calculations of the chronological details contained in them. Even with regard to the texts of the Puri records published, differences exist between the versions of Mitra and Chakravarti. Neither of them took the pains to publish the fascimiles. Hence there is no possibility for verification. The safest method for determining the date of Purusottamadeva's accession would be as suggested by Dr. Venkataramanayya to leave the Puri records out of account. The Madala Panji records that Purusottama was anointed on the banks of the Krsna. 138 The story goes that "Kapilendra had eighteen sons and could not decide upon whom he should bestow his kingdom. He invoked God Jagannatha to help him in that matter. God Jagannatha appeared before him in a dream and selected Purusottama as his successor. So the king after informing the ministers about God's wish, retired with the boy to the banks of the Krsna, where he subsequently died on Pausa, Krsna 3, 137. Proc. and Trans. of the Fifth Oriental Conference, Mysore, December 1935, p. 585 ff. 138. Mukherjee in his article 'Historicity of Kanchi-Kaveri Expedition' (Ind. His. Quarterly, March 1945, p. 34 ff.), quoted a sloka supposed to have been composed by Purusottama Gajapati himself: Yasyah prabhava-mahima Krsna tire mama pradat Kapilendra-namdano = 'ham tad = anugraha-matrh-labdhasamrajyam This clearly shows that Purusottama got the kingdom because of the favour shown to him by Kapilendra, as against his elder brother and that he was anointed on the banks of the Krsma. G. 9

66 GAJAPATIS OF ORISSA Tuesday. This anointment must have taken place sometime before A.D. 1465-66, the first regnal year of Purusottama. What necessitated Kapilendra to nominate and crown Puru- sottamadeva in A.D. 1465-66 on the banks of the Krana? Kapilendra came down to the south with the object of suppressing the rebels. He found his health failing and his anxiety increasing by the acts of his son Hamvira who appears to have joined hands with the rebels. A greater danger to the kingdom, loomed large from the south. Although Virupaksa II, the Raya of Vijayanagara was weak Saluva Nrsimha, his viceroy at Candragiri began systematic expulsion of the Oriyas from the south. It is the Munnur inscription 139 of Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra dated in A.D. 1464 that gives us the information about the Oriya conquest of the south. In the same village we get Saluva Nrsimha's inscription 140 mentioning him as ruler in A.D. 1466. This suggests that already by the year A.D. 1466 Saluva Nrsimha began his task of redeeming the country from the foreigners. The Saluvabhyudayam, 141 a Sanskrt work describing the achievements of Saluva Nrsimha, gives us his programme of action. His very first campaign immediately after accession to the governorship of Candragiri was against the ruler of Kalinga (Orissa) and according to inscriptions 142 he ruled in the South Arcot district in A.D. 1466 which was under the authority of Daksina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra in A.D. 1464.143 He must have reconquered that district from the Oriyas sometime before December, A.D. 1466. The revolts in the Oriya kingdom and the utter impotency of the central government all the more facilitated his task. By A.D. 1475-76 he brought under his control the whole coast as far as Masulipatam in the north.144 The rising power of Saluva Nrsimha thus threatened the very existence of Oriya power in the east coast, Kapilendra whose health was failing being disappointed with his eldest son Hamvira, to ensure the loyalties of his officers at least to his youngest son 139. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 51 and 92 of 1917. 140. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 53 of 1919. 141. Sources, p. 93 ff. 142. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy No. 53 of 1919. 143. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy Nos. 51 and 92 of 1919. 144. Nuniz, Forgotten Empire by R. Sewell, p. 501. His exploits in the east coast belong to a later period and they will be exhaustively dealt with in their proper sequence.

KAPILENDRA-THE EMPIRE BUILDER 67 Purusottama, crowned him as his successor on the banks of the Krsna. After this incident Kapilendra seems to have lived for some years. The news of his death reached the Bahmany court in A.D. 1470. The death must have occurred sometime after December 14, 1466, his last known date and Purusottama's first known date. The death could in no way be taken to such a late date as A.D. 1470. Previous writers on the history of Orissa have wrongly understood the version of the Muslim historians. These do not refer to the exact date of the death of the Ray of Orissa. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir read with Ferishta's account lays emphasis more on the "request for help" sent to the court of Bidar in A.D. 1470-71 than actually on the death of "Ray of Orissa" which took place earlier. In between these two years A.D. 1466 and 1470, the astronomical details as given in the Madala Panji work out correctly to January 12, A.D. 1468, which may be regarded as the actual date of the death of Kapilendra. Then why did Hamvira seek the assistance of Bahmany sultan in A.D. 1470-71 and not earlier? This is easily explained. Hamvira who had been occupying a pre-eminent position among the sons and nobles of the Gajapati king was able to carry on his struggle against his rival brother for sometime after the death of his father. But when Purusottama supported by the will of the late monarch proved too strong for him and when Saluva Nrsimha's pressure from the south became irresistable, it was only then he was compelled to turn to the Bahmany court for help. 1