19. An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work

19. An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work * (Between A. D. 1690 and 1710) Varadaraja, a pupil of Bhattoji Diksita 1 lived between c. A. D. 1600 and 1660. 2 He composed a Sanskrit conversational grammar called the Girvanapadamanjari 3 in which conversation in Sanskrit on the daily life of a Benares Brahmin from morning to night is recorded in a simple but amusing style to enable junior students of Sanskrit to pick up the language quickly without frightening them with dry grammatical forms. The only imitation of the Girvanapadamanjari of Varadaraja, so far as I know, is the Girvanapadamanjari of Dhundiraja which is called aiaTH at the beginning of the work. As this work appears to be an imitation of Varadaraja's work of the same name it is evidently later than about A. D. 1650. The evidence recorded in this paper tends to shift its date later than A. D. 1700 or so. The Girvanapadamanjari (Ms No. 345 of 1892-95) informs us in its five preliminary verses that it was composed by Dhundiraja Kavi, resident of Benares. It further states the object of the work viz. to provide a sort of conversational grammar to the students of Sanskrit. The subject of conversation, which fills the entire work, consists of all the doings of a Brahmin house holder of Benares from morn till eve. Accordingly the work begins with the early rising of the Brahmin. After some conversation with his wife the Brahmin proceeds for his daily bath to the Manikarnika Ghat on the bank of the river Ganges, but before he leaves his house he rebukes his indolent son still rolling in his bed. The son gets up and receives his father's instructions to proceed to the market for some purchases to be made in connection with the dinner to be given to Brahmins at his house at noon. The Brahmin then goes to the Manikarnika Ghat, recites the usual Mantras and finishes his bath in the Ganges. He then * Journal of S. M. Library, Tanjore, Vol. V, No. 3 pp. 1-13. 1. Vide my paper on the date of Bhattoji Dik sita in the Annals of Tirupati Ori. Institute, Vol. I, pp. 117-127. 2. Vide my paper on Varadaraja in the Festschrift P. V. Kane, pp. 188-189. 3. For Mss see Aufrecht, Cata. Catalo., p. 154. 4. The B. O. R. Institute (Govt. Mss Library) possesses three Mss of Dhundiraja's work: (i) No 21 of 1919-24, (ii) No 345 of 1892-95 and No. 13 of 1898-99 (dated Saka 1762=A. D. 1840). Ms No 21 of 1919-24 belonged to one 8 yajnesvarabhatta '. 21

worships the God in the adjoining temple and then goes to a Matha which was the dwelling place of Benares Sanyasins. There were many Sanyasins in this Matha, among whom the Brahmin noticed an old corpulent Sanyasin. Bowing low he approached this Sanyasin and invited him cordially for dinner that noon. The Sanyasin made inquiries about the caste of his host. The Brahmin replied that he was a Maharastra (Brahmin). Thereupon the Sanyasin accompanied the Brahmin to his house. The host then washed the feet of the Sanyasin, with his own hands and seated him on a special seat. The Sanyasin as also other Brahmins assembled were then served with sumptuous food. At the conclusion of the dinner the host gave a handful of cloves to the Sanyasin, while he distributed Tambula and Daksina to other guests, who departed with their blessings for the host. The Sanyasin then made some inquiries about the members of the host's family, including the women-folk. He also inquired about the studies conducted by the host in Bengal (Gaudadesa) and at Benares. Then followed an interesting discourse on certain customs which were considered evil customs (Duracaras) in different regions of India, for instance the southern custom of marrying the daughter of maternal uncle, the fish-eating by Brahmins of Bengal and the like. There was also some discussion between the host and the Sanyasin on many matters of mutual interest. Just before the Sanyasin took leave of his host, the host requested him to give him some particulars about his life as a householder. The Sanyasin requested his host not to raise this question as it will bring to him memories of his past glory, which were very painful. As the host, however, was very eager to know something of this past glory the Sanyasin narrated his story as follows:Folios 12-13 of Ms 1 No. 345 of 1892-95 (= A) " are puvasrame asmakam karnatakadese camjigrama eva tarhi purvasrame asmakam karta | srimatam ko va vrttisthita | are tatkimapi ma prcchasva | tatkimapi vaktum notsahe | hanta he svaminah mama 1. There is a Ms of the work in the India Office Library (Vide p. 1574 of Cata. Part VII, 1904-Ms No 4109). This Ms is described as "a collection of easy continuous sentences on ordinary domestic occurrences intended to serve as a primer and variously called bhasamanjari, girvanavagmanjari or I compiled at Benares by Dhundiraja, son of Srirangabhatta. The Ms ends:- " sriramgabhattasuta - dhumdikavisvarena girvanasabdapadamanjarikadarena | nitam samaptimapi tam vibudhah sudhavat | drstva pibantu surasam krpayaiva tavat || 2. Ms No. 21 of 1919 - 24 = Breads bijapuragrama instead of camjigrama . " No. 18 of 1898-99 ( = 0) merely states 'karnatakadesa gramah ' Neither camji nor bijapura is mentioned.

An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work 163 1 sro ( srotumiccha vartate | sravyameva | are maya purvasrame vya ( va ) sayavrtya sthitah yadi dillisvarasya amatya asatavana iti tasya putrah julaphakaravan sa yada dillijayarthamagata- stada tasya nikate maya bhuridivaparyantam vyavayitam | tada asmakam nikate sahastradvaya asva4 sthitah | dasasahasraparicanah ( rah ? ) 5 sthita catvarimsaddantinah sthitah | bahavo ustrah sthitah | bahavo ratha sthitah | tada manedde catasrah palyankayah sthitah | katiso bharavahakah sakatah sthitah | purvamasmakam grhe sodasadasyah atisum ( da )ya sthitah | tasam lavanyam vartatum na sakumah 7 | tadrsi mama grhinyapi nasit | tah sarva mama sevayam ati tatpara sthita | talu eka ati- sobhana sthita | tasyah gunah tasya saundarya kim varnaniyam | kevalamapara devanganeva sthitah | tasyam mama rucirativa sthitah | mam vina tasya api na kutrapi nagatam | are purva mama nikate katiso varamgana sthitah | tah mama bahunamati ke sadaiva asan | tasvapi eka ativa lavanya- vati sthita | tasya kanthasya madhuryagitanrtyadikam tatha alapa ninayascaiva varnitum naiva sakyate | adhunapi yada tasyah smaranam jayate tada mama manah kutrapi na lagati | tatkim vaktavyam svabhavet tatsmaranam | are purvam madgrhe pratyaham satasah brahmana bhoktarah sthitah | taih sakam maya muhurttabhya- tarameva bhoktavyam | tathaiva bahavo annarthinastatha katisa yacakah | anyepi ye ye arthina mam prati agata tesam sarvesam manovamchitam maya dattam mama prabhutayam satyam matsakasat kopi nirayataya nagamat | purvametadrsi prabhuta sthitah | adhuna anubhutamapi tatsarvam svaprayam bhasate | tasya smaranepi mahati vyatha jayate | tarhi svaminah purvametadrso vaibhavasthitah sahasa tatsarvam kutra gatam | tatra kim karanam jatam | are srnu | maya kasmin dine yosidbhih saha rahasi saudhantare sthitah | tasmin kale mama prabhuna akaritah | dvivaram ahutam presitah | saundaryavasat ' ' sukhotkarsam tyaktva na gatam | tatha bhuyopi anucarah presitah | tathapi maya na gatam dutikaranat | ativa kruddhah tena akasmat ekasmin mayavacchedena 12 sahasracatustarasra- | ranam 13 senani presitah | tada mamanuyayinah sannaddha 14 sthita | tada tena ghatikadvayabhyantaram sarva 93 1 1 B ' yada indaprasthe amatyah asatkhana iti ' 2 B ' juluphadarakhana ' and C ' juluphagarakhanah 3 B, C ' digvijayartham ' 4 B ' asvacarah ' 5 B ' padacarah 6 B ' varnitum ' , 930 on anw 10 7 Badds ' sa kathambhuta | padmanetradvayam yasyah vaktram candropamam subham | smarapatropamau karnau kapolau candrako ssbalau || nasika tilapuspabha kamacapopamau bhruvau | dasana hirakaistulya dvimopamita dhara || mayurasya kalapena tulyam kacanibandhanam | samkhare khatrayenapi kamthadeso virajate || svalpakam madhyadesam ca mustigrahyam tu kevalam || nabhimandalamadhyastham lavanyam kena grhyate || rambhopamau urujamghe bhujau kamaladandakau | caranam sthalakamalabham manimamditanupuram || ityadi | 8 B'svapnavat ' 11 B, C ' saukaryavasat ' 14 B ' asannaddhah ' 9_Badds 'tathaiva vastrarthinah ' 12 B ' ekasamayavacchedena ' 10 B ' dutah ' 8 13 B asvacaranam

lumthitam | mamapi grhitva bhujabandhanam ' vidhaya nitam | tada prabhuna ativa nirbhasitam | masacatustaya - paryantam tasya karagrhe sthitam | pascachrnkhalamocanam jatam | taddinarabhya mama manasi atitra anutapo jatah | tadaham sarvakutumbadikam tatka ( vyaktva ) kuruksetram gatah | tatra kiyadinaparyantam tato anusthitam | tatraiva samnyaso grhitah | pascadiha bhagatam | tarhi svaminah srimatam turyasramam grhitva kati varsani jatani | are mama dvadasa varsani jatani | etavaddinaparyantam tirthatanam krtam | sampratam masacatustayam jatam | rahagatyam 4 adhuna sarvam tyaktva manikarnikam " sevayami | evam tarhi samyak kriyate svaminah | | visvesvarasamo devah ksetram varanasisamam | manikaranasamam tirtham nasti brahmandagolake || evamuktam vartate 6 ' etc. The substance of the above interesting extract is as follows:The Sanyasin in his life of a house-holder belonged to camji or bijapura village in the Karnatak. The Emperor of Delhi had a minister named Asatkhan. His son Zulfikar Khan started on a military expedition and came to Karnatak. At this time this (Sanyasin) Brahmin was in his company for several days with 2000 horses, 10000 servants, 40 elephants and many camels and chariots. He had in his house four palanquins and several coolies and carts. He had in his house sixteen maid-servants of unparalleled beauty who were extremely devoted to his service. His own wife was not so beautiful as these maid-servants. One of them was extremely lovely and for her he developed a special liking. She was always by his side, possessing, as she did, a sweet voice coupled with a proficiency in singing and dancing. She was a veritable celestial damsel. Even though he had become a Sanyasin a recollection of this damsel unsettled his mind as it was no more than a dream. Formerly in his house hundreds of Brahmins were fed. He also fed many beggars and others who needed food. During the days of his power no person who wanted anything from him, went away disappointed as he granted the requests of every one, who approached him with any object in view. Such was the glory of the householder of old but now it looked like a dream and brought a very painful memory. 1 B ' caturbhujam ' 4 B ' ihagatya 2 B ' tapo ' 3 B caturmasyani ' 5 B adds ' visvesvaram ' 6 I have not noted all the variants but only important ones. Though the text is incorrect, the sense can be easily gathered as the text is written in the Pancatantra prose style to a certain extent. The method of teaching Sanskrit composition as illustrated by the works of Varadaraja and his imitator Dhundiraja about 250 years ago has a modernistic touch. It remains to be discovered if our ancient teachers of Sanskrit adopted similar methods to create some interest among their students in the manner of these works.

An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work 165 On being questioned as to how and why all this glory of the householder disappeared, the Sanyasin stated as follows:While the house-holder was absorbed in enjoyment in the company of young women he received orders from his lord (Zulfikar Khan). No attention was paid to these orders, so he sent a messenger a second time. Even then he did not leave the house, being absorbed in the enjoyment of the highest pleasure derived from his addiction to the beauty (of these young women). Zulfikar Khan sent a messenger for the third time and still this grandee paid no heed to his orders. This conduct enraged his master, who immediately despatched his commander with 4000 horsemen. All the followers of this grandee were unprepared and consequently within a very short time all the property of the grandee was looted and the grandee himself was hand-cuffed and brought before his master (Zulfikar Khan) who severely scolded the grandee and kept him in confinement for four months. Later he was released. Since the day of his release the grandee was stung with remorse. He then went to Kuruksetra (Delhi), abandoning his family etc., and there practised penance for some days. He then became a Sanyasin and then went to Benares. Twelve years had elapsed since he became Sanyasin. After wandering to different holy places (tirthas) he resorted to Benares, where he had completed a four months' stay when his host 1 met him (and invited him for dinner). The Sanyasin expressed his resolve to devote himself to Manikarnika. The host, after hearing this story of the early life of the Sanyasin, expressed his admiration for the step taken by the Sanyasin because it is said :- "On this globe there is no parallel to the god Visvesvara, his abode Benares and its holy place Manikarnika. 99 I have now to make the following remarks on the Story of the Brahmin grandee of Karnatak as disclosed incidentally in the Girvanapadamanjari of Dhundiraja, the son of Srirangabhatta of Benares:- 1. This story, though introduced in the work for literary embellishment, appears to me to be a true historical story. The story was too vivid to be idealised by our author by dropping its reference to Asatkhan and 1 This host appears to me to be identical with Dhundiraja himself, the author of the Girvanapadamafijari. I have suggested in the sequel that this romantic story of the early life of the Sanyasin is a true story inserted by our author in his work for literary embellishment. No such story appears in the Girvanapadamafijari of Varadaraja. Dhundiraja though an imitator of Varadaraja, is certainly original in inserting this romantic story with a tragic touch in his own work and thus relieving the monotony of his imitation. -

his son Zulfikar Khan and their military expedition (fafac) to Karnatak on behalf of the Mogul Emperor (Aurangzeb) at Delhi. 2. Our Brahmin grandee was obviously in the employ of Zulfikar Khan or at least he paid his allegiance to this general and hence the latter is aptly called Prabhu or overlord of the former in the story. before us. 3. The identification of this Brahmin grandee of Karnatak and his relation to Zulfikar Khan has become difficult as the name of the grandee is not recorded in the story and further while one Ms makes him a resident of camji 1 another Ms variant makes him a resident of bijapura . The third Ms drops any reference to these villages. 4. Asatkhan 2 mentioned as the minister of the Delhi Emperor and his son Zulfikar Khan³ are historical personages. 5. I am of opinion that the Karnatak Digvijaya (Expedition to Karnataka) by Zulfikar Khan, son of Asatkhan, is identical with his celebrated siege of Jinji (1690-1698 A. D. ). It was a long drawn-out siege by the forces of Aurangzeb lasting for seven years or so. Rajaram Chatrapati, the second son of Shivaji the Great, ruled at Gingee or Jinji, where he was besieged by the Mogul forces under Zulfikar Khan for seven years and from which he finally escaped. This siege had captured the imagination of the people of the Maharashtra and the Karnatak so much = 1 Canji modern Gingee, a once celebrated hill fortress in South Arcot, 50 miles north east of Cuddalore and 35 miles north west from Pondicherry and at one time the seat of a Maratha Principality. It is spelt severally as Gingie, Jinjee, Chengi, Chenjie (Vide p. 376, of Hobson-Jobson, 1903, by Yule and Burnell). Yule observes:-" Ginji or Jinjee, properly Chenji. [Shenji, and this from Tamil Shingi, Skt. Sringi, a "hill" Usages: 1616 A. D. (Ginja); A. D. 1675 ( Chengie ); A. D. 1680 ( Chengy ); A. D. 1752 Gingee ]. was 2. He is identical with Asad Khan, the prime-minister of Aurangzeb. He had gone to Jinjee to help his son Zulfikar Khan ( Vide p. 76 of Madhyayugina Caritrakofa). Beale in his Oriental Biographical Dictionary (London, 1894, p. 80) states that Asad Khan descended from an illustrious family of Turkmans. His former name was Ibrahim. He was made second Bakshi by Shah Jahan. He held this office till 1671 A. D. Later he was made Wazir by Aurangzeb. Bahadur Shah made him Wakil Mutlaq (an office superior to Wazir) and his son Ismail was made chief paymaster (Mir Bakshi) with the title "Umra Zulfikar Khan". Farrukshiar, however, disgraced him and his son was put to death. He died 90 years old in A. D. 1717. 3. He is identical with Zulfikar Khan, the son of Asad Khan referred to above (A. D. 1657-1712). He laid siege to the fort of Jinji for 6/7 years (A. D. 1691-97) but it was a complete failure. Hs also invaded Tanjore and Trichinopoly. Farrukshiar put him to death in A. D. 1712 ( Vide p. 417 of Madhyayugina Caritrakosa) Beal (O. B. Dict.) p. 430, does not refer to the Siege of Jinji laid by Zulfikar Khan. According to Vincent Smith (p. 444 of Oxford History of India. 1928) " Zulfikar Khan deliberately played with the siege of Jinji and purposely allowed Rajaram to escape. 99

An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work 167 in those days that it found reflection in contemporary documents and literature. It is no wonder, therefore, that it should capture the imagination and busy pen of modern historians like Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Rao Bahadur G. S. Sardesai, Rao Bahadur C. S. Srinivasachari and others. In particular Rao Bahadur Srinivasachari's monumental volume on the "History of Gingee and its rulers" (Annamalai University Series No. 2) recently published reveals that this history has besieged its learned author for about 32 years since he first brought out an account of it in 1912 and I wonder, if Rao Bahadur Srinivasachari has yet succeeded in making his escape from this Gingee, like Rajaram of old. Chapter VII of this delightful volume is devoted to the Mughal Siege and and Capture of Gingee" (pp. 286-350) 1690-1698 A. D. Some facts from this chapter may be noted below to enable us to understand the historical background of the reference to the Karnataka Digvijaya of Zulfikar Khan in the Girvanapadamanjari of Dhundiraja :June 1690--Zulfikar Khan (Z) who invested Raigad, was despatched by Aurangzeb to Karnatak to crush the Maratta power at Jinji or Gingee. Sept. 1690-Z reach Gingee. April 1691--The Mogal army under Z had become powerful and well provisioned for a serious assault - No decisive success for the imperialists in 1691. December 1691--Asad Khan, the father of Z, and Prince Kam Baksh reach Gingee under orders of Aurangzeb. 1692- 11 The procrastination of Z in his operations. 1693 Z and his father in great straits - Emperor displeased with Asad Khan. 1694 Asad Khan restored to King's favour according to a letter from 11 1 See the Rajarama Carita by Kesava Pandita (ed. by V. S. Bendre, Poona) which describes in Sanskrit verses the march of Rajarama Chatrapati to Jinji. Dr. S. M. H. Nainar published in 1939 a Tamil Mono-Drama called "Seyda-K-Kadi Nondi-Natakam" (Annals of Oriental Research, Madras University, Vol. IV, Part I). The author of the drama appears to have been a convert to Islam. The Drama is a contemporary picture of the siege of Jinji and is full of references to the Mogal commanders under Zulfikar Khan and Maratha commanders under Rajaram. The Sahen dravilasa Kavya by Sridhara Venkatesa refers to the siege of Jinji (Vide p. 184 ff of Indian Antiquary, 1904). Rajaram received help from the then Raja of Tanjore :- balairmaharaja bhavannirdisthaidillindra sainyani vidaritani | sa rajaramasca tathabhiguptastadancati tvam mahati yasah srih || ' Vide Annals (B. O. R. Institute) Vol. XX, pp. 235 ff my article on some verses by Kenava Pandita, the author of rajaramacarita .

Fort St. George -- Z renews siege operations, which were regarded as a mere show to deceive the Emperor. 1695--An uneventful year. Z receives 3 lacs of rupees from the Mogul Court and captures a few forts from the Marattas. A large Maratta army under Santaji and Dhanaji Jadhav approached Gingee towards the close of the year. 1696-Z feels extreme want of money. Z defeats Santaji near Arni. 1697-Z renews attack on Gingee. 1698--Rajaram escapes with four or five thousand Marattas to Vellore according to a letter from Fort St. George- Capture of Gingee by Z between 28 th December 1697 and 5 th January 1698"-Z renamed Gingee as "Nasratgaddah after his own title "Nasrat Jang "- Z appoints Gussafar Khan as Killedar of Gingee. Zulfikar Khan left the Karnatak after about a year from the fall of Gingee.¹ Such in brief is the chronology of the Karnataka Digvijaya of Zulfikar khan mentioned incidentally in the Girvanapadamanjari without any details. It is, therefore, clear that this work was composed some time after A.D. 1698. As regards the exact date of its composition I may note here the following facts which might enable us to fix this date within reasonable limits:- 1. The Brahmin grandee was in the employ of Zulfikar Khan some time after September 1690 when Z reached Gingee. Perhaps Z wanted to make use of him against the Marathas under Rajaram in the Gingee fortress. 2. Perhaps the arrest of this Brahmin grandee took place about A. D. 1691-92. If this suggestion is accepted we have to suppose that he migrated to Kuruksetra or Delhi after four months, imprisonment by Z and subsequent release. We may, therefore, suppose that he wandered outside Karnatak in Northern India as a Sanyasin for 12 years as stated by him between say A. D. 1690 and 1702 and then reached Benares. 3. The grandee was invited for dinner by his Benares host within 4 months of his stay at Benares in the Matha of the Sanyasins say in A. D. 1702-1703. 4. As Dhundiraja records the story of the Brahmin grandee as an event of fresh occurrence we may not be wrong in presuming that the Girvanapadamanjari was composed say between A. D. 1702 and 1704. 1. Mr. V. L. Kale of Belgaum has written a historical romance in Marathi called ' jimjivasa ' or 'chatrapati rajaramamaharaja ' which describes how the machinations of Aurangzeb were successfully checkmated by the Marathas under Rajaram. An English translation of the romance by Mre. Smith was published in 1933.

An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work 169 5. We may, however, tentatively fix the date of this work between A. D. 1690 and 1710. At any rate this grammatical work is definitely later than A. D. 1690 when Zulfikar Khan reached Gingee. Having recorded the historical evidence to explain the story of the Brahmin grandee of Karnatak as recorded in a work composed at Benares after A. D. 1690 and possibly before A. D. 1710, I now turn to the question of deciding the native place of this grandee. In this connection the following points may be noted :- 1. All the three Mss of the Girvanapadamanjari before me state that the native place of the grandee was in Karnatak country (karnatakadese ). 2002. 2. One Ms mentions this native place as iftaa,' another gives us camjigrama, at while the third Ms does not specify the name. In view of the reference to the izaffac of Asat Khan's son Zulfikar Khan under orders of the Delhi Emperor as made in the work, I am inclined to believe that our Brahmin grandee belonged to camjigrama and not bijapuragrama . Zulfikar Khan left for at in June 1690 and reached it in September 1690. There was hardly any time for him to camp at Bijapur (q of Ms) and keep this grandee in confinement for 4 months after looting his property. 3. Rao Bahadur Srinivasachari 1, states that Gingee was called as follows by different people :- (i) Badshabad by Bijapur authorities, who held the fort between A D. 1660 and 1677. (ii) Chandry or Chindy by Marathas. ((iii) Nasrat Gaddah by the the Moguls after 1698. (iv) Gingee or Jinji, by the French. (v) Chingee or Chengy, in early Madras records. bise niesynes s 02 las (vi) The fort has retained the name Gingee, the English form of the Tamil word Senji. It is clear from the above names of Gingee that it of the Ms of the Girvanapadamanjari is identical with modern Gingee. 4. It is possible to suppose that this Brahmin grandee of Gingee was a Maharastra Brahmin residing on the outskirts of the Gingee fort or in the Gingee territory about A. D. 1690. He must have joined Zulfikar Khan about this time but Zulfikar Khan found him too much addicted to the pleasures of life to be used in his Digvijaya and hence made short work of him and his property as explained by the grandee himself. Possibly the Brahmin host who entertained him at a dinner at Benares is 1. Vide pp. 23-26 of History of Gingee on the Origin of the name Gingee. 22

170 We Studies in Indian Literary History to odoll A identical with Dhundiraja himself, the author of the Girvanapadamanjari. When this work was being composed the author may have invited this Sanyasin for dinner and learned this story of his early life first-hand from the Sanyasin. This real story being colourful, romantic and vivid, the author could not avoid the temptation of pushing it in his work in its appropriate context. aids I have given in the foregoing lines my interpretation of the story of the Gingee grandee as found in the Girvanapadamanjari of Dhundiraja. This interpretation needs to be verified by scholars like my friend Rao Bahadur Srinivasachari who have made a close study of contemporary sources regarding the siege of Gingee (A. D. 1690-1698). Dhundiraja's work as also Varadaraja's work of the same name ought to be critically edited and kept before the students of the cultural history of Benares in the 17 th century. I trust, therefore, that the present paper would attract the attention of scholars to the valuable cultural contents of these works which give us a peep into the cultural life of the Benares Brahmins in the 17 th century, which produced celebrities like Gagabhatta, Jagannatha Panditaraja, Kamalakara Bhatta and others. It appears that Dhundiraja the author of the G vanapadamanjari was a Brahmin of the Madhva sect as will be seen from the following evidence :- 1. The Brahmin Sanyasin when invited for dinner by his Benares host inquired-bled 10:13 'are tava ka va jatih ' ( What is your caste i The host replied- ? ) 0801. A 'svamino aham maharastro'smi ' (My good sir, I am a Maharastra Brahmin ) The Sanyasin said-- evam kila | tarhi maharastranam grhe asmadinam bhiksattum ativa sasta ' | (If that is so, I very much prefer to have alms in the home of Maharastra Brahmins) The disguised identity of the Benares host with the author of the work is too transparent to be concealed. 2. In the discussion on evil customs (duracaras) of different provinces the Benares host tells the Sanyasin as follows:-- 'maharastram vina sarvasu jatisu kascit kascit duracara stisthatyeva | maharastresvapi ye madhvah vartante tesam duracarasya lavaleso'pi na drsyate | ' (Among all castes excepting those in Maharastra some kind of evil custom prevails. Even among Maharastra people the members of the Madhva sect have no evil custom whatsoever ).

An Echo of the Siege of Jinji in a Sanskrit Grammatical Work 171 The Sanyasin observed:- idam tvaya satyam uktam mayapi anubhutam vartate ' (You have spoken the truth. I too have realised this truth.) The host remarked :- svaminah no cet anrtamucyate kim ' Main nt 10 (If I have not spoken the truth, do you think I have told you a false thing?) 001 ban 00 0001 d The foregoing extracts amply suggest that our author Dhundiraja was a Maharastra Brahmin of the Madhva sect. 802 apa fing pis CA brs (IS-)