Introduction

C INTRODUCTION HISTORICAL BACKGROUND UP TO THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY EYLON'S past has been necessarily linked with the mainland of India. The profound Indian influence on various aspects of Ceylon life, whether political, social or religious, is unmistakable. No important change in Indian civilization has failed to leave its impress on the island, particularly up to about the end of the 15 th century. Apart from her connections with the mainland, Ceylon was also known at one time or another to many other nations, such as the Greeks and the Romans, who knew it as Taprobane, the Arabs, who knew it as Serendib, and also the Chinese and the Ancient Egyptians. But their influence has not been as deeply felt as that of India. Trade seems to have been in the hands of the Muslims, who are first heard of in the early 8 th century. Very little is known about the earliest inhabitants, and the island's connected history really begins from the time of the introduction of Buddhism. There have been found a few tools, cists, etc. belonging to the palaeolithic age, but there is no certainty as to who used these primitive implements. It is possible that the Vaddas, who are ethnologically connected with the primitive tribes such as the Toalas of Celebes, the Batin of Sumatra and the aborigines of Australia, may have used these, but they do not seem to have made any contribution to the civilization by way of imposing their own standards. They may have added a few words to the vocabulary of the Sinhalese and perhaps intermarried with them. We may, therefore, say that it is the culture of the Aryans that has persisted in Ceylon, influenced at different times by the Dravidians, but developing various peculiarities and characteristics of its own and thus maintaining a certain individuality due, no doubt, to the geographical isolation of the island and its separation from Aryan India by a wall of Dravidian races. Regarding the problem of the first Aryan colonists, the most vexed question is the identification of the home of Vijaya. This has been often discussed, but unfortunately no definite conclusions

2 INTRODUCTION have been arrived at. There are two schools of thought, one maintaining that the Sinhalese were an Aryan race which came from the east of India, while the other holds that they were from the west. The absence of any direct historical evidence of the pre-Buddhist period, makes it difficult to arrive at any conclusions on the subject. The whole question is so much involved with tradition that it is hardly possible to sift the facts from legend. There is no real agreement even in the Chronicles regarding the details of this Vijayan legend. Although Vijaya is said to have been born and bred somewhere near Bengal, yet all Chronicles agree that before coming to Ceylon he first touched at Bharukaccha and Supparaka on the western coast of India. The Chronicles also speak of a lively intercourse with the North-East after the death of Vijaya, whose successor Panduvasa is said to have come from Kalinga. Considerable intercourse with the east-Kalinga, Magadha and Vanga -continued through many ages. To explain this story of Panduvasa, a second stream of immigration from the east has been suggested. Some think it fanciful to presume that a lively intercourse with the east started immediately after the colonization. This would be so if Vijaya had no early connections with the east; but on the other hand, if he was born and bred in the east, it is quite natural that he should not only start communicating with his own people, but also that, his successor should have come thence, even though he (Vijaya) may have taken ship from another part of his country. Linguistic evidence shows the Sinhalese language to be connected with the Eastern Prakrits, although evidence is also not lacking to establish certain influences that the language has had from the West. 'In my opinion Vijaya is not an individual, but a type, the bold and ruthless Aryan pioneer, who was one of the elements responsible for the spread of Aryan culture all over India and beyond. The other element is perhaps typified by Panduvasudeva, who is said to have landed in Ceylon with his followers in the guise of religious mendicants. These two Aryan types, the man of action and the man of thought, together no doubt with Dravidian and aboriginal elements, produced the great civilization of Ceylon' (A. L. Basham-from a lecture delivered before the Curia Historica, University of Ceylon, 27 th November, 1951). The whole problem is thus much involved, and there is no consensus of opinion regarding the question.

INTRODUCTION 3 It is fortunate that at least there is general agreement regarding the Aryan foundation of the Sinhalese civilization, and also regarding the influence of the Dravidians, though the extent of this influence has yet to be determined through research in different fields of study. There is no evidence to show from where the Dravidiane first came. They may have been in the island from the earliest times and have merged with the Sinhalese population. The real Dravidian influence was felt only after the Colan invasions. Their power was so great about the 13 th century that they established an independent kingdom in the north, and also exacted tribute from the south in the 14 th. Ceylon thus remained for a while as a part of the Colan Empire. Their main influence was through Hinduism-the practices of which crept into Buddhism at various stages of its growth in Ceylon. This influence may have become a matter of grave concern at the time when the Amrtavaha were written. It may be conjectured that these books were written to check the growing influence of Hinduism, which was permeating the whole country. These three books-But-sarana, Dahamsarana and Sanga-sarana-seem to be works inspired by a great desire to stem the tide of Hinduism. They glorify the Triple Gem, and the people are earnestly requested to take refuge in the three Gems-Buddha, Dhamma and the Sangha. Amidst all these influences Buddhism made headway, tolerantly absorbing various other forms of worship. Buddhism brought over much of Indian culture, which was planted here, and, in spite of the invasions from South India, Ceylon flourished under this Asokan civilization. Thus the culture that was absorbed in Ceylon was mainly religious-a Buddhistic culture wherein the part played by the Jatakas in moulding the character of the people is clearly noticeable. It was only after the introduction of Buddhism that the Fine Arts, Architecture, Sculpture and Painting developed. Buddhism flourished, uniting the people under its banner, giving them common ideals and a common aim. About the fifth century Ceylon was renowned as the centre of Orthodox Buddhism and of Pali Literature, mainly through the efforts of her scholars. As time went on, there occurred schisms in the Buddhist church. The first dissent was in the reign of Valagamba (43 B.c.), when the Mahavihara monks expelled a certain monk for transgressing the rule which prohibited bhikkhus from frequenting families of laymen. A pupil of the monk thus expelled from the Order took objection

4 INTRODUCTION to this disciplinary action. He too was expelled, whereupon he gathered a few followers and resided at the Abhayagiri-vihara, forming a separate sect. At this time some followers of the Dharmaruci Acarya came over to Ceylon from India; Abhayagirivasins accepted their doctrine and started the Dharmaruci sect. Again, about the beginning of the 4 th century A.D. some monks broke away from this sect when it embraced the Vaitulya doctrines, and came to be known as Sagaliyas, as they accepted the teachings of a monk called Sagala. The reign of Valagamba is also noteworthy, for it was during this reign that the scriptures were written down for the first time, at Aluvihara near Matale, as a safeguard against further pollution of the teachings which were upheld by the Theravadins as the true doctrine. Hinduism also made a significant contribution to the growth of Buddhist ritual by offering to the people tangible forms of worship, such as propitiating gods like Siva and Visnu who in return conferred their blessings on the devotees. As a result Buddhism absorbed into its fold Hindu practices such as the worship of Visnu, Siva, Skanda, etc. thus adapting itself to circumstances. As a counter-measure, which also satisfied popular demands, practices like the chanting of pirit were popularised. Emphasis began to be laid on the worship of relics, such as the Tooth and Hair Relics and the Bo tree. The Tooth Relic was taken in procession once a year. About this time Mahayanist ideas, which were influenced by Hindu forms of worship, crept into the island; but were opposed and suppressed by Vohara Tissa (A.D. 215) and Golu Aba. The Colan monk Sanghamitta, who professed Vaitulyanism and who is said to have been well versed in the exorcism of spirits, was successful in establishing the Dharmaruci doctrine in the reign of Mahasena. The Mahaviharins suffered great loss and damage by the burning of their books and the destruction of the Mahavihara. All these were the direct result of great revivalist movements that took place in India under the Gupta and Pallava rulers. Under Samudra Gupta and Candra Gupta II, North India attained a higher standard of prosperity and culture than it had experienced since the days of the Mauryas. Both Buddhism and Hinduism supported by the kings revived and flourished. Sanskrit became the language of the court. Fine arts were developed and learning spread under the imperial Guptas. Indian influence on Ceylon during the Gupta period was quite extensive; but it appears

INTRODUCTION 5 to have weakened considerably after the time of Skanda Gupta (A.D.470). Sanskrit was not only the language of the Mahayanist scriptures, but was also the language of Hinduism, and therefore it had a double significance. Thus with this powerful influence, Sanskrit learning spread in Ceylon, bringing scholars into touch with more secular subjects such as medicine and prosody. In the south of India were the Pallavas, who, being Hindus, became patrons of Sanskrit learning and of poets like Dandin, whose influence in Ceylon is seen by the translation into Sinhalese of his Kavyadarsa. The Pallavas supported the worship of Siva and Visnu, thus striking a blow at Buddhism, which as a result declined, while Hinduism made great headway under their patronage. With the decline of the Pallavas, the Colas asserted their independence, conquering both the Pallavas and the Pandyans. Rajaraja I (A.D. 985-1014) conquered the Pandyans and Ceras and also Rajarata in Ceylon, thus establishing himself at the head of a powerful empire. The capital of Ceylon, Polonnaruva, was renamed Jananathapura, and Hindu temples were erected at this time. Rajendra I (A.D. 1014-1044) is said to have brought the whole of Ceylon under his dominion. A few attempts had been previously made, but they were of limited success. After the time of Devanampiya Tissa, that is, after the introduction of Buddhism, two Tamil invasions are recorded. Elara established himself in the north of the island about 145-101 B.C. Though he was a foreigner, glowing tributes are paid to him in the Chronicles as a just and righteous ruler. He was put to death by Dutugamunu, who has won great renown as one of the chief benefactors of the Buddhist faith and as a great national hero. A third invasion took place during the time of Valagamba, after which five Tamil princes ruled in succession till Valagamba regained his sovereignty. Gajabahu (A.D. 174) is said to have invaded South India and brought over the Bowl Relic, Pattini's anklets, and 12,000 captives, who were settled in various parts of the island. In Mittasena's time (A.D. 432), the Pandyans invaded Ceylon, and six of them are said to have ruled in succession, the last being succeeded by Dhatusena (A.D. 460). There were also occasions when the Sinhalese and the Tamils helped each other. In the reign of Silameghavarna, a commander of the army, Sri Naga, went to South India, where he collected an army of Tamils, returned to the island, and raised a rebellion. Other Sinhalese monarchs such as Aggabodhi III, Dathopatissa I and II, and Manavamma followed in his footsteps, thus investing the Tamils with much power, which

6 INTRODUCTION they wielded during the later invasions. The Pandyans invaded Ceylon again in the time of Sena I in the ninth century. Sena II is supposed to have helped the South Indian king Sri Vallabha to besiege Madura and enthrone his own father. The Pandyan king Rajasimha II sought the aid of Ceylon in his campaigns, and Mahinda IV too helped the Pandyans in their revolt against the Colas. The Colas who came under Rajendra I continued to rule in the island. They appointed their own chiefs in the various parts of the island and offered their patronage mainly to Hinduism. This accounts for the changes that were taking place in Buddhism in trying to accommodate itself to the changing conditions. Many attempts were made to expel the Colas from the island, and at last Vijayabahu managed to drive them out about A.D. 1070. He is supposed to have sought the help of the Burmese and made a political marriage-alliance with Kalinga. Though the foreigners had been expelled from the island, yet misfortune befell the people, as the country fell into disorder and suffered from constant internal strife until the apppearance of Parakramabahu I, who brought the whole island under his sceptre. He extended his campaigns not only to South India but also to Burma; yet his rule was not acceptable to some, and internal strife set in again. Vijayabahu II, the next ruler, was not very successful in handling the situation that had arisen. Then came Nissanka Malla, who has set up a number of inscriptions boasting of his campaigns both within and without the island. He says that he stamped out lawlessness and established peace in the island and also conquered South India, where he found no worthy rival who could give him battle. On his death trouble set in again, when the Kalinga and the anti- Kalinga factions fought each other for the throne. The last of these was Magha of Kalinga, who oppressed the people, ravaged the land, destroyed the temples and ill-treated the monks, until he was overthrown by Vijayabahu III, who restored peace and did all within his power to bring back the country to normal conditions. He worked hard for the development of culture, literature and religion. Magha, a bigoted Hindu, had done all he could to promote his own religion during the twenty-one years of his reign. This long reign, as well as earlier invasions, no doubt caused a great set-back in the development of all cultural, literary and religious activity of the island. Hinduism was greatly encouraged during

INTRODUCTION 7 the foreign occupations, and struck in the island roots so deep that it did not disappear with the expulsion of the foreigners. The foreigners not only observed Hindu rites, but also built Hindu temples. Even the Sinhalese kings were compelled by force of circumstances to support Hinduism. For example, Vijayabahu I did not deprive the Hindu shrines of their revenues, and the people had full freedom to adopt whatever Hindu practices they desired; but he attempted a purification of the Sangha and brought bhikkhus from Burma to renew the succession. Both Parakramabahu I and Nissanka Malla had to purify the Sangha and unite the three Nikayas. Their reforms were frustrated by Magha's usurpation and Hinduism was continually gaining strength in the island. Mahayanist ideals, too, continued to spread, achieving popularity with the advance of time. A Tamil kingdom was established in the north during the reign of Vijayabahu III who is said to have ruled only over Mayarata from a new capital Dambadeniya. Of the kings who came after Magha, with the exception of Parakramabahu VI in the fifteenth century, who held sway over the whole island, none was successful in overpowering the Tamil kingdom of the north and in resisting invasions from the Pandyan and Vijayanagara empires, which began to influence Ceylon after the defeat of the Colas by Maravarman Sundara Pandya (A.D. 1217-1238). Not even Parakramabahu II, one of the greatest kings in the annals of the island's history, was able to bring under his sway the kingdom of the north, even though he was successful in recovering the second old capital Polonnaruva from the Tamils. The reputation enjoyed by this king is mainly due to his activities in the field of literature and religion. Even during the reign of such a religious enthusiast Hinduism flourished, as is shown by the building of Maha Saman Devalaya near Ratnapura during his reign. The rule of this king, which commenced well, ended in weakness; the period became one of slow decline, and Ceylon faced two more invasions. In A.D. 1244 Chandrabhanu, a Malay Buddhist king, invaded the island, but was defeated by Virabahu. The next was during the supremacy of the Pandyan kingdom, which gained its independence under Maravarman Sundara Pandya I and reached the zenith of its power under Jatavarman Sundara Pandya (A.D. 1253-1270). This king claims to have fought with and killed one of the two kings of Ceylon and extracted tribute from the other. This claim, however, is not confirmed by the Ceylon Chronicles. The island was again

8 INTRODUCTION invaded during the time of Bhuvanekabahu I (A.D. 1273-1284), who repelled the Pandyan attacks. Undaunted by this defeat, they again attacked the country under Arya Cakravarti, captured Yapahuva, which then was the capital, and carried away the Tooth Relic, which was handed over to the Pandyan king Kulasekhara. After this the island seems to have been under Pandyan control 1 or about a decade, until the time of Bhuvanekabahu II, who seems to have expelled the invaders and ruled from Kurunagala up to A.D. 1325. Though his predecessor Parakramabahu III visited India and brought back the Dalada (Tooth Relic), he too may have acknowledged the supremacy of the Pandyans. When the Pandyan kingdom weakened in the 14 th century owing to Muslim aggression from the Deccan, there arose the Vijayanagara empire, which preserved Hindu civilization and maintained its influence in Ceylon. The 13 th century This being the period under review, it is not out of place to describe in greater detail some of its chief political and religious features. As shown above, the invasion of Magha in A.D. 1215 caused a great set-back in the development of all religious, cultural and literary activity. He destroyed monasteries, and brought ruin on the whole country. Vijayabahu III, who followed him, did his best to restore the lost glory. He was succeeded by his son Parakramabahu II, the leading figure of the period. The Culavamsa gives a glowing account of his life and activities. It refers to his crushing of the alien foe, after which he set himself to bring about the prosperity of Lanka. He built a temple for the Tooth Relic near the palace, and having deposited the Relic there held a great festival in its honour. He cleansed the church of corrupt practices, expelled evil doers, and brought erudite monks from India to restore the Order. The Culavamsa, describing his work in this respect says: All the corrupt groups of bhikkhus, who since the interregnum lived only for their own desires, following forbidden occupations, with senses ever unbridled, he sought out rigorously, dismissed them from the Order, and thus purified the Order of the perfectly Enlightened One. Then the king sent many gifts to the Cola country and caused to be brought over to Tambapanni many respected Cola bhikkhus who had moral discipline and were versed in the three Pitakas and so established harmony between the two Orders' (CV 84.9). The two Orders herein referred ،

INTRODUCTION 9 to are those of the Hinayana and the Mahayana, which had their headquarters at the Mahavihara and the Abhayagiri-vihara respectively. He also invited 'a grand Thera Dhammakitti, radiant in the glory of moral discipline' from Tambarattha (CV 84. 12). Reference is also made to two types of monk, dwellers in villages, and dwellers in the forests and wildernesses, for whom he built monasteries. It also mentions that he built a forest-dwelling on the heights of Putabhatta rock. He is also said to have had books brought from Jambudvipa and had many bhikkhus instructed in the sacred texts, sciences, philosophy and grammar, and made Laika as it were an abode of arahants (CV 84. 26, 27). To make sure that the Sangha walked in the path of purity, he set up a code of rules (Katikavata), with the help of Aranyaka Medhankara (see Katikavat-sangara, ed. D. B. Jayatilaka). To him are also attributed many pirivenas and viharas, as for example the Sirivardhanavihara, half a yojana from Dambadeniya (CV 85. 1), Parakramabahu-pirivena, (CV 85. 63, Pujavaliya 741), and Mahamahindabahu-pirivena both at Kurunagala (CV 85. 63, Pujavaliya 743). He also repaired temples and devales, such as the Kalaniya temple, Attanagaluvihara, and the Visnu-devala at Dondra, all of which had fallen into decay. His yuvaraja was entrusted with the building of the Bhuvanekabahu-pirivena at Billasela-vihara (CV 85. 59). His minister Deva Patiraja is said to have erected a pasada or mansion, at Attanagalla and handed it over to the Buddhist monk Anavamadarsi, a famous scholar of the time (CV 86. 38, Pujavaliya 745). With the help of this minister, the king seems to have done much in making the Samanola peak accessible to pilgrims (CV 86. 10, Pujavaliya 745). An image of the god Saman was set up there and a mandapa for the sacred Footprint was built. The Culavamsa says: 'He built rest houses, finished the building of bridges, laid down at the remaining places frequent stepping stones, had the wilderness cleared and a great road was built' (CV 86. 27). To his nephew Virabahu is attributed the building of Nandana-pirivena at Dondra, where he worshipped the god Upulvan (CV 83. 49), and also held a sacrifice in his honour. According to Geiger this is the first mention of the celebration of the shrine of Visnu in the middle ages. He further observes: 'It is significant that Virabahu offered his sacrifice of victory in a Hindu sanctuary. At the same time, however, he builds a parivena for the Buddhist Order thus putting his attitude towards their parity beyond doubt. Even to-day a Hindu

10 INTRODUCTION devalaya and a Buddhist vihara stand side by side in Dondra' (CV pt. 2, p. 152, n. 3). These actions of the Buddhist kings in admitting Hindu rites into the fold of Buddhism show to what an extent these had penetrated into the lives of Buddhists. King Parakramabahu II also won a great reputation as a scholar, hence his title Kalikala-sahitya-sarvajna-pandita. He was surrounded in the field of literary activity by a host of other scholars, such as Sangharakkhita, who composed Pali works such as Vuttodaya, a book on prosody, Sambandha-cinta, on syntax, in addition to other books on the Doctrine; Vedeha thera, the author of Samantakutavannana and Rasavahini; Panca-mula-parivenadhipati mahathera, author of Bhesajja-manjusa; Buddhappiya, author of Rupasiddhi ; and Dharmakirti, writer of the Culavamsa, Dathavamsa and Balavatara. To the king himself are attributed important Sinhalese works like the Kav-silumina and the Visuddhi-marga-sannaya and also the Vanavinisa-sannaya. Thus it is evident that during the time of this king culture and learning spread throughout the country. The next ruler of this century was Vijayabahu IV, who reigned from A.D. 1271 to 1273. To him are also attributed a few viharas and pirivenas. He built the monastery at Vakirigala and handed it over to the head of the Mahanettappasada shrine (CV 88. 46). He also constructed the Vanaggama-pasada, the Abhayarajapirivena at Sindhuravana (CV 88. 51, Pujavaliya 750), and the Bhuvanekabahu-pirivena, which was named after his uncle, whose statue was also set up (CV 88.59). He also restored the Ratnavali-cetiya at Pulatthinagara; and, following the line of his predecessor, he too granted ranks to deserving monks. The Culavamsa states: Thereupon the king granted the rank of a Grand Master (mahasamipada), the rank of a Chief Thera (mulatherapada), the rank of a Grand Thera and a Parivena Thera to such (bhikkhas) who, because they had brought about the prosperity of the Order, deserved to receive this or that rank' (CV 89. 64). In the year A.D. 1273 Bhuvanekabahu I was established on the throne. The first act of importance attributed to him is the copying of the whole Tri-pitaka, copies of which were preserved in viharas in various parts of the island. He thus spread a knowledge of the doctrine (CV 90. 38). Another noteworthy event of his reign was the signing of an agreement by the king with the Sultan of Egypt, to supply the latter with cinnamon, precious stones and elephants. Ceylon was disturbed

INTRODUCTION 11 at this time by the invasion of Arya Cakravarti, who laid waste the country, captured Yapahu and carried away the Dalada. Once more there was a period of Pandyan rule, during which time Hindu and Mahayanist ideas spread further, till Parakramabahu III, grandson of Parakramabahu II, came to the throne about 1302. He visited the kingdom of the Pandyans and brought back the Dalada after friendly negotiations. He replaced the Relic in the former Relic-house at Pulatthinagara and 'carried on the government without transgressing the precepts laid down for kings'. The next reign, that of Bhuvanekabahu II, was not in the least eventful. It is only stated that he instituted permanently a regular alms of food for the community of bhikkhus and carried on festivals and ceremonies. During the reign of his successor Parakramabahu IV many religious activities were carried on. He appointed to the office of Royal Teacher, a Colan Thera 'versed in various tongues'. The king learned the Jatakas from him, and having translated them into Sinhalese he had them distributed throughout Lanka (CV 90. 82). He is credited with the building of many viharas and pirivenas, such as Parakramabahu-pirivena, for the thera Medhankara, a pasada at Totagamuva, near Hikkaduwa, which he assigned to the Thera Kayasatti of the Vijayabahu-pirivena, a temple at Dondra, and a vihara at Viddumagama (CV 90. 91). Significant of the spread of Hindu ideas is his erection of a temple to Visnu, where he placed a statue of the god (CV 90. 101). Thus Hindu gods began to be increasingly worshipped at Hindu devales ; and these devales began to be attached to Buddhist temples as is often the case even at the present day. Thus a synthesis of the two religions had already taken place. Literary activity up to the 13 th century Literary activity in the island began with the establishment of Buddhism as the national faith during the time of Devanampiya Tissa. We have already seen that the real civilization of the island started only with the introduction of Buddhism. Mendis states that, though the Buddhist monks brought the art of writing to Ceylon, they did not write any books for nearly two centuries (The Early History of Ceylon, p. 36). Missionary activity was wellnigh impossible without disseminating a knowledge of the Dhamma amongst the people, and Thera Mahinda is said to have provided 3-E 11305 (2/68)

12 INTRODUCTION for this by bringing over the traditions of the orthodox Theravada school, as contained in the canon which was handed down through generations from teacher to pupil. It is believed that the canon was preserved only orally until it was written down at Aluvihara in the time of Valagamba in the first century B.C. Sinhalese Commentaries are said to have been compiled by Thera Mahinda. Malalasekara observes that the very nature of the Commentaries precludes the possibility of their having been handed down orally, and he thinks it likely that during Valagamba's time they were unarranged, rare, imperfect and full of inaccuracies, and that texts may have been rehearsed, revised and arranged systematically and distributed in Valagamba's time (Malalasekara, Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 45). There is no doubt that writing existed in Ceylon prior to this time, though perhaps it was not extensively used or known. Wickramasinghe goes to the extent of asserting that a written literature should have existed in Ceylon before the writing of the Pali canon referred to above (Simhala- Sahityaye-nangima, p. 21). During the reign of Dutugamunu the Lovamahapaya was dedicated to the monks who studied and preached the doctrine there, thus providing a common platform for the scholars to meet and discuss problems. The Pujavaliya testifies to this when it says that books were supplied to the preachers and all their requirements and comforts were provided for. The Mahavamsa refers to several chief monks of this time, namely Maha Malaya Deva of Kalavela, Dhammagutta of Kalyani-vihara, and Maha Tissa. The Tamils, as they came in, to some extent introduced their own culture. The destruction they caused by pulling down public buildings and viharas, putting to death the monks, and burning the literature, was immense. The ultimate disappearance of most of our literature was no doubt the direct or indirect result of the invasions. Owing to the ravages caused by the alien foe, internal strife, schism in the Order, and also the irreligious lives of some of the monks, it became necessary to write down the scriptures to ensure the maintenance and the continuance of the Order and religion. Evidence to this effect is given by the Mahavamsa : 'The texts of the three Pitakas and the Atthakathas thereon did the most wise bhikkhus hand down in former times orally; but since they saw the people were falling away (from religion), the bhikkhus came together, and in order that the true doctrine might

INTRODUCTION 13 endure, they wrote them down in books' (MV 33. 100). In the second century A.D. Gajabahu is alleged to have invaded the continent and brought over 12,000 Colan captives, who were settled in various parts of the island. If so, they and their descendants no doubt became absorbed in the Sinhalese population. The language of these people and of occasional invaders and their culture must have influenced us in no small measure. Their cults of gods and goddesses were introduced and an extensive literature and folklore grew up around them; people dedicated themselves to their worship, and observances and ceremonies connected with these continue to this day. Many books on the Pattini cult still survive (see Malalasekara, Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 50). After this time, Mahasena's reign marked a triumph in the attempts of the Vaitulyavadins to achieve their ends at the expense of the Mahaviharavasins, whose literature was burnt when they came into power under this king. The two sects burned and destroyed each other's literature in their enthusiasm, thus causing a great loss to the community as a whole. Mahasena's son tried his utmost to make good the wrongs done by his father. The chief event of this period was the bringing of the Tooth Relic from Kalinga by Princess Hemamala. The Dathavamsa, a Pali poem giving the history of the Tooth Relic, states that it was based on Daladavamsa, a poem in Elu written about the ninth year of this king, by his own command, giving the history of the Tooth from the Buddha's death up to its arrival in the island. The Mahavamsa states that the king paid honour to the Relic in the manner described in a Chronicle of the Tooth Relic. Turnour in his translation of the Mahavamsa mentions that this work was extant in 1837, but Malalasekara records his failure to procure a copy (ibid., p. 66). King Buddhadasa, in addition to being pious and virtuous, won great reputation as a surgeon. He provided hospitals in all parts of the island not only for men, but also for animals. He is also said to have composed the Sarartha-sangraha, a treatise on medicine, which was the first of its kind. Noteworthy is the use of Sanskrit as the medium of its compilation, thus showing the extent to which a study of Sanskrit literature had directed the talents of the Sinhalese to secular literary activity. The Mahavamsa also refers to a monk Maha Dhammakathi (CV 37. 175), who translated the Suttas into Sinhalese, and who is identified with Dharmagupta mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hien (Pali Literature of

14 INTRODUCTION . Ceylon, p. 71), who was in Ceylon about the beginning of the fifth century A.D. We now come to the most important event in the history of Pali literature the translation of the Sihalatthakathas by Buddhaghosa, the greatest commentator, who arrived in Ceylon during the time of Mahanama. Two short summaries of the Vinaya -Khudda Sikkha and Mula Sikkha are supposed to have been written about this time before the arrival of Buddhaghosa, by the monks Dhammasiri and Mahasami respectively. When Parakramabahu I in his Katikavata states 'yatat piriseyin vinayen kudusikha ha pamok da sutatin dasa dham sutraya ha anumana sutraya da vanapot piriheliya nodi. granthadhurayen vadiyak kotagata nohena antevasika saddhiviharikayan lava mulsikha sekhiya vanapot karava...' (resident pupil monks must be made to learn by heart at least the kudusikha (minor rules) and pamok (collection of rules) out of the Vinaya-pitaka and dasadam sutra and anumana sutra from the Sutra-pitaka and those pupils who are backward in the study of texts be made at least to study the mulsikha and sekhiya out of the Sutra-pitaka), he is supposed to allude to these works. Coming to Buddhaghosa, the Mahavamsa states: 'As his speech was profound like that of Buddha, he was called Buddhaghosa; for his speech (resounded) through the earth like (that of Buddha). After he had written a book Nanodaya yonder (in Jambudvipa), he also wrote the Atthasalini, an interpretation of the Dhammasangani. The sage Buddhaghosa also began to compose a commentary to the Paritta. When the thera Revata saw that, he spoke the following words: "The text alone has been handed down here (in Jambudvipa), there is no commentary here. Neither have we the deviating systems of the teachers. The commentary in the Sihala tongue is faultless. The wise Mahinda, who tested the tradition laid before the three Councils as it was preached by the Perfectly Enlightened One and taught by Sariputta and the others, wrote it in the Sihala tongue, and it is spread among the Sihalas. Go thither, learn it and render it into the tongue of the Magadhas. It will bring blessing to the whole world''' (CV 37. 224). Being thus admonished by his teacher, he came over, and 'dwelling in the Ganthakara-vihara which lies far from all unquiet intercourse, he rendered the whole of the Sihala Commentaries into the tongue of the Magadhas, the original speech of all. For beings of all tongues this (rendering) became a blessing, and all the teachers of the Theravada school accepted

INTRODUCTION 15 it as the original text' (CV 37.243). Adikaram refers to Buddhaghosa's task, quoting his words from the Samantapasadika : In commencing this commentary-having embodied therein the Maha-Atthakatha, without excluding any proper meaning from the decisions contained and including the opinions of the Elders ... From these commentaries, after casting off the language, condensing detailed accounts, including authoritative decisions, without overstepping any Pali idiom (I shall proceed to compose my work)' (Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p. 2). This statement is of importance, as it mentions the Sinhalese commentaries and also shows to what extent he was a translator, and will be referred to later, when we consider the question of Dhammasena Thera as a translator of the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha). Adikaram also draws our attention to the fact that the commentaries give clear evidence of a knowledge of Sanskrit grammar possessed by those who were responsible for their compilation (ibid., p. 3). The Visuddhimagga or Path of Purity was Buddhaghosa's first work, and according to the Mahavamsa was based on two stanzas given by the monks to test his ability to undertake the enormous task of translating the Sinhalese commentaries (CV 37.235). This story has been discredited by Nagai in his examination of the Vimuttimagga and the Visuddhimagga, where he states that the Visuddhimagga, which hitherto has been considered to be entirely his (Buddhaghosa's) own work, is in reality a revised version of Upatissa's Vimutti-magga (see Journal of the Pali Text Society 1917-19, p. 89). Another important work is the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha), which, according to the introductory verses of the book, is a translation of a Sinhalese commentary and was undertaken at the request of a thera named Kumara Kassapa. Some have observed that it is not the work of Buddhaghosa, and Geiger has placed it later than the Jatakas. 'Buddhaghosa is not the author of the Jataka commentary or of the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha). Their authors are unknown' (Burlingame, Buddhist Legends, Introduction, p. 60). It will be profitable here to quote Malalasekara's discussion of the subject: 'Some doubts have been expressed by various scholars as to the authenticity of the tradition which ascribes the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) to Buddhaghosa. Not a few scholars are of opinion that the work is modern and that the author is a later Buddhaghosa (Culla Buddhaghosa) who obtained his materials from the same source as the Sinhalese Saddharmaratnavaliya written

16 INTRODUCTION by Maha Thera Dhammasena in the thirteenth century. At the end of the commentary we find the following colophon: "Vipulavisuddhi-buddhina Buddhaghoso'ti garuhi gahita-nama dheyyena katayam Dhammapadassa attha-vannana" ("This commentary on the Dhammapada was written by Buddhaghosa of eminent and lustrous knowledge"). This may well refer to the great commentator. In a Sinhalese work, Pujavaliya, it is mentioned that he wrote the work at the request of King Sirinivasa and his minister Mahanigama. This Sirinivasa was undoubtedly Mahanama, and the Sumantapasadika tells us that Buddhaghosa wrote in the Ganthakara Parivena built by the great minister Mahanigama, and that on other occasions he lived in the palace built by the king himself, this palace forming a part of the monastery at the Mahavihara where Buddhaghosa came to study the Sinhalese commentaries. At the end of the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) is a stanza :- "Vihare adhirajena karitamhi katannuna pasade Sirikuddassa ranno viharata maya", ("By me residing in the palace of King Sirikudda in the monastery built by the grateful king"). Sirikudda is apparently another name for Sirinivasa (Mahanama). The chief stumbling block is the difference in language and style between this work and the other commentaries which undoubtedly belong to Buddhaghosa. Compared, for instance, with the commentary on the Majjhima-nikaya, the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) resembles more the Jataka commentary than anything else. At best it seems to be the work of a compiler who collected and edited sermons and stories, not inventing new ones, but merely presenting in literary Pali what existed already as folklore; and the arrangement is different even from the Suttanipata commentary. But this difference may possibly be due to the difference in subject-matter of the various texts taken up for comment. "The Dhammapada, unlike the great Nikayas, which consist of prose and gathas, is entirely made up of gathas without the prose setting, which, in the Nikayas, is supplied in the text itself. Here, therefore, was the necessity of bringing it into line with those canonical works". Hugh Nevill in the introduction to his Catalogue ventures upon the view that this work did not belong to the three great Atthakathas (Maha, Paccari, and Kurundi) which Buddhaghosa studied, but merely represented the popular legends accepted before the Aluvihara redaction and were either not then treated as of canonical value, or accepted by rival sects without

INTRODUCTION 17 dispute, and therefore not found necessary to be specially set down in writing. In Buddhaghosa's time they had acquired considerable authority, and they were translated by him and arranged at his discretion. It may be quite possible, Nevill says, that the legends had their origin in India or elsewhere and that they did not belong to Mahinda's school; this may account for the different method of treatment. Where different versions are given of the same story, the responsibility belongs not to Buddhaghosa, but to the different accounts from which he obtained his information' (Pali Literature of Ceylon, PP. 95-97). The great work done by Buddhaghosa was continued by a set of scholars who followed him. Adikaram finds their commentaries far less useful than those of Buddhaghosa in respect of the light they throw on the social and religious history of Ceylon. He also finds that works like the Vimana-vatthu, Peta-vatthu, and Cariyapitaka contain no references to incidents in Ceylon (Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p. 8). Amidst this band of commentators were Buddhadatta, Dhammapala, Upasena and Mahanama. The first was a contemporary of Buddhaghosa and wrote the Madhuratthavilasini, the commentary on the Buddhavamsa. Dhammapala was a resident of South India, and the works attributed to him are commentaries on Udana, Itivuttaka, Vimanavatthu, Petavatthu, Thera-Theri-gatha and Cariyapitaka. He has drawn his material from the Sinhalese commentaries, and also seems to have used Dravidian commentaries (ibid., p. 9). This and the fact that he lived in India account for the absence of any reference to incidents in Ceylon. Upasena compiled the Saddhammapajjotika, commentary on the Niddesa, and is assigned to the reign of Aggabodhi I. To Mahanama is attributed the Saddhammappakasini, the commentary on the Patisambhidamagga. The author and the date of the commentary on the Apadana, the Visuddhajanavilasini are not known. The Sinhalese commentaries which Buddhaghosa is said to have translated are non-existent to-day. It is not possible to say when they were lost or destroyed. The Dhampiya-atuva-gatapadaya bears evidence that these commentaries were in existence in the 10 th century (D. E. Hettiaratchi-Introduction to Vesaturudasanne, pp. 9, 10). A statement that would throw some light on them occurs in the Buddhaghosuppatti. It states that after Buddhaghosa had completed his task, a bonfire was made of

18 INTRODUCTION the Sinhalese commentaries. Malalasekara does not take this statement literally, but interprets it to mean that the Sinhalese commentaries were superseded completely by Buddhaghosa's compilations (Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 98). Whatever may have been the cause, the earliest Sinhalese literary records are irretrievably lost. So much for Pali literary activity; it is now time to consider whether there was any Sinhalese literary activity all this time. The earliest extant Sinhalese work is the Siya-bas-lakara, assigned to about the 9 th century A.D. Recent archaeological research in Ceylon has brought to light a large number of verses scribbled on the mirror-wall (katapat-pavura) of Sigiriya. Paranavitana, dealing with these verses, which he assigns to the period between the sixth and the thirteenth century states that these 'stanzas themselves contain ample indirect evidence to show that the versifier's art had had a long history in Ceylon at the time these metrical compositions were scribbled on the mirror-wall of Sigiriya' (J.R.A.S.Ceylon Branch, Vol. XXXVI, No. 98, p. 58). We also have reference to poetry of much earlier date in the Chronicles and other Pali works. Buddhaghosa refers in his Paramatthajotika to Sinhalese verses in praise of the Buddha, which were sung by women when they worked in the fields. The earliest Sinhalese writings according to tradition were the Sihalatthakathas, supposed to have been written by Mahinda. Two other commentaries, the Maha Paccari and the Kururdi, are also mentioned by Buddhaghosa in his Samantapasadika, and Adikaram says that here too they are mentioned with the Maha Atthakatha (Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p. 12). The Maha Paccari was so called as it was written on a raft, and the Kurundi because it was written at Kurundavelu-vihara (Pali Literature of Ceylon, pp. 91, 92). The Maha Atthakatha occupied first place, and Adikaram states that 'there is evidence that it contained a large number of anecdotes based on incidents that took place in Ceylon. Buddhaghosa included in his commentaries only a few of these stories which, had they been preserved in their entirety, would have given us a clearer insight into the conditions of ancient Ceylon than we are able to have at present' (Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p. 12). The Culavamsa also gives evidence of later literary activity. It refers to (Cula) Moggallana II as having had poetic gifts without equal (CV 41. 55). He is also credited with the composition of 'a poem in praise of the good

INTRODUCTION 19 Doctrine which he recited from the back of his elephant at the close of the sermon in the town' (CV 41. 60). Twelve poets who flourished in the time of Aggabodhi I are mentioned in the Pujavaliya, Rajavaliya and the Nikaya-sangrahava, though some of the names differ slightly in the three works. To this king's reign are ascribed poets who wrote numerous poems in the Sihala tongue. A few Sinhalese works were also mentioned in the foregoing pages, so that we now have a good list of Sinhalese works which are lost to us to-day, viz., Sihalatthakatha Sinhalese translation of the Sutta-pitaka by Maha Dhammakathi The works such as Asakdakava, of the twelve poets in the time of Aggabodhi I Dalada-vamsa An old Sinhalese Mahavamsa An old Sinhalese Bodhi-vamsa Sandas-lakuna of Kalyanamitta An old Mayura-sandesa An old Sinhalese Katha-vastu, the source of Rasavahini Kesa-dhatu-vamsa-kavya assigned to Moggallana I's time The Dharma-kavya of Moggallana II (see also P. B. Sannasgala, Simhalasahitya-vamsaya, Introduction, p. xv). Thus it is clear that there had been a long standing literary tradition which came down from earliest times. The Sigiriya graffiti go to establish the influence and the existence of such a tradition. Some of the recent epigraphical investigations have also revealed three Brahmi inscriptions which the Archaeological Commissioner suggests are in Sinhalese verse (J.R.A.S.Ceylon Branch, 1945, No. 98, p. 58). These give us an example of the earliest literary activity in the island. These three inscriptions are assigned by him to the second or the first century B.C. The first of these he reads as a stanza in Yagi; the second too impresses him as verse, but the metre here according to him is not one found in the extant poetical literature and is not mentioned in the Elu-sandas-lakuna. He believes it to be a metre from Sanskrit, Pali or Prakrit in general agreement with Udgiti, a variation of the Arya metre. The other two are in Upagiti and Pathya. He also remarks that metres of the gi type may have been much in vogue during these times. The next earliest specimens of Sinhalese verse are those of the Sigiriya graffiti, which were noticed by H. C. P. Bell, the pioneer of antiquarian research in Ceylon. The graffiti, that have to be assigned to 'the 6 th and 7 th centuries, are very few, and they,

20 INTRODUCTION in common with the stone inscriptions of the period, are written in a very erratic script. The majority of them, belonging palaeographically to the eighth and ninth centuries, consist of stanzas, some of them rhymed' (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Ceylon Branch, Vol. XXXIV, No. 92, pp. 310, 311). The verses generally deal with the paintings on the Sigiriya rock, the attractions of Sigiriya, and the reactions of the visitors. They show spontaneous outbursts of emotional feeling and observations of the visitors, who did not pause to reflect on the form of their verses or figures of speech, as was the case with some of our later writers, whose works degenerate into laboured exercises in grammar and prosody. As an example of their originality and effective comparison the following verse may be quoted :- Nil kat-rola-maleka avunu vatkolamala sey sandaga sihivenney mahanel vanak hay ranvan hun, 'Like a vatakolu flower entangled in a blue katarolu flower, the golden-coloured one who stood together with the lily-coloured one will be remembered at the advent of evening' (ibid., p. 342). The Sinhalese language went through vicissitudes, enjoying at times great cultivation and at other times being superseded by Pali. However, with the advent of Pali Sinhalese grew. Though Pali was zealously studied, Sinhalese was used for the exposition and propagation of the religion and for literary compositions, as is seen from the work of Dhammakathi, who translated the Suttas into Sinhalese. The use of Sanskrit by Buddhadasa in his treatise on medicine shows that during his time, when Sinhalese was gaining ascendency over Pali, Sanskrit also was making headway here, thus introducing into the island a knowledge of secular and scientific literature. The fifth century saw a great advancement in literary activity, when Pali was re-established as the language of religion and literature owing to the impetus given by Buddhaghosa. 'Pali had once more gained its ascendency over Sinhalese and it was their ambition, as so many authors of this period tell us, in the process of their works, to set aside the Sinhalese language, reject the Dipa Bhasa and compose their works in the supreme Magadhi language, which is the mother of all tongues, sweet to the ear, and delightful to the heart and cooling to the senses' (Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 139). While Buddhaghosa and his colleagues were working on the commentaries, there also went on a kind of historical literary activity which produced the two great chronicles, the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, both of which record the

INTRODUCTION 21 island's history up to the time of Mahasena. The former is the work of an unknown author, and the latter is by a thera Mahanama, who also tells us that there existed in the Maha-vihara a Sihala Mahavamsatthakatha. The years after the fifth century were again marked by invasions, schisms, civil wars and intrigues, which brought about a decline in cultural activity, though amidst these reigned a few kings who devoted some of their time to cultural pursuits, as for example Culla Moggallana and Aggabodhi I who was surrounded by a band of poets. The growing influence of Sanskrit is marked by the production of a Sanskrit work, the Janakiharana or the Abduction of Sita, by Kumaradasa, who is identified with the king Kumara Dhatusena (A.D. 513-522) by Malalasekara (ibid., p. 151). Mendis disagrees with this identification (Early History of Ceylon, p. 61). The Mahavamsa too, attributes no literary ventures to this king Kumara Dhatusena. He is credited only with reciting the sacred texts, reforming the Order, and supplying the clergy with the fourfold requisites (CV 41. 2). The Pujavaliya, identifying him with Kumara Dhatusena, relates the popular story of Kumaradasa's friendship with the eminent poet Kalidasa, whose works no doubt influenced him, and the sacrifice of his life on the altar of friendship. The oldest extant Sinhalese literary work is assigned to the ninth century, and is attributed to Silamegha Sena or Matvala Sen. It is the Siya-bas-lakara, a treatise on poetics, and is for the most part a rendering of the Sanskrit work Kavyadarsa of Dandin. The colophon of the work ascribes it to Salamevan, who was a brother of Amaragiri Kasyapa, and who was like a 'lustrous crown to this science'. Of Pali works, the Khemappakarana is assigned to this period. It is an exposition of the Abhidhamma by a thera named Khema. The Pali Maha-bodhi-vamsa, assigned to the last quarter of the tenth century, is attributed to Upatissa. It is important to note that this book bears 'distinct traces in the language of the influences of Sanskrit on the Pali and we may regard this book as marking the beginning of the period of Sanskritized Pali... The whole tone and manner of his work betray a tendency to use a kind of Sanskritized Pali' (Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 159). The work also mentions that it is a translation from a Sinhalese original. Another book attributed to this author is the

22 INTRODUCTION Anagatavamsa, which is also said to be based on an earlier Sinhalese text. The beautiful poem Telakatahagatha is assigned to about this time either the latter part of the tenth or the early eleventh century. The verses are exhortations to men to lead a good life by a thera named Kalyaniya who was cast into a cauldron of boiling oil, because he was suspected of an intrigue with the queen of Kalani Tissa (ibid., p. 162). There is yet another Pali work, the Vamsatthappakasini, a tika on the Mahavamsa, by an author about whom nothing is known. We are also fortunate in that most of the Sinhalese works produced about this time are extant. The Dhampiya-atuva-gatapadaya, attributed to Kassapa V (A.D. 929), is a glossarial commentary on the Pali Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha). This book, and other works of a similar nature, indicate that Pali works were extensively studied and hence it became necessary to explain in Sinhalese obscure words and passages in them. Thus arose a series of gatapadas or glossaries, which are of course not very valuable as literature. The main interest in this book lies therefore in its linguistic material. The Sikha-valanda and the Sikhavalanda-vinisa deal with the discipline of monks. D. B. Jayatilaka assigns them to the half-century between Mugayinsen, father of Kassapa V, and Mahinda IV (A.D. 956). He states that the language resembles that of the Dham-piya-atuva-gatapadaya, and is slightly more developed. Another work of the same class is the Heranasikha, precepts to be observed by novices. These books are referred to in the Polonnaruva Katikavata, Mihintale tablets and Hamsa-sandesa, which testify that they had gained recognition. These works belong to the period generally termed the Anuradhapura period. We now come to what is accepted as the Polonnaruva period in the History of Sinhalese Literature. Some of the best and most esteemed writers flourished in this age. What is distinctly noticeable as one passes from the previous period to this is the difference in language and style of writing, especially in the field of prose. The influence of Sanskrit on the writers is unmistakable and obvious. Reference has already been made to the causes that brought in this influence. After the chaos that prevailed at this time, Vijayabahu I was able to restore a certain degree of peace, in which he did much for culture and learning, which reached glorious heights in the time of Parakramabahu I. He was assisted in this task by a band of erudite scholars, who enjoyed a great reputation on

INTRODUCTION 23 account of their Sanskrit learning. At the head of this band was Dimbulagala Mahakasyapa, who was chiefly responsible for the Polonnaruva Katikavata. He is also the author of the Sanskrit grammar Balavabodhana, and is credited with a Sinhalese sanne to the Samantapasadika. Contemporaneous with him was Moggallana, who wrote the well-known Moggallana-vyakarana, a Pali grammar. Malalasekara (ibid., p. 179) thinks him to be different from the writer of the lexicon Abhidhanappadipika, based on the Sanskrit Amarakosa. Apparently the overwhelming Sanskrit influence that threatened to disorganise all Pali study needed to be checked; hence the production of a fresh grammar, which originated a new school of Pali grammar in the island. The greatest luminary in the literary firmament of this time was Sariputta, who was also a Sanskrit scholar. He wrote the Panjikalankara, a tika on Ratnasrijnana's panjika to Candragomi's Vyakarana, and also a concise grammar in Sanskrit called the Padavatara. He is also the author of the Vinayasangaha, a summary of the Vinaya-Pitaka (Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 190). To him are also attributed tikas on the Vinaya-Pitaka, Anguttara and Majjhima Nikayas, and a Sinhalese sanne to the Abhidhammatthasangaha. His most comprehensive work, however, is the Sarattha-dipani, his masterly sub-commentary on Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika on the Vinaya-Pitaka' (ibid., p. 192). Referring to this work Malalasekara also remarks that the language of the book betrays the influence of Sanskrit on the author's Pali. Thus these works bear the impress of the influence of Sanskrit learning that spread extensively during this time. Works on rhetoric, prosody, lexicography and grammar both in Sinhalese and in Pali were based on Sanskrit models. These writers display a love of Sanskrit idiom and style, and their influence seems to be quite pronounced in the Sinhalese works of the period. The Abhidharmartha-sangraha-sannaya, the rock-inscriptions of Parakramabahu I and his Katikavata are good examples of this mode of writing. Here, one notices an abundance of Sanskrit loan-words, as opposed to Pali loan-words of the earlier period. This gave rise to a mixed style of writing which reached its culmination about the fifteenth century, being popularised by works like the Pujavaliya and persisting to this day.

24 INTRODUCTION Before proceeding to discuss other Sinhalese works, attention must be drawn to the Galvihara Inscription of Parakramabahu I. No sooner had he brought the island under his sway than he tried his utmost to uplift the Buddhist Order, in which task he had the invaluable services of Kasyapa, who, besides his high attainments in the field of Sanskrit learning, was also an eminent authority on the Vinaya. At the request of the King a Katikavata was drawn up by a council of monks and inscribed on a rock at Galvihara at Polonnaruva, for the preservation of the monastic discipline and the purity of the Order. Apart from its historical and religious significance, it is also valuable as a characteristic specimen of the language of the period. Sariputta's Abhidharmartha-sangraha-sannaya gives word-forword explanations of the Pali work by Ananda. Its main interest lies in its mixed Sanskritic style. We again come to an era of very extensive glossarial activity. The Jataka-atuva-gatapadaya, Vesaturuda-sanne and Maha-bodhi-vamsa-gatapadaya are all modelled on the Dham-piya-atuva-gatapadaya, but are written in a more developed language. The Sinhalese writers drew very largely from the Jatakas which from the earliest times served as a source of recreation as well as of religious instruction, and the abundance of sannes, gatapadas, translations and poems based on them testifies to their great popularity. The Jataka-atuva-gatapadaya is a glossary to the Pali Jatakatthakatha, by a scholar about whom nothing is known. Though the language is generally mixed, it contains a stratum as old as the Dham-piya-atuva-gatapadaya. It also betrays Dravidian influence and throws much light on the social condition of the times. An examination of the Vesaturudasanne shows that it is earlier than the Jataka-atuva-gatapadaya, as it contains an older stratum of language, and the Sanskrit element is less marked. The language of the Maha-bodhi-vamsa-gatapadaya is generally Sanskritic, but it has a wealth of old Sinhalese forms. Reference is made to three glossaries, Maha-ganthipada, Majjhimaganthipada, and Cula-ganthipada, which were compiled to aid the study of the Pali commentaries on the Vinaya (Vimativinodani, Commentary of the Vinayatthakatha, ed. Beratuduve Dhammadhara Tissa, Introduction, p. iv). The great classic Amavatura and the Dharmapradipikava are two works by the Upasaka Gurulugomi. Very little is known about him, and his date has only been fixed with the help of references.

INTRODUCTION 25 The Nikaya-sangrahava, a history of Buddhism, written about the 14 th century, includes Gurulugomi's name among the great scholars who flourished from the time of Buddhaghosa, and the Sidat-sangarava of the 13 th century makes mention of him. He seems to have drawn on the Pali Jinalankara of Buddharakkhita of about A.D. 1157 when he compiled his Dharmapradipikava. These facts help us to assign him to the period between the latter part of the 12 th century and the beginning of the 13 th. The term Gomi is an honorific title meaning a 'Great Lay Devotee', which may have been conferred on him by the king in recognition of his piety and scholarship. The Dharmapradipikava, a Sinhalese commentary on the Pali Mahabadhivamsa, is accepted as his earlier work. It is noteworthy that he seems to have consulted not only Pali but also Sanskrit works, not excluding the Jatakamala and the Ratnavali. His language is generally Sanskritic; but in the descriptive portions of his work he changes his style into pure Sinhalese, as for example in the Sulu Kalingu story, which is one of the finest in the language. His masterpiece is Amavatura, one of the best Sinhalese prose works. This is an attempt to justify the title Purisadamma-sarathi of the Buddha, and recounts his exploits in taming various persons. He follows closely the Pali originals, and also draws from the commentaries. The language is rather archaic, and is in contrast to his earlier work. Here he consciously avoids Sanskritisms, and writes in a style marked by brevity and preciseness. The book is also important from a linguistic point of view, as it contains numerous forms representative of earlier stages in the development of the language. It is a learned and scholarly work, and perhaps was not intended to be understood by the average man. It thus stands in contrast to the later works, which catered for a large section of the people by adopting a more popular language, which was taking shape at this time. The Butsarana seems to mark a transitional period in this development of the popular language. It glorifies the virtues of the Buddha, and exhorts people to take refuge in him. It is attributed to a Vidya- Cakravarti, who is identified by some with Sakala-Vidya-Cakravarti, the author of the Thupa-vamsa. The most important feature of the book is the development of what is termed the popular language, which set up a new standard of literary style more accessible to the masses. It is very likely that these Sarana books were meant to be read aloud to lay devotees, rather than for private study.

26 INTRODUCTION This perhaps accounts for their popular language, which has been enriched by the introduction of similes, etc. from every day life and experience. The next two works of this series, the Daham-sarana and Sanga-sarana, deviate from the path followed by the first, and use a more Sanskritic and learned language. The Thupa-vamsa, attributed to Sakala-Vidya-Cakravarti, is the next prose work assigned to this period on grounds of style and language. It is generally accepted that two books, a Sinhalese and a Pali version, existed prior to the composition of this work. The Ruvanvalisaya Slab-Inscription of Queen Kalyanavati refers to a Thupa-vamsa, which Paranavitana considers to be a Sinhalese version (Ruvanmali-maluvedi ma Thupavamsa asa, listened to the Thupavamsa on the platform of the Ruvanmali itself; EZ, Vol. IV, pp. 254, 256). The earliest examples of lyric poetry, Khanda Kavya, are the Sasada-vata and the Muvadevda-vata, which are based on two Jataka stories, the Sasa and Makhadeva Jatakas. Both works show strong influence of Sanskrit, although it was of poets inferior to Kalidasa. This influence was not in the vocabulary, but in the modes of composition and descriptions. Neither the date of the Muvadevda-vata nor its author has been discovered. The Sasada-vata has been assigned to the first reign of Queen Lilavati, but its author too is not known. We now come to the Dambadeniya period, the beginning of which was marked by chaos due to invasion and strife, which continued until Vijayabahu III restored peace and order. This good work was continued by his successor, Parakramabahu II, the leading figure of the era, under whose patronage culture and learning spread throughout the country. Writers gradually approached the popular language, and following in the steps of But-sarana, produced more and more popular works. The Pujavaliya is mainly an account of the offerings made to the Buddha from the time he obtained Vivarana up to his Parinibbana. These the author recounts to justify the appellation araham, and the work has been planned on the lines of Amavatura, the marked difference between them being that the former seems to have been meant for both the learned and the unlearned while the latter was for the learned only. According to the author himself, the book was written at the request of the minister Deva Patiraja in the 30 th year of the reign of Parakramabahu II, by Mayurapada- Parivenadhipati Buddhaputta. It is not a translation from Pali.

INTRODUCTION 27 Besides inculcating religious principles, it instils faith in the reader. It is quite different from earlier works in that it marks the emergence of the popular literature. Unlike other works, it extols the Bodhisattva ideal and bids men aspire to this, thus revealing the Mahayana influence. Besides religious lore, it contains some historical anecdotes, and refers to social conditions at times. The Visuddhi-marga-sannaya is a glossary to the Pali work Visuddhimagga, and is attributed to King Parakramabahu II. It is written in a mixed Sanskritic style. 'Visuddhimagga was a tower of strength for the Mahavihara sect. In propounding the views embodied in the Visuddhimagga, Buddhaghosa sometimes disagrees with or criticizes the views held by certain Schools or Scholars...' (D. E. Hettiaratchi, Vesaturu-da-sanne, pp. 80-83). To this king is also attributed the Vanavinisa-sannaya, which is apparently lost. Mention is made of another work of a similar nature, a glossary to the Jatakatthakatha, assigned to this period, and attributed to a scholar named Rajamurari (Pali Literature in Ceylon, p. 126). The Karma-vibhagaya, a doctrinal work dealing with the working of Karma, is also assigned to this period. That gi poetry had been popular from the earliest times is seen from works such as the Sasada and the Muvadevda-vata, which have been already referred to. The Kav-silumina, is the last of this line, and marks the close of a tradition that had been long in vogue. This work is looked upon as a maha-kavya (epic) in Sinhalese. At least it conforms to the definition of maha-kavya given by Dandin more than any other Sinhalese work. Parakramabahu II is generally accepted as its author; but this is disputed by some, who attribute it to either Parakramabahu I or to Vijayabahu II. That the authors of Sasada, Muvadevda and Kav-silumina followed the same models in their works is seen in the general plan as well as in the details. In this connection, the beginnings of the works, wherein the stories are given in brief, and the similes used to convey the general plan of the poems, are of interest. The Kav-silumina is woven round the Kusa-jataka, which later formed the theme of the popular work of Alagiyavanna. The author is highly poetical, and has lavishly described subjects that caught his fancy. His descriptions show much originality, though he has not been uninfluenced by Sanskrit theories of alamkara.

28 INTRODUCTION The Sidat-sangarava is the ear'iest surviving grammar of the language. Opinions regarding its authorship are divided. Some attribute it to Vedeha, who is said to have composed a Sinhalese grammar (Sihalam Saddalakkhanam), as is attested by the colophon of his Samantakuta-vannana. The work itself refers to the author as the Principal of the Patiraja-pirivena, and also to the fact that it was written at the request of Deva Patiraja, the governor of South Ceylon. With the help of the Culavamsa, this Deva Patiraja has been identified with Parakramabahu II's minister of the same name, who built a monastery at Attanagalla for Anavamadarsi Thera. With the help of this evidence Anavamadarsi has been credited with the authorship of this grammar, and the one alleged to have been written by Vedeha is presumed to be lost. The Sidat-sangarava is a collection of accepted rules of grammar, based on data gathered from literature. It is a grammar of the contemporary Elu language as different from the mixed language of to-day. That it is based entirely on padya (verse) is made clear by an examination of the author's alphabet. Thus his language is very much restricted; but as far as the Elu language is concerned we must admit that the work is comprehensive. The Elu-sandas-lakuna, a work on Sinhalese prosody, is assigned by some to the latter part of this period. It is important to note here that the author mentions that he is describing the metres in Elu in accordance with the traditions of ancient teachers. The Siya-bas-lakara too makes reference to older works on poetics, and it is difficult to decide whether these references are to Sinhalese or to Sanskrit authors and works; but it may be conjectured that prosody and rhetoric formed branches of study in Ceylon, from the earliest times. Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) The most important prose work of the Dambadeniya period is the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya), which has been left to the last as it needs more detailed examination. The book is based mainly on the Pali Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha), written in the fifth century A.D. in Ceylon. It has been looked upon by all scholars as a mine of information on contemporary social conditions. Martin Wickramasinghe observes: 'Saddharmaratnavaliya liyana kalayehi lakdiva pavati sirit virit da, minisunge situm patum handum dedum asrayen galapu upameyayo da varnanayo da ehi pitak pasa dakna labeti. Parani simhalayange samaja tattvaya sevimata metaram

INTRODUCTION 29 upakaravana anek simhala potak natteya', 'In the pages of Ratnavaliya are seen similes, descriptions, etc. which reflect the manners, customs, thoughts, and ideas of its day, and there is no other Sinhalese book so helpful in the investigation of the social conditions of the ancient Sinhalese' (Purana-simhala-stringe-anduma, p. 40). Some however doubt whether this book truly represents conditions in Ceylon during the time it was written. Two arguments may be adduced by those who hold this view. Firstly, it may be said that, as the book is based on a work written in Pali, it may not be a correct representation of life in Ceylon. The presumption seems to be that any literature in Pali describes conditions in India and not conditions in Ceylon. Secondly, it may be contended that as the author has kept much material contained in the Pali version of the fifth century, it is not true of life in the thirteenth century A.D. To examine the validity of these arguments we may first study the sources of the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) of which the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) is supposed to be a translation. The author in his prologue to this commentary states : A subtile commentary thereon has been handed down from generation to generation in the island of Ceylon. But because it is composed in the dialect of the island, it is of no profit or advantage to foreigners. It might perhaps conduce to the welfare of all mankind. This was the wish expressed to me by the Elder Kumara Kassapa, self-conquered, living in tranquillity, steadfast in resolve. His earnest request was made to me because of his desire that the good Law might endure. Therefore I shall discard this dialect and its diffuse idiom and translate the work into the pleasing language of the Sacred Texts. Whatever in the stanzas has not been made clear in the stanzas themselves, whether in letter or in word, all that will I make clear. The rest I will also tell in Pali, in accordance with the spirit of the stanzas. Thus will I bring to the minds of the wise joy and satisfaction in matters both temporal and spiritual'. This makes it absolutely clear that the stories in this commentary existed in Ceylon in written form in Sinhalese, either as parts of the Sinhalese Commentaries, or as legend and folk tales. Summarising Malalasekara's discussion, quoted in the foregoing pages, we see that he concludes that the author of the Atthakatha merely presented in literary Pali what already existed as folklore. He also draws our attention to Hugh Nevill's view that this commentary was not included in the three Sihalatthakathas;

30 INTRODUCTION but that it merely represented popular legends which had acquired considerable authority by the time of Buddhaghosa, who translated them, arranging them at his own discretion. Thus he is in agreement with the statement in the prologue that the stories were translated into Pali from Sinhalese, though they disagree on the question whether the stories were a part of the Atthakathas or not. Burlingame in his Introduction to the Buddhist Legends, page 26, says: 'Ostensibly at least, and in name and form, the commentary remains a commentary; what was once a commentary has become nothing more or less than a large collection of legends and folk tales B. C. Law in his History of Pali Literature, (pp. 449-450), agrees with Burlingame, but further adds that the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) 'derives a considerable number of its stories from the four Nikayas, the Vinaya, the Udana, the works of Buddhaghosa, and the Jataka book, for over fifty stories of the commentary are either deviations of the Jataka stories or close parallels'. With reference to this topic Burlingame observes that 'a comparison with the Anguttara-Nikaya tends to show that in every case the Dhammapada commentary version and the Anguttara-Nikaya version are derived independently of each other from a common original' (Buddhist Legends, Introduction, p. 50), and that the stories in the Dhammapada commentary are undoubtedly drawn from the same source as the former (ibid., p. 51). Paying a great tribute to the author as a first-rate story-teller', he says: 'If a legend or story which he finds in the sacred scriptures or commentaries can be improved on by alteration or expansion or compression, he makes such changes in it to suit his purpose. If a story will do very well just as it stands he copies it word for word, sometimes telling where he got it, but more often not. Or it may suit his purpose better to tell the story in his own words, introducing original touches here and there. Or he may have heard a good story from a traveller or sailor or villager or fellow monk. No matter where he read the story, no matter where he heard it, no matter what its character, it becomes grist for his mill. Some of the stories he tells sound as though they had come out of drinking taverns, and it is quite possible that they did... Not only does he display good judgment in selecting stories, and consummate skill in adapting them to his purpose; but he is also a first-rate storyteller on his own account. Many of the best stories cannot be traced to other sources, and of these at least, a considerable number

INTRODUCTION 31 are doubtless original' (ibid., p. 27). Nevill also does not assert dogmatically that the origin of these stories was in India: 'It may be quite possible', he says, 'that the legends had their origin in India or elsewhere and that they did not belong to Mahinda's school' (see Pali Literature of Ceylon, p. 97). Hence it is quite reasonable to suggest that some of these stories may have originated in Ceylon, and Buddhaghosa may have learnt them from the villagers or even the monks. At any rate it is clear that all these stories were definitely known in Ceylon for many centuries before they were translated. We shall now consider to what extent the Sinhalese work is a translation of the Pali. The word 'translation' generally means a rendering from one tongue to another, faithful to the original. If in an attempt of this nature the translator brings in his own views and ideas and also includes subject-matter that is not in the original, then it is obvious that the work is not really a translation. The author of the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) has no doubt brought in much material, by addition of words, phrases, similes and paragraphs not in the original Pali. In volume the Sinhalese version is about three times the size of the Pali, and this indicates the extent of the new material introduced into the Sinhalese work. One example will suffice to prove how an idea can be impregnated with quite a different meaning, and produce a completely different picture from that of the original, by introducing an additional word or two into the translation. The Cakkhupala story in the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) states that the two brothers were married (ghara-bandhanena bandhimsu), that they were bound by the bonds of household life. In Sinhalese this phrase is rendered as 'saranapava genvadi venkalaha', which would mean that the persons concerned were married and also that they were made to live separately from their parents, setting up their own household. This rendering brings in a meaning not conveyed by the original, and throws light upon the social conditions of the time. Thus the author not only translated the original, but also through modification, expansion, or alteration adapted it to depict conditions of his day. He also includes stories which are not in the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha), and come from other sources such as the Milindapamha, Anagatavamsadesana, etc. This too indicates that he did not mean his work to be a translation, at least of a particular book. The Sinhalese version therefore should be looked upon as an adaptation of the Pali.

32 INTRODUCTION Now the question remains how far the material in the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) depicts contemporary conditions in Ceylon. It will be generally accepted that whatever new material was added by the author of this book portrays conditions of the thirteenth century. But there might be a difference of opinion about the rest of the material which is common to both this book and the Pali original. It can be argued that this material does not refer to conditions in Ceylon, but to those in India. Now we have to consider two important aspects of this question. (1) How far does the material in the Pali version itself represent conditions in Ceylon? (2) Does this material as translated in the Sinhalese describe social conditions of the thirteenth century, when the Sinhalese version was written ? In the first place it is wrong to presume that, as the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) is written in Pali, it does not refer to the state of society in Ceylon. It has been pointed out in the preceding pages that the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha) itself is an adaptation of an earlier Sinhalese book, some stories of which must have had their origin in Ceylon. Therefore much of the material, with the exception perhaps of what was added by Buddhaghosa, should portray conditions in Ceylon before the fifth century A.D. Part of the material in the Sinhalese version supposed to have been translated by Buddhaghosa might have been based on stories borrowed from India; but as these were written in Sinhalese by persons in Ceylon and must have existed in Ceylon for some length of time, they too, must necessarily have some bearing on life in Ceylon during these early times. Unquestionably the stories that originated in India throw much light on various aspects of Indian life; but all the new material that gathered round them during their course in Ceylon must depict aspects of life in Ceylon prior to the fifth century A.D. Even these Indian stories may point to conditions which were common to both countries, for conditions in India and Ceylon during the early periods were no doubt very similar. It is therefore incorrect to presume that the material in the Pali version depicts conditions in India only. It still remains to be decided how far the material common to both books represents the conditions of the thirteenth century A.D. We have already pointed out that the author of the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) while adapting the material of the Pali version, changed and modified the original to suit the conditions of his day. In the case of the rest of the material he might not have considered it necessary to make

INTRODUCTION 33 any alterations or changes, because they might have been true even of the conditions of his time. As an example from the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) itself we may take the vow taken by the setthi before the large tree, to honour it if he should be blessed with a child (Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) 27). This shows a practice that has existed up to the present day of praying to various deities for the gift of children. The number of those who flock annually to the shrine at Kataragama for this purpose is large, and we have even-to-day instances of offerings being made to trees for blessings received as a result of vows taken under their shade. Some institutions, customs and manners may have remained unaltered during the course of years from the fifth to the thirteenth century, while others may have changed or developed in the course of time. Therefore even the material contained in the Dhammapadatthakatha (Dhammapada Atthakatha), and rendered unaltered in the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) may very well depict conditions which may be true of the thirteenth century. This can be further established if it is possible to produce corroborative evidence to show that a certain institution or custom referred to in the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) was in existence sometime during the course of these centuries, or even after the thirteenth. Such evidence no doubt will prove a link in the process of the evolution and growth of Sinhalese culture, during which process some institutions and customs or practices might have remained unchanged while others underwent change. Attempts will be made in the following pages to advance such corroborative evidence as will help us to establish that the Saddharma-ratnavali (ratnavaliya) depicts contemporary social conditions.