Sanskrit Inscriptions of Thailand

by Satischandra Chatterjee | 2015 | 58,643 words

This essay studies the Sanskrit Inscriptions of Thailand which explores the cultural and historical intersections between India and Thailand through the study of ancient Sanskrit inscriptions found in Thai temples, museums, and libraries. Authored by Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri, a scholar with deep ties to Thailand, the work entails transliterating an...

Chong Khoi Valley Inscriptions

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Prapod Assavavirulhakarn and Peter Skilling had taken up for evaluation Chong Khoi Valley Inscriptions and suggested their tentative reading. Their analysis they published in the Bulletin de Etudes Indiennes, Association Francaise Pourles Etudes, Indiennes, No. 24-25, 2006-2007 under the title "New Readings of Early Indian-language Inscriptions from Nakhon Si Thammarat, Southern Thailand." Their findings about these inscriptions are as below: "In this article we propose new readings for early inscriptions from Nakhon Si Thammarat, in the south of Thailand. The first is a group of three inscriptions which were discovered in situ in Chong Khoi valley in 1979. They are well-known to Thai scholars through repeated publication and discussion, but as far as we know they have not yet been published in romanized transcriptions or in a European language. The inscriptions stand out in terms of location in land, on a trans-peninsular route?- in terms of the size of the natural rock upon which they are engraved, and in terms of the size of the letters. The original location of the second inscription, which is also distinguished by the size of its letters, is unknown. It has been kept in the museum of Wat Mahathat since at least the beginning of the last century, when it was noticed by Lunet de Lajonquiere . A transcription of the short record was published by George Coedes in 1929. Coedes was uncertain as to the language of the text. In 1986 the inscription was read and published as in the Mon language insInscriptions in Thailand. We question USA conclusiuon, and show that at least part of the text is Indic.

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I. A Tentative Reading of the Chong Khoi Valley Script Language Date Text ano Inscriptions' Pallava Sanskrit circa 8 th century CE pigion Inscription 1 : 1 line in letters 25 cm high Inscription 2: 4 lines in letters 7 cm high Inscription 3 : 2 lines in letters 7 cm high vis 2001 bail grilli Support Description Size Inventory number Date of discovery Place of discovery Discovered by Present Iocation Publications nood ved at Stone Natural stone slab in situ 1.60 * 6.83 * 1.20 m NS 12 bogs evitstust bal esbit nasibal 10 December 1979 (BE 2522) Tambon Thung Pho [Khuan Key], Amphoe Chulaphorn (formerly called Amphoe Ron Phibun), Nakhon Si Thammarat province 12 Mr. Chong Chuklin, Mr. Thawin Chuaikert Chong Khoi valley, Tambon Khuan Key, Amphoe Chulaphorn, Nakhon Si Thammarat 1. Silpakorn Journal 24.4, 5 September, 2523 (1980). 2. Charuk nai prathet thai ["Inscriptions in Thailand"], Vol. 1 (Bangkok National Library-Fine Arts Department, 2529 [1986], pp. 48-55, read, translated, and analysed by Chusak Thipkeson and Cha-em ad to encugnal od otKaewglai.2 suai ke boleildu ba 3. "Silacharuk hupkhao chong khoi", in Sathaban Thaksinkhadi Suksa, CC-0. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri Collection, New Delhi, Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA Saranukrom wathanatham Athai

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phaktai, 2529 [1986], Vol. 9, 3529- 3532. 4. "Silacharuk huphkao chong khoi", Saranukrom wathanathamthai phaktai, Bangkok, 2542 [1999], Vol. 15, 7496-7499 (reprint of preceding without changes) On 10 September 1979, Chong Chuklin and Thawin Chuaikert, residents of Khlong Ton village, Tambon Khuan Key, Ron Phibun district, Nakhon Si Thammarat province, passed through the forest in the vicinity of Chong Khoi valley, two kilometres south of Khok Saton village, near Khuan Lam Phaen Mountain. They found a large inscribed stone slab near a watercourse in the valley. The discovery became known to local scholars and officials, and the inscriptions, described in Thai as 'Charuk Hup Khao Chong Khoi', have since been published several times. Today the inscribed stone is accessible by a narrow paved road that winds to a parking place with several open pavilions. From there the inscription is a short climb up a recently built stairway. It is now protected by an open shelter (fig. 1). The rock lies on the edge of a steep watercourse which descends from the hills above, and is lined by a tumble of large boulders. There is no place for any assembly, structures, or dwellings. That is, the inscriptions were carved on an open rock in an apparently uninhabited spot. Whether the watercourse leads anywhere, or affords a passable route, remains to be investigated. In the absence of any evidence we can say nothing about the function or social context of the inscriptions , except that they appear to attest to religious practice in the area. The Sanskrit compostition, including the use of the Upajati metre in Inscriptioin 2, shows a degree of learning . The three texts seem to have been inscribed by different hands, and in any case are written in different spaces, not in a line (fig.2). The letters are elegant and clear, except in one place, in the middle of line c of Inscriptions 2. h, New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

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boven wo Fig. 1. The rock protected by an open shelter. CC-0. Hof. Satya Vrat Shastr oundation USA Fig. 2. The layout of the three inscriptions on the rock: No. 1 (at the back). No 2 (middle), No. 3 (foreground).

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Texts Letters of which the reading is uncertain are enclosed within parentheses. Letters amended by the editors are placed within brackets. 1. srividyadhikarasya Fig. 3. Inscription No.1 2. namo 'stu tasmai pataye vananam namo 'stu tasmai pataye suranam prayojana(c che[r](i)vanam agatas te datavyam ity atra bhavadbhir ebhyah

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Fig. 1. The rock protected by an open shelter. CC-0. Prof. Satya Vigs 2 sThe layout of the three hiscription by hodation USA No. 1 (at the back). No 2 (middle), No. 3 (foreground).

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Texts Letters of which the reading is uncertain are enclosed within parentheses. Letters amended by the editors are placed within brackets. 1. srividyadhikarasya Fig. 3. Inscription No.1 2. namo 'stu tasmai pataye vananam namo 'stu tasmai pataye suranam prayojana(c che[r](i)vanam agatas te datavyam ity atra bhavadbhir ebhyah

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Inscriptionized by S 3 Foundation USA CC-0. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri conscription

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. yesan nilayadesesu tisthanti manuja varahmome yadi tesam prasadac ca karyyan tesam bhavisyati// Fig. 6. Inscriptions No.3 Translation -do? 1. Of the Glorious Vidyadhikara.3 2. Homage to him, to the Lord of the Forests! Homage to him, to the Lord of the Gods! They have come to the forest with purpose,4 In this place you should think: "(Something) should be offered (by you) to them".5 3. In whose dwelling-places there are good people If they are pleased, their work will be accomplished.

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Comments 1. The first record gives a title, vidyadhikara, in the genitive case. The term is composed of vidya, 'knowledge', plus adhikara, D.C. Sircar compares adhikara with the Tamil adigaram and equates it with adhikarin "explained as a magistrate". He defines adhikarin as'officer', and relates the term to adhikarika, adhikarika: "same as adhikarin, niyogika, adhyaksa, etc., regarded as meaning a minister, magistrate, superintendant, governor, or director." Sircar defines vidyadhikarin as "officer in charge of a school or of schools; the director of education."7 He refers to the last verse of a Telegu/Sanskrit inscription dated CE 1410, which "was composed by Srinatha who was the vidyadhikarin of [the Reddi king] Vema and a storehouse of learning." But this usage is centuries later than our inscription and from a different culture. We have not found the term vidyadhikara in other inscriptions from mainland South-East Asia. Neither Long Seam nor Saveros Pou record vidyadhikara in their dictionaries. Long Seam gives one entry for adhikara, which he defines as 'chef, superieur', citing K.44 (CE 674) B. line 5.9 Pou records later usage of adhikara and adhikarin-the latter, in K.569, 14 th century, in the sense of 'chef de service', 'superintendant'.10 In sum, it seems that vidyadhikara was an administrative position, but in the absence of any context that is all that can be said. Furthermore, what is it that belongs to the vidyadhikara? Simple phrases with the name of the donor in the genitive can refer to the object donated, as, for example, in early Brahmi inscriptions in Sri Lanka. Similar phrases occur on the sealings found at Khuan Luk Phat, at U Thong, and at Oc Eo in SouthEast Asia, seals apparently used to announce ownership. But here, what belongs to our vidyadhikara? Inscription I alone-Sri Vidyadhikara was here'-Inscription 2, or Inscription 3 or all of them? Could Sri Vidyadhikara have composed the stanzas? Or could the object be the stone, or the site? 2. Inscription 2 is a four-line stanza in Upajati metre (first cc-two lines in Upendravajra, the last two in Indravajra). The first CC-QProfi Sat

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two lines pay homage to the Lord of the Forests and Lord of the Gods. Next, according to our reading, the author states that people have come to the glorious forest in search of benefits. Seeing this, the author reflects that it is good to make offerings. 11 As mentioned above, there is a problem in reading line c, which has previously been read as prayojanac Chivanama gatas te. This reading is unmetrisch and unconvincing, since sivanama has no meaning. The difficulty lies with the cluster following prayojana-the cluster which has been read as cchi. From that point on the letters are clear. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri has suggested two possibilities. Prayojanad dhi cannot be sustained. We have adopted the second suggestion, reading srivanam agatas te, which both fits the metre and makes sense. However, while the 7 might be possible-that is, the vowel read as i is incomplete-there is no sign of the necessary subscript ra. Our reading, then, assumes scribal error, and amends the text. Line d, datavyam ity atra bhavadbhir ebhyah, is difficult to interpret to what or whom do bhavadhih and ebhyah refer? We take bhavadbhih in line d and te in line c to have distinct referants. We understand ebhyah as a plural dative completing datavyam. It could mean either you (the people who have come) should think that you should make an offering to these (gods) or you (the gods who have come) should think that something (a favour/blessing) should be given to these (people). There is also a doubt about the way to connect atra, which could mean either 'You should think in this place' or 'something should be given in this place'. - 3. Inscription 3 is a stanza in Sloka metre. We do not know who the 'good people' (manuja-vara) are or where their 'dwelling places' were. Certainly not at the site of the inscription itself, which would not be suitable for habitation. Interesting features include the virama-a horizontal strokeover the final ma of suranam in Inscription 2, and the double danda ats the Vend of Inscription Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

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II. Questions About the Language of al Wat Mahathat Inscription Pallava Prakrit? ad Inscription number 28 Script Language Date Text Support Description Size Inventory number Date of discovery 8 th-9 th centuries CE 1 line in letters 7 cm high Stone Rectangular slab 84 * 18.5 cm NS 3 Not known Place of discovery Discovered by Present location Not known Not known Publication word ton ab Wintour Glami oldimb a bueno Wat Phra Mahathat Woramahawihan, Amphoe Muang, Nakhon Si Thammarat province 1. Prachum silacharuk syam, Part 2 : Charuk krung thawarawadi, muang lawo, lae muang prathetsarat khun kae krung siwichai/Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam. Deuxieme Partie : Inscriptions de Dvaravati, de Srivijaya, et de Lavo, editees et traduites par G. Coedes, Secretaire General de l'Institut. Bangkok : Institut Royal, Service Archeologique, 2472 (1929). (Thai) p. 49, (French) p. 55. 2. Silpakorn Journal 28.2, May, 2528 tutes! gni (1985). 3. Charuk nai prathet thai ['Inscriptions CC-0. Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri Collection, New in Thailand], Volndzion (Bangkok:

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National Library-Fine Arts cine Department, 2529 [1986]), pp. 38-41, read, translated, and analysed by Kongkaew Weeraprachak and Champa Yuangcharoen, 12 ib anolighani ob pla To my m 4. "Charuk bon thanphraputtharup watphramahathat (NS 3)"] in Sathaban Thaksinkhadi Suksa, Saranukrom wathanatham phaktai, 2529 [1986], Vol. 2, 751-752. Read by Kongkaew Wiraprachak. 5. "Charuk bon thanphraputtharup watphramahathat (NS 3), Saranukrom wathanathamthai phaktai, Bangkok, 2542 [1999], Vol. 4, 1546-1549 (reprint of preceding)." ពរះ Fig. 7. The Wat Mahathat inscription. This inscription (fig. 7) has been in the collection of Wat Mahathatthe sacred 'Great Reliquary' (mahadhatu) complex of Nakhon Si Thammarat, an ancient city on the east coast of the central Malay peninsula, often called 'Ligor' in early European reports since an unknown date. Its provenance is unknown. Lajonquiere found it placed as a step facing the door of the treasure-room (khlang, 'tresor') of the temple; it is now kept in the museum, fixed into the floor in such a manner that it is read upside-down. The thick piece of stone is broken off from the viewer's left: the record is incomplete. In 1912 Lajonquiere published backwards, an eye copy of Bized by Ss Foundation USA estampage :13

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"Nous avons estampe, en outre, sur une marche d' escalier en face de la porte du Tresor, une inscription d'une ligne qui, a cause de la hauteur des lettres, a ete mieux conservee. En voici le fac-simile." fig. 8 Lajonquiere's eye-copy. Coedes included the lithograph in 'Liste des inscriptions du Siam' published in Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, part 1, in 1924, placing a question mark under 'language'. 14 In part 2 of the Recueil, published in 1929, the French savant read the inscription as follows: bha || ta ma yya ai ge spah (or ai gra sthah) || Once again he did not venture any remark regarding the language, saying only II ne s'agit la que d'un fragment d' inscription dont il n'y a pas grande chose a tirer. Le seul point certain est l'archaisme des caracteres qui peuvent dater des Veme Vieme siecles". In Volume 2 of "Inscriptions in Thailand", published in 1986, it is noted that the inscription with its mere ten letters has posed a knotty problem to epigraphists for over fifty years. The solution to the problem was that the orthography was not that of Sanskrit, Pali, or Khmer, but rather, and quite certainly, that of Mon. Champa Yuangcharoen, an expert in Old Mon at the National Library, was therefore asked to read the inscriprion which he proceeded to do. The editors supply an eye-copy, a transcription into modern Mon letters, a transcription into modern Thai letters and a Thai translation:

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vifamula orit et 30 Sanskrit Inscriptions of Thailand / 357 ca lxng xaks'r caruk May@p Fig. 9 a Eye-copy from 'Inscriptions in Thailand' 2, p.41 xaks'r mxy paccuban တမလျောသရး၊ Fig. 9 b transliteration into modern Mon letters from 'Inscriptions in Thailand' 2, p.41 kha xan phas'a mxy 3. kha caruk //tma ya lng khes sra// keiya ta maya ya la cei ya ke swa he ri ya tha pael rup calxng // phx maya haeng haw meuxng chan nxk phu ngam swang praduc than fi thi kalang luk chon// 9 th 21 31 Fig. 9 c Transliteration into modern Thai letters with Thai translation, from 'Inscriptions in Thailand' 2, p. 41: Inscription in Thai letters (left), phonetic understanding as read in modern Mon (right), Thai translation The inscription is read as follows: bha || tamayalangesvarah || The translation reads something like: "Father Maya from the outer province (hua muang), elegant and bright like an ember that blazes up". with Unfortunately, regardless of Yuangcharoen's valiant effforts, the inscription cannot be read as Old Mon. 15 We agree Coedes that not much sense can be made of it in its fragmentary conditions, but will give a try, on the hypothesis that the record contains Indica elements from Prakrit or incorrect Sanskrit, or Foundation USA

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even may be in an Indic language. This is suggested by the last three syllables, which read, clearly, -gesvarah, corresponding to Sanskrit-gesvarah, that is, -ga- of the preceding word in compound with isvarah. with double da The first three syllabus, with double danda after the first, are clear: bha, || ta, ma. What follows is not. The sign read as -yya- by Coedes and -a- in Inscriptions of Thailand is clumsily engraved. The middle stroke of the ya extends upwards to the right in a manner that cannot be explained unless, again, it is the result of clumsiness. What follows might be long a with a curl that extends below the line. This is followed by a la placed on top of a fna. It is this cluster, in which the two letters are quite clear, that is unusual. It is not Indic. It does not seem to be Old Mon either, since in the inscription publilshed in Volume 2 of 'Inscriptions in Thailand' the final f na is independent, on its own line. This is also the case in Old Khmer. 16 In both cases a short flat line - equal in length to that of the horizontal space of letter representing virama is placed above the letter. If the inscription is Indic the first syllable, -bha, poses a problem. The double danda that follows it indicates that it is the end of the last word of a phrase. As the last word of a phrase it should have case ending (perhaps -bho, if Prakrit, -bhah if Sanskrit), but it does not. The only Indic possibility is a vocative, which does not seem especially likely. For now we propose the following reading: bha || tamayyalangesvarah || This does not take us further. We have established that the inscription is not Old Mon, and that it contains Indic elements: it may be a vernacular that incorporates Indic forms - the name of a ruler ending in isvera - or poorly written Prakrit or Sanskrit. The letters resemble eigthth or ninth century incriptions such as Noen Sa Bua (CE 761) from Prachinburi, Wat Sema Muang from Nakhon Si Thammarat (CE 775), or Bo Ika (CE 868) from Nakhon Ratchasima.

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III. Conclusions Sanskrit Inscriptions of Thailand / 359 The inscriptions studied here raised many questions. What is the relation between the three Chong Khoi Valley inscriptions? Why were they inscribed at this site? Who was the vidyadhikara, and what was his connection with the site and the other inscriptions? The Chong Khoi valley inscriptions are the first examples known in Thialand to date of early epigraphs carved on the surface of natural rock (we exclude here cave inscriptions). This makes them a rare example of incriptions in situ, and we believe that further study of the site is a desideratum. The Wat Mahathat incription, on the other hand, is without context or history. Given that it is not complete, we may never be able to understand it. We have, at least, established that it contains indic elements, and that is certainly not in Old Mon. Taken together, the incriptions are part of the puzzle of peninsular history.17 Bibliography Coedes, G., Prachum silacharuk syam, Part 1: Charuk sukhothai | Recueil des Inscripions du Siam. Premiere partie : Inscriptions de Sukhodaya, editees et traduites par Conservateur de la Bibliotheque Nationale Vajiranana, Bangkok: Bibliotheque Nationale Vajiranana, Service Archeologique, 1924. Fine e Arts Arts Department (Samnak boranakhadi lae and phiphitaphanthasathan haeng chat thi 11 nakhon si thmmarat , samnak boranakhadi lae phiphitaphansathan haeng chat ), Prawatisat boranakhadi nakhon si thammarat , Nakhon Si Thammarat, n.d. [circa BE 2543/CE 2000]. Halliday, 'R.Les incriptions mon du Siam, BEFEO XXX (1930) CC-0. pp. 81 x 105 t Shastri Collection, New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

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Shorto, H.L., A Dictionary of the Mon Inscriptions from the Sixth to the Sixteenth Centuries, London: Oxford University Press, 1971 (London Oriental Series, Volume 24). Jacq-Herogoualc'h, Michel, The Malay Peninsula: Crossroads of the Maritime Silk Road, Leiden: Brill, 2002 (Handbook of Oriental Studies Section Three, South-East Asia, Volume Thirteen, The Malay Peninsula). de Lajonquiere. L., 'Essai d'inventure archeologique du Siam', en Bulletin de la Commission Archeologique de l'Indochine, ain Annee 1912, Paris: Minsitere de l'Instruction Publique et des Beaux-Arts. Munro-Hay, Stuart, Nakhon Sri Thammarat: The Archeology, History and Legends of a Southern Thai Town, Bangkok; White Lotous Press. 2001. 293 National Library Fine Arts Department, Charuk nai prathet thai [Inscriptions in Thailand ], Bangkok: National Library -Fine Arts Department. 2529 [1986]. Pou, Saveros, Dictionnaire vieux khmer - Francais-anglais/An Old Khmer - French - English Dictionary, Paris : Centre de Documentation et de Recherche sur la Civilisation khmere, 1992. Preecha Nunsuk, Prawatisat Nakhon Si Thammarat, Nakhon Si Thammarat, 2540 [1998] Ramyya j. Three Inscriptions of the Reddis of Kondavidu, Epigraphia Indica XI, pp. 313-326. Saranukrom wathanathamihai phaktai. 18 vols. Bangkok: Mulanithi Saranukrom wathanathamthai Thankhan Thaiphanit, 2542 [1999]. Sathaban Thaksinkhadi Suksa 2529 [1986]. Saranukrom wathanatham phaktai. 10 vols. Songkhla: Sathaban Taksinkhadi Suksa. Sircar, D.C., Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Long Scam, Dictionnaire du khmer ancien (d' apres les inscripCC-0. Protions du Cambodge du voiti siecles), Phnom Penh, 2000.

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References 42000 Sanskrit Inscriptions of Thailand / 361 1. We extend our thanks to Profs. Satya Vrat Shastri, Prof. K.N. Mishra, and Nalini Balbir, for discussing the inscription with us, to Rupert Gethin for his help with the photography, and to Arthid Sheravanichkul for his help with scanning. The photographs were taken on june, 2007. 2. See also Preecha Nunsuk, Prawatisat Nakhon Si Thammarat, Nakhon Si Thammarat, 2540 [1998], pp.46-49, 147-48. The Charuk nai prathet thai version is reprinted in Fine Arts Department (Samnak boranakhadi lae phiphitaphansathan haeng chat thi 11 nakhon si thammarat, samnak boranakhadi lae phiphitaphansathan haeng chat), Prawatisat boranakhadi nakhon si thammarat, Nakhon Si Thammarat, n.d. (circa 2543), pp. 22-23; Sce also the pictures on pp. 17-19 3. The earlier Thai translations of this phrase bring in Siva without justification: (silacharuk ni pen) khong phu pen chao haeng withayakan (phra siwa) ('Inscriptions in Thailand' 1, p. 45) Vidyadhikara is a human administrative title, not an epithet of a deity. 4. prayojana means purpose, benefit, reason: here it means that the worshippers have come to the forest in quest of benefits or to make offerings. 5. Compare datavyam iti sarvebhyah sarvada sarvam eva ca/prajneyam abhut tasya sarvasattvanukampinah 1/2/1 of Badaradvipajatakam in M. Hahn (ed.), Haribhatta in Nepal. Ten Legends from His Jatakamala and the Anonymous Sakyasimhajataka. Editio Minor. Tokyo : The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 2007 (Studia Philologica Buddhica Monograph Serics XXII) 6. D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1966, pp. 6-7 7. D.C. Sircar, op. cit., p. 371. 8. J. Ramayya, 'Three Inscriptions of the Reddis of Kondavidu', Epigraphia Indica XI, pp. 313-326: text on south face. lines 93-95, p. 323: vidyadhikari srinatho virasrivemabhupate / akarod akara vacam nirmalam dharmasasanam. 9. Long Seam. Dictionnaire du khmer ancien (d'apres les inscriptions du Cambodge du vi-viii siecles), Phnom Penh, 2000, p.14 10. Saveros Pou, Dictionnaire vieux khmer-francais-anglais/An Old Khmer-French-English Dictionary, Paris : Centre de Documentation et de Recherche sur la Civilisation khmerc, 1992, p. 10. 10 Bangkok, December 2000. CC-d brofOraly communication New Delhi. Digitized by S 3 Foundation USA

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. The chauruk nai prathet thai version is reprinted in Fine Arts Department (Samnak boranakhadi fae phiphitaphanthasathan haeng chat thi 11 nakhon si thammarat, samnak boranakhadi lae phiphitaphanthasathan haeng chat), Prawatisat boranakhadi nakhon si thammarat, Nakhon Si Thammarat, n.d. (circa BE 2543/CE 2000), p. 23 (picture on p.). 13. L. de Lajonquiere, 'Essai d' inventaire archeologique du Siam'. Bulletin de la Commission Archeologique de l'Indochine, Annee 1912, Paris : Ministere de l'Instruction Publique el des Beaux-Arts, p. 158. Coedes also refers to p. 231 of the 1909 issue of the same bulletin (not available to us). Lajonquiere refers to the 1910 issue, p. 148 = L. Finot's report on seventeen estampages, 'Inscriptions du Siam et de la peninsule malaise', where he reports on an inscription in Nakhon Si Thammarat as inscription d'une seule ligne de 6 akSaras tres gros (7 centimetres)". 14. Prachum silacharuk syam, Part 1: Charuk sukhothail / Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam. Premiere partie : Inscriptions de Sukhodaya, editees et traduites par G. Coedes, Conservateur de la Bibliotheque Nationale Vajiranana, Bangkok: Bibliotheque Nationale Vajiranana, Service Archeologique, 1924 (Thai) p. 24. (French) p. 20. 15. Note that the epigraph is not mentioned in R. Halliday, Les incriptions mon du Siam. BEFEO XXX (1930) pp. 81-105 (unless it is one of the inscriptions d'une ligne plus ou moins douteuses' of n. 1, p. 81), or in H.L. Shorto, A Dictionary of the Mon Inscriptions from the Sixth to the Sixteenth Centuries, London: Oxford University Press. 1971 (London Oriental Series, Volume 24). We by no means deny the possibility of incripions in Old Mon in the peninsula; there is of course one considerably later example, the Wihan Pho Lanka incription, also in Wat Mahathal (Inscriptions in Thailand, Vol. 2 pp. 112-118) 16. See especially the examples with intial la in Long Seam pp. 496-497. 17. For a richly documented study of the region see Michel JacqHergoualc'h, The Malay Peninsula: Crossroads of the Maritime Silk Road, Leiden: Brill, 2002 (Handbook of Oriental Studies Sections Three, South-East Asia, Volume Thirteen. The Malay Penilula). For Nakhon Si Thammarat see Stuart Munro-Hay, Nakhon Sri Thammarat: The Archeology, History, and Legends of a Southern Thai Town, Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2001.

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