On the Date of Visnu Purana’s account of Bharata and Bhuvanakosa

On the Date of Visnu Purana’s account of Bharata and Bhuvanakosa [visnupuranasthasya bharata- caritrasya bhuvanakosasya ca kalavimarsah] / By Dr. S. N. Roy; Lecturer, Deptt. of Ancient Indian History and Culture, University of Allahabad. / 295-309

atra [nibandhe'smin vidusa lekhakena visnupuranasya dvitiyamse upa- labdhasya bharatacaritrasya bhuvanakosasya ca kalanirdharanam krtam | yadyapi visnupuranam pracinam puranam vidyate tathapi kalakramenasmin sampradayai| kvacit svasampradayasya navinamsa api samavesitah | pramanapurasaram pradarsitam yat visnupuranasya bharatacarite bhuvanakose ca vaisnavaih svasampradayapracarartham navinamsah samyojitah yenetara- puranesupalabdhanam tesamamsanamapeksaya visnupuranamsasya navinatvamava- bhati, lekhakamahodasya matanusarena visnupurane upavarnitasya bharata- khyanasya bhuvanakosasya ca pariskaranam khistriyanavamasatabdyanantaram jatam | asmat kalat prageva bhagavatapuranamapi upanibaddhamasit | idam pariskaranam kevalam siddhantasamavesarthameva krtam | asmin pariskaranakarye kecana navina api adhyaya racitah | kvacit navinah slokah api viracya pracina slokesu samavesitah | navinamsasamavesa- karanamidamanumiyate yat visnupuranam hi pracinam puranam sampradaya- vidamanusarena tasmin navina visaya yadi samavista bhaveyuh tarhi tatpratipaditavisayanamapi pracinatvam pramanikatvam ca sutaram bhavediti | ] It is proposed here to analyse Visnu-Purana's account of the legendary king Bharata¹ and Bhuvanakosa, which constitutes the major part of the section two of the text. In its general treatment the account does not contain any such element as may point to its lateness or affect its originality. Nevertheless, it seems necessary to examine it from a broader angle considering fully its bearing in the present form which could not have been possibly the objective when it was compiled in the original bulk of the Purana. By this method an attempt will be made to see how 1. It is noteworthy that in the Puranas, Bharata figures as the grandson of Nabhi and son of Rsabha. The popular story describing Bharata as the son of Sakuntala and Dusyanta is not available in the Puranas. For a clear and vivid analysis of this point see, Agrawala, Markandeya-Purana, Eka Samskritika Adhyayana, p. 138.

296 puranam - PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 far the text has maintained its early character and due to which motive changes were introduced in it. In order to be precise on the point, corresponding passages of other Purana-texts will also be taken into account as far as they can be useful in presenting a correct picture of the topic. A significant clue to ascertain the date of Visnu-Purana's account on Bharata is afforded by the general make-up and form of chapter one. For a comprehensive analysis, we may proceed to find out the period of its possible early form and of the extant one. The former may be determined by a comparative study of the similar description available in other early Purana-texts and the latter by scrutinizing the additional and distinct elements contained in it. The chapter aims at giving the description of king Priyavrata and other various kings who flourished after him in the dynasty. In its essential aspects the account finds parallel in other early Purana-texts e. g. in the Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas¹ and evinces full evidence of its early character because of conforming to the well-known Puranic definition. The common ground presented by all these Puranas is their repeated mention of resorting by these kings to VanaThis prastha-stage of life after nominating their successors. shows that the account of Visnu-Purana as also of other Puranas belongs to the period when Smarta-order was playing a dominant role and the Purana-texts were being shaped according to the well-established modes and ideals. It cannot be placed, therefore, later than the 4th century A. D., which is supposed to be the date of the Smrti-matters in the Puranas. To this extent the chronological bearing of Visnu-Purana is shared by other early Purana-texts. What appears from a closer scrutiny is that the extant passage of Visnu-Purana attaches importance not so much 1. Vayu-P. Chapter XXXIII : Brahmanda-P. Anusanga Pada II, Chapter XIV: Markandaya-P. Chapter L. 2. According to Hazra as a result of incorporation of Smrti-matters 'The Puranas came gradually to loose their original character and turn into important codes of Hindu rites and customs'... Puranic Records, P. 6.

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU PURANA 297 to the Vamsa-account as to the elevation of Salagrama, which is not found in other three texts. The data of Visnu-Purana's passage can be dragged down, in view of this, to about 700 A. D., which is accepted to be the period of incorporation of holy places in the Puranic passages. Herein we have also an evidence of sectarian trend from which the early forms of Purana-literature are supposed to have been free. That Salagrama was raised to the status of a holy place by the sectaries of the Vaisnava faith at a late stage is clearly shown by the passages of Vaisnavite UpaPuranas in a number of which allusions are made to the retirement of the people to this place for the observance of religious and charitable activities. It is quite likely that at a time when Vaisnavite works were being compiled, incorporating prominently sectarian matters into them, the passage of Visnu-Purana was re-compiled by the same authors in order to give their religious beliefs and ideals the stamp of antiquity. Later tampering with the Visnu-Purana's account is also proved by the analysis of a few verses of this text not found in the corresponding account of other three Puranas. Thus in verse thirtyfive of the chapter noticed above a plea is made to give Bharata's narrative in immediate succession.' But the narrative of Bharata 1. Visnu.P. II. 1. 24 and 34. 2. Hazra, Ibid, chronological table of the Puranic Chapter p. 177 ff; other popular elements also cannot be dated earlier than the beginning of the 9th Century A. D., Ibid, p. 242. 3. Thus the Narasimha-Purana includes Salagrama into the list of the holy places Sacred to Visnu (Chapters 65-66). It also narrates how a Brahmana named Pundarika, without entering the Second Stage of life, settled at Salagrama and became attendant of Visnu (Chapter 64). Visnu-Dharma-Purana describes that a Ksatriya who became a Raksasa in his next life made an attack in his new form on two Brahmanas and went to Salagrama for practising austerities (Chapters 69-70). Brhannaradiya Purana relates the severe austerities of Mrkandu at Salagrama according to Visnu's instructions. (Chapters 4-5). For all these evidences I have been benefitted by the brilliant work of Dr. Hazra on 'Studies in the Upa-Puranas Vo. I, in which the contents of the above texts are vividly discussed. 4. ajayata ca vipro'sau yoginam pravare kule | maitreya tasya caritam kathayisyami te punah ||

298 puranam - PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 in the Purana actually occurs at a considerable gap caused by the intervention of no less than eleven chapters devoted altogether to different topics besides the last eight verses of the present chapter itself. That the verse has an abrupt appearance without having much relevance in the present is clearly vouched by the passages of Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas whose account conforms to the Visnu-Purana in other many respects, but they do not have any verse similar to the one in the Visnu-Purana either in form or meaning breaking-up the regular flow of the story. It seems logical to assume that the compiler of the Visnu-Purana, while arranging the separate chapters devoted to Bharata's account revised the original single chapter in order to connect with it the additional portion of the text. Circumstance of a similar nature is indicated also by verses thirty and thirty-one related to Rsabha, the immediate predecessor of Bharata. It is described in them that after resigning from kingship in favour of his son, Rsabha ractised savere penances by putting pebbles into his mouth, remained naked and ultimately achieved 'Viradhvana'. An attempt has been made to equate 'Viradhvana' with 'Mahaprasthana' with the instructive remark that king's practice of penance is in identical to the manner in which the Digambara Jainas used to emanciate themselves¹. The account of Visnu-Purana, therefore, can not be earlier than the 5th century A. D. which is the supposed date of addition of Jaina and Buddhist passages to the Purana-literature. This conclusion becomes more explicit when it is observed that the account of Vayu, Brahm- anda and Markandeya Puranas is quite proportionate, their treatment with regard to Rsabha and Bharata is as concise as to the other kings of the dynasty. It appears that the original form of Visnu-Purana's chapter was revised by the Vaisnava sectaries who are known to have absorbed into their faith some popular trends of the heresy in their zeal to expand its limit. That the original character of the Chapter is preserved only in kernel while its general form 1. Wilson, English Translation of Visnu-Purana. Equation of Viradhvana with Mahaprasthana is indicated also in the commentary of Sridhara. 2. Pargiter, A. I. H. T. p. 80.

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU-PURANA 299 A belongs to a late period is fully evidenced by verse thirty-two. Considering the aim, implication and place of occurrence of the verse, it appears that the arrangement of the Visnu-Purana's chapter lacks in coherence and consistency, which is otherwise undisturbed in other three Puranas. The verse runs a varsametallokesu giyate | bharataya yatah pitra dattam pratisthata vanam | ' i. e. 'this country was named as Bharatavarsa from the time it was relinquished to Bharata by his father, on his retiring to the forest.' It would be seen that ' ' of the verse was intended to refer to 'fra of the verse twenty-seven. But the sense is disturbed due to the intervening four verses including those whose formation at a late stage we have presently discussed. On the other hand, other three texts do not have any intervening verse and the 'himaham varsam ' is directly connected with the 'bharatam varsa ' in one and the same verse,' which appears to be the early form of what is not intact in the text of Visnu-Purana. A satisfactory analysis of the Visnu-Purana's passages can not possibly be presented without examining them in relation to the Bhagavata. Most of the texts are common in both the Puranas and the general supposition is that one has borrowed from the other. It has been propounded that the Bhagavata is dependent on the Visnu-Purana with which it agrees literally and has in its passages a more developed treatment of the concise accounts of Visnu-Purana. Among various instances pointing to this conclusion, Bharata's story has also been cited besides those of Srikrsna, Vena, Prthu, Dhruva and Prahlada. 1. himahvam daksinam varsam bharataya nyavedayat | tasmattu bharatam varsam tasya namna vidurbudhah || Vayu-P. XXXIII. 52 The point, Brahmanda-P. II. 14. 61 cd, 62 ab himaham daksinam varsam bharataya pita dadau | tasmattu bharatam varsam tasya namna mahatmanah || Markandeya-P. LI. 41 cd, 42 ab. 2. Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, Vol. I. p. 555. Pargiter, Ibid. p. 80. Hazra, Ibid, p. 22. 10

300 puranam - PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 which has to be taken into account in the context of the present paper, is whether the available form of Bharata's account in the Visnu-Purana is earlier than the Bhagavata or not. It is obvious that the text of Visnu-Purana gives two forms of Bharata's srory depicting them in one and the same section; Once in connection with other many kings of the dynasty to which he belonged and again in the Chapters arranged at a considerable gap and written exclusively on Bharata. It may well be argued that the two accounts which are so separated from each other and the intervening chapters do not concern themselves with Bharata could not have been compiled in one planning and by one author. It is also evident that the former account because of its general treatment with other three early texts is earlier than the latter. The only possible conclusion, which emerges out of this analysis is that the early account of Bharata is preserved in Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas and that the passages of Visnu-Purana on the present topic are misappropriated and adulterated to an extent that the logic to treat this text as the source of Bhagavata remains unsupported. It would further be seen that in the VisnuPurana separate chapters are devoted only to Bharata. But the account in the Bhagavata shows a compact and coherent arrangement in so far as it has devoted separate chapters also to other many kings of the dynasty. The early Puranic arrangement describing each king in one single chapter seems to have been improved in it proportionately in various chapters. It has kept itself free from what appears as sectarian tinge in the Visnu-Purana in a context where, as the account preserved in other early three texts tends to show, such allusion was hardly required. What appears to be of special note in the corresponding passage of Bhagavata is that the word Salagrama is used in it not to denote the name of any particular place but as an adjective of the hermitage of Pulaha where Bharata retired. That the term Salagrama carries the above sense is clearly indicated in the commentary of Sridhara 1. Chapter 1 (account of Priyavrata), Chapter 2 (account of Agnidhra), Chapter 3 (account of Nabhi), Chapters 4-6 (account of Rsabha) and Chapters 7-15 (account of Bharata and his successors); Bhagavata, Skandha 5.

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU-PURANA 301 on the passage, which explains it as the spot which is marked by Sala-tree.' The term has, however, been taken in the commentary of Vansidhara Sarma in the sense of Salagrama tirtha probably supplementing it by the Visnu-Purana's passage. This may indicate that the account of Bhagavata points to that period when the term Salagrama standing for a holy place was either not popularized or not coined at all. The motive behind the additional chapters of Visnu-Purana seems to have been sectarian publicity by bringing into light one more Vaisnavite center noted for its religious observances. The possibility of sectarian role in the formation of VisnuPurana's passages is also brought out by the general Vaisnavite atmosphere breathed in them here and there. In this connection we may mention the Vaisnavite Upa-Purana Kriyayogasara which exhibits a similar trend in so far as the general form of the text is concerned. It describes the daily duties which a Vaisnava devotee should perform and lays pointed empasis on sectarian Mantras and their results. Corresponding very closely to this description the verses of Visnu-Purana also relate the daily duties of Bharata for the performance of his religious rites and narrates further that except for the name of Hari and the Mantra, yajnesacyuta govinda madhava namo'stu te, he did not utter anything even in his dreams. Dr. Hazra, who gives a comprehensive and critical treatment of Kriyayogasara analysing its various other details, concludes that it is an independent work but most probably at a later date it was attached to the Padma-Purana for the sake of authority. The remark of Dr. Hazra may be treated as instructive 1. ityevam nigudhanirvedo visrjya mrgim mataram punarbhagavatksetramupasamasilamunigana- dayitam salagramam pulastya pulahasramam kalanjaratpratyajagama | Ibid, V. 8. 31. salavrksopalaksitam pulastya pulahasramam pratyajagama ... Sridhara on the above: See also English Translation of Bhagavata by S. Subbarau, Vol. I. 37. 2. salagramam tadakhyam ksetram | 3. Kriyayogasara, Chapters 11-14, Hazra, Studies in the Upa-Puranas, Vol. I, PP. 271 and 274. 4. Visnu-Purana, II. 13. 4-10. 5. Hazra, Ibid, pp. 268-269.

302 puranam -- PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 for ascertaining the trend which was responsible behind the compilation of Visnu-Purana's additional chapters regarding Bharata. Taken separately these Chapters can not stand on the same level in view of the vast volume of Kriyayoga-sara. But the probability of the fact can not be denied that the account was at first independently composed in the form of Bharata-Akhyana or Bharata-Carita and was, later on, added to the original and authoritative text of the Visnu-Purana for the sake of its publicity. The above analysis leads us to the following conclusion: The Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas, conforming well to the original purana-definition, have preserved in them the early account of Bharata's narrative. The Bhagavata has simply expanded that 'early account' and because of its concentration mainly on the story as such its adherence to the early character of a Purana is established beyond doubt. Its indebtedness is no doubt proved to the texts of Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas but not to the Visnu-Purana, whose earliness regarding Bharata's account is held in boubt because of its inserted verses and additional chapters smacking of a sectarian trend. An inquiry into the contents, general form and arrangement of other chapters of the section, in which the story of Bharata occurs, also shows that the text was revised along sectarian lines after its original bulk was complete. The chapters proposed for the present analysis are second, third and fourth all of which are related to Bhuvanakosa. Although one cannot entertain doubts regarding their early character, because other early Puranas also have similar topics in their corresponding chapters, yet taken in entirety the text detracts form original status either due to addition of late verses or due to the transformation of the older ones. Actual state of affairs fully emerges when the counter-part of Visnu-Purana's description found in the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas is also put to scrutiny. While giving his brilliant notes on the Visnu-Purana's account, Professor Wilson had already pointed out that main features of Bhuvana kosa in the Purana's are same, but they sharply differ in so far as

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU-PURANA 303 their minor details are concerned¹. As a matter of fact the separate and independent status of an individual Purana-text could not properly be maintained in the absence of its distinct elements. The variations are also due to the 'deliberate technique" which demanded retainment of the original matter but adding to it new conceptions. What appears from closer scrutiny of the Bhuvanakosa-passages is that the separate entity of an individual text is maintained not so much by the new incorporations related to the main topic as by the religious fancies besmeared with the early account. Such passages, if they are studied independent of the early matters compiled in the original form of the text, appear to be the incorporations by opposite or even by rival sectarian groups and their adherence to the age-old puranic tradition is affected to a considerable degree. Among the passages brought forward by a comparative analysis and bringing out the above conclusion, mention can specially be made of those related to Sakadvipa. In close consonance with the relevance and spirit of the present paper, we purposely leave the geographical features forming the main topic of the account and concentrate on its religious part. The text of Visnu-Purana relates that Sakadvipa is inhabited by the Vangas, the Magadhas, the Manasas and the Mandagas whom it identifies respectively with the Brahmanas, the Ksatriyas, the Vaisyas and the Sudras³. It further adds that these tribes worship god Visnu in the form of Surya'. But the Vayu-Purana does not specify the name of any particular deity. In a very general form its verse mentions that there is a great tree of Saka in this island and this tree is worshipped by the inhabitants. The verse of Vayu-Purana has its identical counterform in the Brahmanda-Purana, which might give some idea regarding the puranic account in the form it 1. Wilson, Ibid. 2. Agrawal, Matsya Purana-A Study, P. III (preface) 3. Visnu-Purana, II. 4. 68 ff 4. sakadvipe tu tairvisnuh suryarupadharo mune | yathokta rijyate samyakukarmabhirniyatatmabhih | Ibid. II. 4. 70. 5. Vayu-Purana, IL. 87, Brahmanda-Purana II. 19. 94.

304 puranam - PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 existed earlier and the changes which were made at a subsequent stage. In order to ascertain the actuality of circumstance, reference of the Visnu-Purana to the worship of sun by the people of Sakadvipa may be considered from another angle. It is a well-evidenced fact that the solar worship in India took a new turn after the priests of Sakadvipa introduced their mode of worshipping sun, image-worship of this god being unknown in India before their advent. It is interesting to observe that the account of the only available Upapuranic solar text Samba-Purana has the mode of sun worship in the line introduced by the Sakadvipiya priests as its sole nerve-centre. Quite naturally other Purana-texts, compiled in early times, were interfered to a lesser or larger degree so that the more popular method of sun-worship might not appear alien to the Indian devotees. Thus Hazra's analysis indicates that the Bhavisya-Purana and Brahma-Purana are largely drawn upon the Samba-Purana and their passages at most places are moulded accordingly. The verses of VisnuPurana reveal the possibility of yet another trend in the history of Hindu religion. It appears, thus, that that the passage of Visnu Purana testifies not so much to the development of solarcult as to the further growth of the Vaisnava faith absorbing the Sakadvipiya deity into the supreme Vaisnava deity, consequent upon which the non-Indian appearance of the worship of sun could be removed to a considerable extent. It may be indicated that although the Vaayu-Purana has preserved its early character in the above context, yet its description regarding Sakadvipa taken as a whole is not free from sectarianism. Thus in connection with the rivers of this island it gives a number of names some of which like Sivajala, Sati, Nanda, Parvati and the general epithet of Svodakah given to all of them, 2 may specially be taken into account here. None of these names occurs in the corresponding list of Brahmanda-Purana, which is supposed to have been one with the Vayu-Purana before the 4th century A. D. For the general epithet of these rivers it reads 1. Hazra, Ibid, pp. 57, 83. 2. Vayu-Purana, IL. 90-93.

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU-PURANA 305 Sitatoyavaha¹ in place of Sivodakah of the Vayu-Purana. This shows that the description of Vayu-Purana was pure and simple when it was one with the Brahmanda-Purana and that the Sectarian colouring was given to its text at a much later stage when the latter was carved as a separate text out of the original Vayu-Proktam Puranam. Coming to the list of Visnu-Purana, we find that its account with regard to the rivers of Sakadvipa is similar to that of the Brahmanda Purana and no attempt has been made to revise their names for bringing about a Vaisnavite appearance of the text. It would be logical to assume, therefore, that neither in the Vayu Purana nor in the Visnu-Purana a consistent plan was followed by the later redactor and changes were introduced in their passages wherever it was appealing to the fancy. It seems significant to point out that the Siva-Purana also alludes to the sakadvipa in its Bhuvanakosa-portion. But the list of rivers occurring in its text is the same as that of the Visnu and Brahmanda Puranas. It is mute about the Saivite names, which are mentioned so prominently in the Vayu-Purana. The original character of its passages regarding the Sakadvipa may further be observed in view of the fact that it refers to the worship of Sun³ by the inhabitants without any attempt to identify it with either of the two major deities. In the same spirit Agni-Purana also relates that the priests of Sakad vipa worship the form (image?) of Sun. This shows that the matters of early Purana-texts are not always preserved in their original form and that the hold of the later religious conceptions could be possible not so much by their addition to the late Puranas as to the earlier ones. Later mingling in the original account of Visnu-Purana is also proved by its verses associated with the plaksadvipa. It is related in them that the inhabitants of this island are devoted to the worship of Hari, which may well be taken for the name Visnu. In its similar account the Vayu-Purana brings out the 1. Brahmanda-Purana, II. 19. 95-97. 2. Visnu-Purana, II. 4. 64 66. 3. Siva-Purana, Uma-Samhita. XVIII. 55-58. 4. Agni.Purana CIXX. 21. 5. Visnu-purana, II. 4.19.

306 puranam - PURANA [Vol. VIII, No. 2 worship of siva by these people. The name applied to the deity is Sthanu¹. The sectarian trend of both the texts and the possible form of the original account can be ascertained by the verses of Brahmanda-Purana which do not point to any particular deity and state that the inhabitant of plaksadvipa worship the plaksatree. The fact that the objective before the compiler, who tempered with the text of Visnu-purana, was purely sectarian is sufficiently demonstrated by a comparison of its reference to the religious leanings of the people of Bhadrasva-country with the similar passages of Markandeya, Vayu, Linga and Kurma Puranas. The account of Markandeya-purana is identical to Visnu-purana in so far as it also describes that the people of Bhadrasva are devoted to Asvasiras, a form of Janardana³. Presenting a sharp colour of contrast the Vayu-purana relates that the residents of the Bhadrasva-country worship Samkara and Gauri'. The sectarian outlook of the text of Linga-purana is nearer to the Vayu-purana as it emphasises that the life of the Bhadrasva-people is exhilarated by siva. In this connection the text of Kurma-purana seems undisturded. Its verse related to the people of Bhadrasva agrees literally with the Linga purana except for the later part in which instead of mentioning the favour of Siva or of any other deity, it simply mentions that the people of this country live on grains. This may be regarded as another proof of early character of the puranic account, in which no attempt had originally been made to give it a sectarian appearance. Another testimony to the interferance with the text of Visnu-Purana is afforded by the terms Visnu-Pada and Visnu-Pada both of which occur in the same section but in two different chapters, the former in the passages on Bhuvanakosa and the latter on astronomy; and are described as the source of the holy 1. Vayu-purana, IL; 27. 2. Brahmanda-purana, 2. 19. 30. 3. Markandeya-purana, LV. 10, The reading of Visnu-purana is, however, Hayasiras. Visnu-purana II. 50. 4. Vayu-purana LII. 38. 5. Linga-purana LII. 14. 6. Kurma-purana XLVII. 2.

ON THE DATE OF VISNU-PURANA 307 July, 1966] river Ganga. The consistency of the original matters, as a result of this, has been much affected revealing the high probability of re-compilation of the Purana after the first form was already written. The striking feature of the two chapters is that, except for the difference indicated in the forms of the two terms, their description with regard to Ganga and its tributaries is practically the same. The genuineness of the Chapters as such is beyond doubt because the Vayu, Brahmanda and Markandeya Puranas, though not giving identical descriptions regarding the Ganga. have similar chapters. Apart from the simple considerations that the description of rivers should occur only in Bhuvana kosa-portion, the above possibility is also brought out by the verses of VayuPurana. Like the Visnu-Purana, it gives vivid description of positions and inter-relation of the planets and stars laying prominent emphasis on the position of Dhruva. It also refers to VisnuPada as a particular space in the sky. In this connection its verses correspond to those of the Visnu-Purana literally. But while the Visnu-Purana goes a step further specifying that VisnuPada is the source of Ganga, the Vayu-Purana does not have any verse to that effect. Source of Ganga and its tributaries are suitably described in the Bhuvanakosa only. Arrangement of an identical nature is found olso in the Brahmanda-Purana. These evidences, thus, indicate that the description of the river Ganga occurred in the Visnu. Purana only in its Bhuvankosa-portion and that its incorporation in the Chapter on astronomy is the result of a later attempt. The following analysis might bring out the peculiar circumstance under which the text of Visnu-Purana was subjected to revision. As regards the two terms Visnu-Pada and Visnu-Pada the former comes from an early date. It figures as early as in the Rgveda which describes the high Visnu-Pada as the store-house of honey. With this Visnu-Pada the compilers of the Puranas naturally associated the source of river Ganga whose water was considered by the Hindus so very beneficial both 1. Visnu-purana, II. 2. 33 and II. 8. 108. 2. Compare Visnu-Purana, II. 8. 89-98 with Vayu-Purana, IL, 214-221. 3. Brahmanda-Purana, II. 21. 165-176. 4. Rgveda, I. 154. 5. 11

308 puranam - PURANA from physical as well spiritual points of views. [Vol. VIII, No. 2 Out of regard for very motive was to the Vedic tradition these compilers, whose expand the Vedic notions, at first retained the Vedic term and did not make any change in its form. This conclusion is very explicitly brought out by the Bhagavata which consists of Chapters both on Geography and astronomy in one and the same section. But the description of river Ganga occurs only in its geographical chapters. In close conformity to the possible early form of the whole topic the term used for the source of Ganga in it is VisnuPada. It appears, therefore that Visnu-Pada was converted into Visnu-Pada not earlier than the date of the Bhagavata. It is further evident that in the Visnu-Purana the term Visnu-Pada occurred in both its geographical as well as astronomical chapters. In the former it signified source of the holy river but in the latter its bearing was purely astronomical. Conversion of Visnu-Pada into Visnu-Pada affected the early character of this text and in order to retain it the description of source of river Ganga had to be given once again conveniently in a very close chapter in which question of major change was not involved. General conclusion: From what has been analysed above, it appears that the Visnu-Purana's account related both to king Bharata and Bhuvanakosa was revised in one and the same period sometime after the 9th century A. D. when Bhagavata had already been compiled. The reason behind this revision was purely sectarian resulting into the formation of new chapters on the one hand and insertion of new verses in the origional chapters, corforming to the religious bias of the added ones, on the other. An identical trend in the revision or insertion of passages and chapters of other sections of Visnu-Purana is also proved and it becomes clear that the Vaisnava sectaries interfered with the text on a comprehensive 1. Bhagavata, V. 17. 2. Ibid, V. 22. 3. Ibid V. 17. 1-8 (term Visnu-Pada occurs in V. 17. 1). 4. An analysis of such sections has been made by the writer of the present paper in Puranam Vol. VII. pt. 2 and Uttara-Bharati (being published).

July, 1966] ON THE DATE OF VISNU PURANA 309 scale. It also shows that the Visnu-Purana is an early work¹ and the trends of the later periods could well be incorporated into it in order that they might appear as authoritative as the early concepts and receive due recognition in the changed circumstances. 1. Mr. Pargiter (Ibid, p. 80) proceeded to prove that the Visnu-Purana is a unitary work and not a collectoin of materials of various times. On this ground he tried to sow the lateness of the text.