Vernacular architecture of Assam

by Nabajit Deka | 2018 | 96,996 words

This study deals with the architecture of Assam (Northeastern India, Easter Himalayas), with special reference to Brahmaputra Valley. The Vernacular Architecture of Assam enjoys a variety of richness in tradition, made possible by the numerous communities and traditional cultures....

The Bodo Vernacular Architecture

The Bodos, the Boros, or the Boro Kacharis are the most noteworthy Mongoloid people in eastern India (Das:1992). They are referred as the Kirata in the various ancient literatures of India like Puranas and Epics. It is said that the Mongoloid population of Assam and eastern India came along the Brahmaputra and its tributaries for the trade of silk from Tibet. The Bodos living in the Assam and Eastern India racially belong to Sino-Tibetan Mongoloid group. They are believed to have lived in the north-western region of China before 2000 B.C.

1) House and Architecture:

Like many other communities of state, the Bodos traditionally construct their houses with traditional materials like bamboo, thatch, reed etc. Timber log is also used sometimes for the post or other members. The bamboo or reed walled houses are usually plastered with cow dung mixed mud. Though the thatch was the primary roofing material used but there is a gradual shift to modern roofing materials due to impact of modernization and changing situation. Similar is the situation in respect to other housing materials also.

The built environment of the Bodo villages displays certain familiar features. Thus as Endle noticed:

A Kachari village is as a rule much more compact than a Hindu one, the houses being built more closely together…one prominent feature in the typical Kachari village cannot fail to strike the attention of any casual visitor at first sight. Each house, with its granary and other outbuildings, is surrounded by a ditch and fence, the latter usually made of ekara reeds, jengle grass or split bamboo &c. The ditch, some three or four feet in depth, surrounds the whole homestead. (Endle:1997:11).

Thus, the homesteads in a village are neatly separated through boundary fencing known as jeora or chekhar-doomnai and an entrance gate.

Being a tribal group, the Bodos might have once lived in platform architecture like other Mongoloid tribes of the region (Deori:2016). However, they do not live in platform architecture any more at present, though they construct the barn on platform like others. It can be assumed that the subsequent contact with other culture led the Bodo society to go through the process like Sanskritization or Hinduization of social change that brought resultant change in their vernacular architecture tradition. Thus, the Bodos nowadays construct number of earth-fast, functional structures in the homestead, arranged around a central courtyard. In different aspects and dispositions of VA, the Bodos resemble one prevalent among the non-tribal population of the state.

An ideal Bodo homestead possesses different architectures around a central courtyard (chithla). Thus, they construct a main residential house called nomano, part of which is used as the kitchen (ishing). On the other hand, they construct another house called chaourano to accommodate the un-married boys as well as guests. Apart from these residential units, the Bodo homesteads invariably possess a barn (bukhri), a byre (moushou-goli), and a domestic altar of God Bathou (Bathou-Thanchali). Some additional subsidiary structures such as husking peddle shed (maicaograno), cages for pig and fowls are common elements of a traditional Bodo homestead.

Like the non-tribals, they use two varieties of roofs in their houses. They are called ruali- chal and nani- chal, called shitali and hedali-chal respectively in Assamese. The technique of the house construction is similar and resembles to the general technique prevalent among the non-tribal population. However, they possess traditional terminologies for different members of a house.

2) Site Selection and Commencement Ceremony:

Like many other communities, the scrutiny of the suitability and supernatural favourability of the plot is prerequisite for the construction of house among the Bodos. The site is selected following elaborate traditional procedures. It is noticed that different communities of Assam have different elaborate systems and traditions for the selection of the site. Again, it is observed that different tribal communities of Assam follow more or less similar procedure for the selection of the site.

The Bodos select the site through elaborate traditional system wherein “there is the influence of the folk-belief and magic to some extent on this subject, there is a rational basis also” (Bhattacharya:2001:xiv). Thus, if a new site is intended for the residential purpose, then it is customary among the Bodos to inspect certain aspect through standing on the plot in a winter evening before the construction of the house. If the place is felt warm, then it is regarded not suitable for the construction of house and believes that the family will suffer from diseases in this site. If the place is cold, then on a Tuesday or Saturday evening, they clean and wipe an area of the proposed site. Then, they lay a plantain leave, keep a pair of tulsi (basil) leaves and nine unbroken aroi (unboiled) rice on it and then it is covered with a don (a bamboo implement) and subsequently seals the sides through mud plastering. Next morning, things are checked and if the rice remain intact in kept position, then the place is regarded suitable for the construction; else, it is regarded as ominous (Narzi:2001). In another system, the soil taken out from about 1.5 cubit depth is tasted to see the appropriateness. Thus, if the soil is of sweet taste, then it is regarded suitable for the purpose of house construction. On the other hand, if the soil is of salty or bitter taste, then it is regarded as mediocre while sour test of soil denotes unsuitability for the house construction (Narzi:2001).

After arriving at the suitability of the site, the place for different units of the homestead are finalized and oriented as per traditional prescription. Thus, first the site of the main house or no-mano is finalized, strictly in accordance to such cardinal consideration. The Bodos traditionally construct this house to the north, facing the south cardinal direction. In front of the main house, an area is left as the courtyard or chithla, which is an integral part of the homestead like a traditional Assamese homestead. However, there is the tradition of constructing the bukhri or the granary first to the eastern side of the courtyard (Das:2014).

The foundation ritual is integral in the construction of the main house of nomano and the Bodos plant the first post of this house through certain rituals. For the purpose, while they consider the Monday as the most auspicious, Tuesday and Saturday are taboo. They first embed the bar- khuta, which is north-east corner post of the house. After digging the pit, the owner of the house ceremonially offer few rice grain, flower, rice, gold, silver, and coin in the pit. They wrap a piece of red cloth at the top end of the post and fasten a bow with arrow. Then the post is ceremonially embedded.

3) General Arrangement and Orientation of Architectures:

As mentioned above, the planning and placing of the various units of homestead starts with the courtyard (chithla), around which different houses are oriented and constructed as per traditional prescription. Thus, as mentioned earlier, the main house along with the kitchen is constructed to the north of the courtyard, while the barn is ideally constructed to the eastern side of the courtyard. The other units are placed in rest directions. The different houses of a Bodo homestead are discussed below:

4) Nomano:

This earth-fast, gable roofed main house is constructed to the northern side of chithla. It is constructed in east-west direction while the sole door in middle of the lengthwise facade faces the south cardinal direction. Sometimes, there attach a veranda in the front of the house. The house is portioned with internal wall called gajer- ber into three separate rooms known as ishing, khafra and akhong. The eastern room of the house is known as the ishing, the western as khafra, and middle one as akhong.

The ishing is the most important portion of the house that is used for cooking and worship. Thus, to the north of the hearth, an altar is established on a raised earthen plinth where the traditional deities of Bathou Borai and Bathou-Buroi / MainaoMaothanchhi (Laksmi) are worshipped. Bodos customarily offer some amount of prepared food as oblation to the deities before taken by the family members. They keep the rice near the altar in a pitcher called mai-hando inside which two round stones, symbolizing God Mahadev and Goddess Mainao are kept. It is customary to touch and salute the container before extracting rice for cooking (Brahma:2009). This room is attached with a door to register separateness from the other parts of the house. There is prevalent different kind of traditional beliefs, practices, and taboos around this portion of the house. Thus, they do not cook meat brought from the market in the ishing though the meat of an animal reared in the house is allowed to cook. The meat that is purchased from a market is cooked in an outer fireplace called juhal.

On the other hand, the middle room akhong is used as the dining space while the unmarried girls use the western room of khafra as the bedroom (Swargiary:2012-2013). On the other hand, a person who is loyal and has faith in judiciary is only allowed to stay in the nomano while an unmarried person and one who keeps on wandering in public affairs is not allowed to stay in the nomano (Narzi:2001).

The construction of the nomano starts after the construction of the barn. The only door of the house is kept to the southern side of the house. It is taboo to use any knot at the fish-mouth end of the posts on both side of the ridge bearing post of the nomano. They believe that the act of tying these posts implies a challenge to fight with storm. Therefore, they do not use any knot to tie these posts (Narzi:2001). This house is viewed with certain sacredness and entry of a person belonging to other caste to the house is strictly taboo.

5) Bukhri / Bakri:

The barn (bukhri / bakri) is constructed to the eastern side of the chithla. This platform architecture contains a high door to the eastern or the southern side, but never to the northern side. The technique of construction of this architecture is more or less similar to the technique prevalent among other communities. But the form exhibits certain speciality as in the fashioning of the enclosing walls, which is made circular or rounded against the right-angled walls of other communities. The Bodos weave the granary walls in circular way while other communities attach the walls from four sides in right angle.

The construction starts with the planting of platform bearing posts (bhakhrikhoonti) over which they place the lengthwise beams. Then over the beams, they place another beam in breadth wise direction and then attach bamboo splinter (jonlab). Then over this platform, a network of horizontal and vertical bamboo is weaved to construct the wall of the granary. After securing these members using tamal (khatimal), there attach vertical bamboo splinters, around which the walls are woven using bamboo splinter (hebnai-khami). After completion of weaving, the walls are daubed with cow dung mixed mud.

The barn is an important structure of a Bodo homestead that carries great sociocultural significance. The importance of the structure can be inferred from the tradition of constructing the structure foremost and incidence of its reference in the traditional folksongs. Thus, there is the mention of house, especially of the barn in different Bodo folk songs.

6) Oungkham Sangrano:

Bodos sometimes construct a separate structure for cooking and dining purpose, which is called oungkham sangrano. This simple structure is generally constructed to the southern side of the chithla. This structure has two rooms, one of which is used for cooking while the other is used as the dining area

7) Chaurano:

The chaurano, known also as nosuna, is the sleeping place of the unmarried boys and servants of a family. Simultaneously, the house is also used to entertain and accommodate a guest. This living cum drawing room is generally constructed to the western side of the chithla. It is generally constructed facing or near the entrance passage of the house. Thus, it works as a barrier or screen that secludes the inner portion of a homestead. Thus, this architecture ensures the privacy and seclusion of the chithla and other parts. Since this structure is also used to accommodate guests, hence this separation is maintained. Narzi opines this house as the remnant of the youth dormitory (deka- chang), prevalent among the different tribal communities (Narzi:2001).

8) Domestic Altar and Subsidiary Structures:

The Bodo homesteads invariably possess a domestic altar (Bathou-Thaanchaali) in the north-east corner of the chithla, parallel to the ishing room and in front of the granary. This is the altar of God Bathou , the Supreme God of the traditional Bathou pantheon. The altar is established on a raised earthen plinth, which has three divisions, allotted to specific deities. There plant a Siju tree, in the centre of the altar after putting below a stone and a chicken egg, which represents the Supreme God Bathou Borai. His associates (Nobhi-mudai) are worshipped to the northern side while the gods that are not associated with Him (Hagrami-mudali) are worshipped in the southern side. They also customarily plant the Jatrasi and Tulsi plants, respectively to left and right of the Siju tree. The tulsi plant represents the Bathou Buri, the Goddess-in-chief (Brahma:2009).

The altar is fenced using bamboo splinters in a traditional manner, scheme, and design. Thus, this circular fence has nine pairs of split bamboo stakes around which they weave five coils of kami. Some portion to the western side of the fence is kept low, which is used as the entrance to the altar. The fencing below this passage is done in a particular manner. In this portion, the vertical split poles are first cut to fine spits and they are turned around to weave. This twisted weaving of the splits creates the motif of the chest of a dove called daumu- bikha- hebnai (Chhetri:2010). Inside the fence, they keep also a trisul and a thungri or chopper. They put a garland on the trisul, which is known as the Indramala.

Apart from the domestic altar, Bodos construct some other structures such as cowshed (moushou-goli), shed for husking peddle (Maicao-grano), shed for storing straw or hay stake (Maihung), cage for other domestic animal like pig or fowls. The cowshed, constructed to the south-east corner of the chithla and near the granary, usually does not have any enclosing walls.

9) House Warming:

The Bodo people arrange an elaborate worship known as “Hapcha Hatharnai’ on the occasion of entering a new house. In this worship, solemnized in the domestic Bathou altar, altogether 16 gods and goddesses including the principal God Mahadev (Batihou- Bourai) and Goddess Kamakhya (Mainaosri) are offered sacrificial worship. After offering the “Hapcha Hatharnai’ worship, they sacrifice a pair of chicken in front of the door of the no- mano and then the door of the house is opened (Narzi:2001).

10) Beliefs and Traditions:

There is prevalent different beliefs and ritualistic tradition around the house and other elements of a Bodo homestead. The Bodos view the houses, especially the nomano with sacredness. Thus, the entry of other caste people or even a family member returning from a sojourn, to this house is restricted. In such situation, corrective measures are mandatory. Thus, if a member returns from sojourn then he needs to take a bath and a pair of chicken is sacrificed to God Bathou in the domestic altar. Then only the person is allowed to enter the nomano and eat there along with the other members. And if the person enters the nomano without this ritual, then the entire household is to be sanctified by arranging fresh Hapsa puja for the occasion, which is similar to the one arranged on the occasion of entering the new house (Narzi:2001).

On the other hand, if a dove sits on the roof of the nomano, then cowherds are offered with xidha (edible items such as rice, vegetables, salt, chilly, etc.) and they are asked if anything more is required. If they then ask something else, then it is mandatory to offer that or else a price in lieu. The sitting of a vulture (tamuli shogun) on the roof of the nomano is regarded as a good sign. If the vulture pukes there then it is regarded as more auspicious. This is held as a sign of becoming wealthy soon and Bathou or Kherai puja is offered to receive the blessing. Contrarily, if other species of vulture or a crow sits and pukes, then it is regarded as mediocre. If a cow enters the nomano then it is regarded as a signal of death of a person from the clan. In such an event, the entire household is smeared and sprinkles cow-dung mixed water. If a new cattle is brought to home, then some plaster from a wall of the nomano, little soil from the middle of the hearth and from below the foot are mixed with salt and given to the new cattle to eat. Feeding these things is believed to ensure easy taming of that animal in the household.

If a woman with her baby goes to a distant place, then the baby is given a dot in the forehead (bindi) with the soil taken from the middle of the hearth (ogdaboniha). It is believed that this ensures the safe return of the baby to home and will take shares of the food cooked in this hearth. It is a taboo to throw out the residue of burnt or partially burned firewood used for cooking. Similarly, it is a taboo to broom a house post sunset.

There is a tradition prevalent in some places to wrap un-boiled (eowa) thread around the houses in the evening of the uruka of Magh Bihu. It is believed that this eliminates danger and ill fortune. They ceremonially bring some ears of rice to home in the month of Aghon and keep them in the barn and ishing. On completion of storing of rice grain in the barn, they lit an earthen lamp and offer an egg there. On the occasion of first extraction of paddy from the barn, they lit an earthen lamp and offer prayer. They allow the women inside the barn.

Different beliefs are prevalent around the chithla also. Thus, if a man crosses the courtyard with a spade or axe on his shoulder, then it is regarded as a warning sign of death of a family member. If a dog drags the rump in the middle courtyard then it is regarded as ominous, and dropping of a piece of meat by a crow or vulture in the courtyard is also regarded ominous. On the other hand, puking by a vulture in the courtyard is regarded as a sign of becoming rich. Crying of a wild cat or fox in the courtyard at night is regarded as ominous. If a person rebukes someone of a family standing on the courtyard, then he is regarded as a dire enemy of the family. The women sweep the courtyard early in the morning as they believe that the longevity of a male decreases if he walks through a un-swept courtyard.

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