Chapter 18 - Religion, Philosophy, Literature and Sciences (according to Bhasa)

The poet was a follower of orthodox Hinduism and all the principal characters owe allegiance to that faith. Naturally, therefore, Hinduism should be given first place in our study of religion. Oblation and prayer constituted Vedic worship. The sacred fire was lighted in the house of every householder and he chanted the beautiful and simple hymns now incorporated in the Rgveda. The deities in the Vedic age were chiefly manifestations of nature. Out of a number of gods to whom prayers are offered in the Vedas, the principal gods are said to be thirty-three. Indra, Surya, Varuna, Asvina were the important deities. Vaisnavism and Saivism which were developed in later epochs are found in their embryonic stage in the Vedic age. Visnu and Rudra (forerunner of Siva) are but minor gods in the Vedas. It cannot be said that Siva worship has been incorporated later on by the Aryans in their religious books, and that it is copied from the aboriginal non-Aryans. There is, of course, no reference to linga worship in the Rgveda, and it appears to have been current among some sections of the Mohenjo-Daro people. Phallic worship as such found its place in some Hindu sects at a later date. Siva and Sakti (or mother) worship is found prevalent among the ancient people of the Indus valley. The Brahmanas emphasized the sacrificial aspect and the Upanisads probed into philosophical speculations.

425 Visnu and Siva rose into prominence after the period of the Vedas. The first germs of the tendency of placing either of the gods at the head of everything and of proclaiming everything as proceeding from either of them are to be seen in the Upanisads. Thus the Kathopanisad proclaims the superiority of Visnu, and the Svetasvatara, that of Siva. Yet we do not meet with any disputes among the devotees of both the gods which are found later on when the worshippers of these gods formed themselves into different systems as Vaisnavas and Saivas. Barring the professed sectarian writings, there has always been an attempt on the part of the writers of the epics, the Puranas, etc., to show the unity of these two gods and to prove their equality by depicting Visnu as praising Siva and the latter as praising Visnu. In the Mahabharata, we find mention also of Skanda, Dattatreya, Durga, etc. Different accounts are given as to the birth of Skanda. Skanda was not included in the Vedic pantheon. It appears that devotion to Skanda was practised on a greater scale in the Mahabharata age than during the subsequent periods. Patanjali refers to the worship of Siva, Skanda, and Visakha in the Mauryan age. The Mahabharata and the Puranas give various accounts of the birth of Skanda who is also known as Kartikeya, Sadanana, Saravanabava, Senani, Krauncadarana, etc., most of the epithets having reference to the circumstance of his birth. Siva cast his seed into Agni who was sent by Indra. Being unable to bear it, Agni cast it into the Ganges, from where it was transferred to the six Krttikas when they came to bathe in the Ganges. Each of the Krttikas conceived and brought forth a son, all the six sons being mysteriously combined afterwards into one extraordinary form with six heads and twelve hands and eyes (hence Kartikeya, Sadanana, Sanmukha, Sanmatura, etc.). Another account relates that the Ganges cast the seed of Siva into a thicket of reeds (Saravana) whence the boy was called Saravanabhava or Sarajanman. Yet another account makes him the son of Agni through his consort Svaha who had assumed the forms of six Rsipatnis (hence Svaheya). Kartikeya is the Mars or the god of War of the Indian mythology and was the commander-in-chief of the army of gods in their war with Tarakasura (hence 1 Mahabhasya, (Benares Edition), V. 3, 2, p. 78.

426 Senani, Tarakajit). He is called Skanda because he was born of scattered seed or because he scattered the demons. He is said to have pierced the mountain Kraunca. Though some Puranas refer to his wife, Kartikeya is universally believed to have led a celibate life, whence he is known as Brahmacari, and women are forbidden to pay a homage to him. He is represented as riding a peacock.' Durga, the goddess, was known in the epic period in different forms. She was worshipped as Sakti. She is also identified with Yogamaya, the daughter of Yasoda. who flew into the air as Kamsa dashed her against a stone. 3 In the Buddhist age, there appears to be a tendency to deprecate Brahmanic gods. Worshippers of the Sun, the Moon, Agni, Brahma, Vasudeva, Baladeva, the Elephant, the Horse, the Cow, and the Dog are spoken in words of contempt in the same breath. However, Vedic gods and Hindu religion held their own even in Buddhist India. The Arthasastra speaks of the temples of Laksmi (Aparajita), Visnu (Apratihata), Skanda (Jayanta), Indra ( Vaijayanta), Siva, Kubera (Vaisravana) and Durga (Madira).³ In our plays, we find that the following deities were worshipped; Visnu (and his many forms), Siva, Kartyayani, Skanda, Balarama, Yaksini, etc. It would, of course, be wrong to generalize from the partiality our poet shows to poet evid Snu that Vaisnavism was more common. The poet evidently was a worshipper of Visnu. The idea of ten incarnations of Visnu is pretty old in Indian mythology and our poet has mentioned Varaha, Vamana, Nrsimha, Rama and Krsna as manifestations of Visnu. A late date was sought to be ascribed to our plays on the ground that divinity was attached to Krsna and Rama at a late period. We find that Vasudeva was worshipped at the time of Panini and Buddha, and even Megasthenes refers to the worship of Krsna. Inscriptional evidence in favour of temples dedicated to Vasudeva Krsna in the centuries 5 1 Chitrav, Bharatavarsiya Pracina Caritrakosa; Apte's Sanskrit-English Dictionary. 2 Cf. Joshi, Aravinda, 1921, p. 351; Jnanakosa, IV, p. 113. Arthasastra, II. 4, pp. 55-56. 4 Cf. Benedictory stanzas in the Avi, Bal and Mu refer to Vamana, Avi referring to Varaha in addition; the benedictory stanza in the Karna refers to Nrsimha, and the Ramayana and the Mahabharata plays refer to Rama and Krsna. 5 Cf. Panini, IV. 3. 98; Niddesa ; Macdonell, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 411.

427 before Christ is indisputable. No incontrovertible proofs are found regarding Rama's inclusion as the incarnation of Visnu at so early a period; but on general grounds, we may safely say that by the pre-Mauryan epoch, Rama was also looked upon as a form of Visnu. We are inclined to hold that at the period of our poet, when Buddhism was in its infancy, and vigorous propaganda in its favour was in full swing, there were people who denied divinity to Krsna and lightly treated him as a mere cowherd. The weapons of Krsna were also regarded as divine and capable of achieving any object. As already observed, Bhasa was the first to invest these weapons with human form and bring them on the stage. They are advised to proceed to Gokula in the guise of cowherds.³ There was no unhealthy rivalry between Vaisnavism and Saivism and no attempts were made to impress the superiority of either of them over the other. Siva was worshipped and so was his divine consort, Kartyayani. Kartyayani is said to be the divine child of Yasoda which was dashed against stone by Kamsa, but instead of being dead, the child burst into two. The divine weapons of Kartyayani are shown as appearing on the stage to praise her. They include Kundodara, Sankukarna, Nila and Manojava, and they also are advised to go disguised as cowherds to Gokula along with the disguised Kartyayani.* 5 Skanda is said to have proceeded from the grove of arrows or reeds. His feats of killing Kraunca and Mandara are referred to a number of times. In connection with the praise of Balarama, it may be mentioned that there were temples dedicated to Balarama in the epic age. Balarama plays an important part in the Pancaratra system (about which we shall speak later on), and our poet appears to be a follower of the system. There were temples of Yaksinis and maidens used to worship them. Kalastami is mentioned as a special day for worshipping the Yaksini. We do not think that Yaksinis were evil spirits, at least in the period we are dealing with. In Asoka's time, they appear to have lost 1 Bhandarkar, Epigraphica Indica, XXII, pp. 198-205. 2 Dv. pp. 7, 26-achtaa purusottamah | (p. 7), katham katham gopalaka iti | (p. 26). 3 Cf. Bal, p. 17. 4 Cf. Bal, p. 33. 5 Pratijna, II. 2. 6 Cf. Bal, 11. 23; III. 9; Abh, I. 24; VI. 7; Prat, V. 12; etc. 7 Cf. Vaidya, Upasamhara, p. 521. 8 Cf. Pratijna, padre aftaping gloi tassi devakayyam kattam | 9 Jayaswal, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1 X, p. 262: Ghatak. Journal of the Department of Letters, XII, p. 30.

428 respectable followers and to have degenerated into genii. Curiously enough, we find belief in the half male and half female godhead-the Ardhanaarisvara form of Siva. It may not be supposed that this form connotes a later phase of Hindu society as we find it prevalent among the Mohenjo-Daro people. Turning to another aspect of Hinduism, viz. idol worship, we find that there is absolutely no mention of idols in the Rgveda, nor is there any reference to temples or public places of worship where people were to congregate, though the ancient Vedic Aryans worshipped thirty three gods. In the opinion of Mr. Kunte, the Aryans showed a leaning towards idolatory in the third period of the Vedic polity, viz., that of the Vajasaneyi and Taittiriya Samhitas. The Indus civilization clearly shows the existence of iconic and aniconic worship. Idolworship, however, did not form part of the daily duties of the Vedic Aryans. The Grhya Sutras which regulate the life of the householders are silent as to the particulars of the worship of the idols of gods. By the period of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, we find that there were erected public temples dedicated to Visnu, Siva, Skanda, etc. Yet the Grhya Sutras do not prescribe idol-worship in the daily nityakarmas in the epic age. The existence of temples and images at the time of the epics gives a direct lie to the view that the advent of Buddhism brought in its wake idol-worship. Panini's silence as to idolworship is rather difficult to explain. The Buddhists did not sanction idolatory during the first and second periods of their history. One is struck with wonder by the comparatively small number of temples in such a big city as Vaisali in the Buddhist period. The temples were then known by the names of their owners. Indra and Varuna among the Vedic gods were worshipped, and Visnu was but an unimportant deity, being mentioned in the Mahasamayasutta among minor gods. No reference is found to Siva, Ganapati, Dattatreya and Devi; and Rama and Krsna were held as mere historical personages. Patanjali clearly refers to the images of Siva, Skanda and 1. Avi, II. 12-anggaAGIMME | 2 Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, pp. 391-392. 3 Marshall, Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization. 4 Ramayana, II. 6. 4, 11; 25, 4; 71. 41, Vaidya, Upasamhara, pp. 1427-429. 5 Cf. Joshi, Aravinda, 1921, p. 351; Dasaratha and Ghata Jatakas.

429 Visakha existing in the Mauryan age and we have already indicated the existence of idolatory in the later Vedic age. The Arthasastra speaks of the images of gods in a number of places testifying to the prevalence of the custom of idol-worship. It is worth noting that the death sentence was prescribed by Kautilya to one who stole the idols of gods.' 2 In the period represented by our plays, we find that idol-worship was in a developed stage. Regular temples dedicated to various deities were built in the hearts of the cities. It appears that temples contained large enclosures. and there were tanks in the premises. There were also some smaller buildings in the main temple, such as fireshrine, etc. The walls had on them paintings of different scenes. In a prominent place in a temple so as to be easily visible from outside even from a distance were placed symbols or weapons of the particular deity that was enshrined. Thus there was a bull or trident to denote a Siva temple, an eagle or a monkey to denote a Visnu temple and so on. There were daily festivities in some temples, while in others the full-moon day was observed I as a festive occasion. Special preparations on such days were similar to those we have noted in connection with the statue-houses. Though a temple ordinarily contained one image, it was not rare to come across more than one idol in a temple." Thus, Bharata took the statue-house as a temple containing four images. In the Siva temple at Ujjayini, there were also the images of Skanda and Kartyayani. According to Dr. T. Ganapati Sastri, the term Bahmaari (Brahmacari) in the Pratijna (p. 71) refers to Ganadhipa; and this has been taken to signify the prevalence of the worship of Ganapati at the time of Bhasa. Ganesa-worship, no doubt, goes back to ancient times; but there is no particular authority for equating Brahmacari with Ganadhipa in contravention of ordinary usage. The term Brahmacari is generally taken to cover only Skanda and Siva; and in the context in the Pratijna, in the absence of any special allusion to Ganapati, it 1 Arthasastra, pp. 142, 144, 391, 393, 398, etc. IV. 10, p. 228-99 yufam- manusyaksetra grhahiranyasuvarnaratnasasyapaharina uttamo dandah suddhavadho va | 2 Cf. Pratijna, III, pp. 39, 40, 47. 3 Prat, p. 59 - neha kincit praharanam dhvajo va bahiscihnam drsyate | 4 Prat, p. 59- kinnu khalu parvano'yam visesah, athava bhahnikamastikyam | 5 Prat, p. 59- kinnu khalu caturdaivato'yam <¤:16 Pratijna, p, 39 and 7 Getty, Ganesa. p. 10 $

430 seems that Skanda is referred to. We have already written about the prevalence of Skanda worship in ancient India. Reference has already been made at different places to the importance attached to the institution of sacrifice and its popularity in the period. 1 Sraddha, or offering funeral oblations to the dead ancestors was then, as it is even now, an important duty of the Hindus. Every one, rich or poor, tried to execute it to the best of his ability and means. Rama's anxiety to celebrate the death anniversary of his father in a suitab fashion in order that it may not pain his dead father signifies the importance of the function even to an ordinary person. Though, whatever was given in true faith constituted a Sraddha, every one strove to ensure pleasure and happiness to the manes, if there was some means of knowing about it through the Dharmasastras. Offering of bali to the Matrkas, Bhutas and other beings and placing lamps on the street-points also constituted an important daily duty of a householder in the epic age; and Carudatta, though reduced to poverty, is seen to observe the injunction according to his means. Buddhism. The flourishing condition of sacrifices against which Buddha led his campaign would suggest that Buddhism had not yet gained ground. Not to speak of the royalty, it does not appear to have found favour even with the commoners. The Buddhist mendicants were lightly spoken of as conjurers and the offering of peace from a Buddhist was taken as a disgrace. The Buddhist laymen were also ridiculed as unmattopasakas (mad worshippers). The reference in the Carudatta ( Act III. p. 74 - kattavvakariti kidasamkedo via sakkiasamanao | ) which is generally interpreted as a reflection on the low morality of the Buddhist Bhiksus, seems to be due to a wrong meaning attached to the word kattavvakariti kidasamdo in the sentence. The passage has been translated: "A Buddhist monk that has made an assignation with a girl servant", relying on the conjectural emendation proposed by Dr. T. Ganapati Sastri. Dr. Johnston, 1 Prat, pp. 96-97. 2 Prat, pp. 99-100. 3 Car, pp. 26-27. 4 Pratijna, pp. 43, 44, 45, 46 --artha bahmanabhavam | ihamattaena samanaena | (p. 43); unmattopasaka (pp. 44, | 45); pekkha pekkha mamappabhavam | (p. 45).

431 however, finds in the passage a reference to the practice known as jagarika and translates: "Like a Buddhist monk who has been emancipated from worldly knowledge by following the path to Arhatship, namely by practising jagarika". Though Dr. Johnston would not accept the common authorship of the Trivandrum plays, nor the authorship of Bhasa in the case of the Carudatta, nor also the antiquity we assign to Bhasa, he regards the Carudatta as early, because the above-mentioned passage "indicates a time when Hinayana was still flourishing and familiarity with its practices could be presumed in a non-Buddhist audience"." This passage taken in conjunction with the other references to Buddhism in our plays shows that on the whole the plays correctly depict the period of the beginning of Buddhism in India. Jainism. Jainism, the other religious system, also was not favourably viewed. The Jainas were taken as non-Vaidikas,-non-believers in the Vedas. The Digambara sect only appears to have been known to our poet. The other sect was promulgated at the time of Candragupta Maurya." Both these religious systems were looked upon as heretical. It is interesting to note in this connection that Kautilya classifies the followers of both these systems with the Sudras, and interdining with them or even inviting them for dinner on religious festivities was prohibited under penalty of fine. The caityas or viharas were ordered to be built outside the cities in the Arthasastra,³ Philosophy. The Pancaratra system of philosophy which was an offshoot of the Bhagavadgita philosophy and the fore-runner of Bhagavatism, seems to have been the creed of the author of the plays. The tenets of the system are explained in the Santiparvan of the Mahabharata. Vasudeva Krsna is taken as a n 1 Indian Antiquary, 1933, pp. 116 117. kattavvakariti is changed to kattavvakaratthi ( kartavyakarastri ) and the latter is taken to signify Paricarika, a girl servant. But as stated by Dr. Johnston, in Pali means the task an aspirant has to perform to become an arhat; ritta in Pali means 'emancipated' and sanketa is either a characteristic trait or wordly usage. Thus Dr. Johnston arrives at the meaning stated above. 2 Avi, pp. 15, 72. Arthasastra, III. 20, p. 199 - sakya jivakadin vrsalapravrajitan devapitrkaryesu bhojayatarasatyo dandah | also II. 4, p.56 - pasanda candalanam smasanante vasah | 4 Cf. Vaidya, Upasamhara, pp. 62-64; 518-529; Jnanakosa (Marathi), Vol. IV, pp. 113-118.

432 incarnation of Visnu, and the devotion of Krsna is the basic principle of the Pancaratra system. Vasudeva is supposed to be beyond the twentyfour principles, permanent, unborn, everlasting. He is all-pervading and the inner soul of all. He is the prime creator. Sankarsana, Pradyumna and Aniruddha are but his different forms. At the time of the deluge the earth dissolves in water, the latter in fire, the fire in wind, the wind in ether, and the ether in the unmanifest Prakrti, which in its turn dissolves in the Purusa, which is none else but Vasudeva. Thus he alone remains after the deluge. In the next creation, human bodies are born of five elements and Vasudeva enters them in the invisible atomic form. This jiva form is known as Sankarsana. Mind, which is born of this Sankarsana (jiva) is known by the name Pradyumna. The Ahamkara or egoism that comes through mind is termed Aniruddha. The idea of ten incarnations of Visnu as stated in the Mahabharata appears to have been started before Buddhism rose into prominence, as it does not include Buddha as an incarnation. Hamsa is said to be the first incarnation but no information is supplied about the same. The Pancaratra system fully obeys the authority of the Vedas and the Vedic sacrifices, but does not favour slaughter of animals even in sacrifices. It is also known as the Satvatadharma as it was current among the Vrsnis. Devotion of Visnu, practice of tapas, acceptance of the infallibility of the Vedas and Aranyakas and the principle of non-killing are the main characteristics of the Pancaratra system. It has a long history of its own being in vogue at least since the time of Panini. In our plays we find references to some of the incarnations of Visnu. Balarama, who is a great personality in the Pancaratra system, is praised in a benedictory stanza in one of our plays. "One of the plays, again, goes under the name Pancaratra. Glorification of Vasudeva Krsna is to be met with at many places in these plays. 1 Cf. Mahabharata, XII. 339. 103-104: hamsah kurmasca matsyasca pradurbhavadvijottama | varaho narasimhasca vamano rama eva ca | ramo dasarathicaiva satvato kalkireva ca ||

433 The theory of rebirth seems to have been accepted." The Upanisadic ideas about the five senses and sense organs etc. were well known to the general public so as to be ordinarily intelligible when used in a dramatic piece. Languages and Literature. Sanskrit, as already observed, was the spoken language of the literate, cultured class, and Prakrit was that of women and low people. The distinction of the use of different languages by different characters as enunciated in the Natyasastra was not based on an arbitrary whim, but on the actual state of affairs in ancient India. In the period of our poet, both the languages were in actual use and not confined to mere books as Literary Languages'. 6 In addition to the various ancient treatises on different sciences mentioned in the Pratima which learned Brahmanas in those days used to be proficient in, a work on Hastisiksa seems to have been well known." In the absence of any information about this Hastisiksa besides its mere name, it is impossible to identify it with any known work. About the Natyasastra referred to in the Avimaraka we have already indicated that this may have been an ancient treatise on the Natyasastra laid under contribution by Bharata, or an earlier version of Bharata himself, or possibly a work on dramaturgy by Bhasa himself. That the Mahabharata and the Ramayana were quite known and studied in the period would follow from the number of plays based on the epics. It cannot, however, be definitely ascertained which particular version or recension of the Mahabharata our poet had studied, as it is quite possible that the changes from the e epic introduced by the poet may have been his own innovations rather than based on different texts of the epic. There is not much of a difference between the Ramayana text of our poet and our present text; many of the variations observed in the Pratima from the Ramayana are obviously of the poet's own creation for dramatic effect. It seems that the poet knew the Bhagavadgita as he has merely copied the Bhagavadgita, II. 37 in the Karnabhara, Stanza 12, and Abhiseka, p. 38 n 4. Again, the stanza 1 Uru, st. 50- jatismarah prathamajatimiva smarami | 2 Hg. Panc, I. 10. p. 9. 4 See Supra, pp. 129-132. also Avi. II. 1- 3 Prat, p. 99; also Pratijna,

434 etc. which occurs in the Gitadhyana, which has been subsequently added by its composer, has been taken with slight differences from Bhasa (Urubhanga, stanza 1). It may also be noted that the first foot of a stanza from the Balacarita (II. 24) used in connection with a weapon of Kartyayani, occurs in the famous Ramaraksastotra in praise of Hanumat. We do not find the mention of any other literary work in our plays. Astronomy and Astrology. The first elementary knowledge of the astronomical science is to be met with in the Rgveda itself. The year was divided into twelve lunar months and a thirteenth or intercalary month was added to adjust the lunar with the solar year. Some naksatras are named in the Rgveda and the position of the moon with regard to the naksatras is alluded to. The lunar zodiac was finally settled in the epic period. Some tithis and naksatras only are mentioned by our poet; there is no reference to the names of the days of the week, which appear to have been known to Indians in the epic period. The rasis entered the Indian astrology after Hellenic intercourse and hence naturally they are not mentioned in our plays as also in the Arthasastra. The moon was known to be the cause of the tides. If the reading proposed by Prof. Bhide be accepted, it would seem that there was an observatory at Ujjayini and the time of sun rise was known by observations and calculations.³ 2 It appears that there was some belief in astrology in the period. The astrologers of those days based their forecasts and proclaimed auspicious and inauspicious moments on their knowledge of the naksatras. Rohini was thought auspicious for the entry of a prince into the city while krttika was not suited for the purpose. Marriages were also celebrated on auspicious naksatras." In the Jatakas, however, we find that the science of astrology was ridiculed and no stars or horoscopes were consulted before settling marriages. No marriage engagement could be broken in the Buddhist age simply 1 Datta, Early Hindu Civilization, pp. 173-174. 2 Abh, VI. 2-3 vibhati yuddhabhumi raghuvaracandrasaramsuvrddhavega | 3 P. 81, Bhide's Edition. Svapna, p. 102- 'udaahanani Sarup rejects this reading (Vision, notes, p. 134) and Dhruva proposes to drop the whole sentence (Svapnani Sundari, p. 67). 4 Prat, p. 58. 5 Of. Svapna, p. 49; Avi, pp. 90-91.

435 on account of unfavourable stars. The Jatakas call fortune-telling and interpretation of dreams as false trades (mithyajiva). Kautilya also passes depreciatory remarks about the tendency to consult the stars too much; for, according to him wealth passes away from such a person." Medicines. A number of herbs was known, some particulars about which will be told in the next chapter. Cangerika was reputed to bring coolness to the head. Other cooling and healing balms were also prepared from Bakula, Sarja, Sarala, Nipa, Kadamba, etc., and their local application was reputed to give instantaneous relief.² The psychological aspect of diseases was not lost sight of and the sick room was well decorated to divert the attention of the patient.³ 1 Arthasastra, IX. 4. p. 351 - naksatramatiprcchantam balamathativartate | arthom harthasya naksatram kim karisyanti tarakah || 11 2 Avi, pp. 80-81. 3 Svapna. V. 4.