Chapter 7 - Ornaments and Raw Materials (as reflected in the Mahabharata)

A large number of ornaments were worn on almost every part of the body, by both men and women. Raw materials: I. Metals (1) Gold was the only precious metal used in the manu- - facture of ornaments. It is known to the Kbh by as many as nine different words : suvarna, hiranya, rukma, hema,

and kancana, kanaka, hataka, parihataka, Jatarupa - 272 Gold was also used in ornamenting a large number of other articles such as vessels (III.28.15), furniture (I.126. 36), flag-staffs (VII.73.25), chariots (VII.2.36), weapons (VII.13.73), and interiors of palatial mansions (XIII.82. 47). It was a highly precious and valuable metal in any form. (11) The Mahabharata is familiar with other metals too, like silver, copper, iron, but somehow they were not fancied for personal ornaments. We would do well to remember once again, that the Mahabharata is primarily concerned with the Ksatriya nobility, who went in more for gold than for any other metal. For the common man there was silver and copper. II. Jewels and Precious Stones While the word 'ratha' definitely stood for a gemstone or a jewel, the word 'mani' is rather loosely used, applied to both, expensive jewels and precious and semiprecious stones. Some of the jewels and precious stones mentioned in the Mahabharata are given below:

(1) Mukta or Mautika: white Pearls, (I.191.13; VII.73.25; IX.34.31, 61.32; XII.165.17 etc). - 273 (11) Vidruma or Pravala: red Corals, (I.105.17; III.212.13, 14; VII.73.25; XII.326.3-5 etc). (111) Vaidurya : Beryl or Cat's Eye, (I.143.23; II.48.30; III.39.17; IV.36.39). (iv) Vajra : Diamonds, (III.27.26; XII.20.36, 37, 165.17). ( v) Marakata or Masara: green Emeralds, (XIII.46.33). (vi) Indranila: blue Sapphire, (XII.326.3-5). (vii) Sphatika: Quarts or Rock Crystal, (II.3.16, 27; III.212.13, 14; III.326.3-5; XIII.110.2). (viii) Arka or Suryakanta: the Sun Crystal, (V.98.10; XII.46.33). (ix) Galu or Candrakanta: the Moon Stone, (XII.46.33). It should be made clear at the outset that except for the first three, none of the others occur in the context of jewellery. They were used mainly for ornamenting utensils, furniture, weapons, chariots, and walls and floors of palaces, and with the exception of vajra or diamond are hardly mention- -ed once or twice. a Pearls, corals and beryls were/great favorite.

= 274 Along with gold they formed a major part of the king's wealth, and were often given away in charity on important ceremonial occasions (IX.34.31; XII.165.17). Besides being worn on the body they were also freely used for ornamenting a large number of decorative articles e.g. utensils, furniture, flag-staffs, weapons etc. Pearls and corals have been described as products of Cylone. They were presented to Yudhisthira by the inhabitants of Simhaladvipa, on the occasion of the Rajasuya sacrifice (II.48.30). Of the three, the use of pearls and beryls is better testified than that of corals. Pearl necklaces were in vogue (III.108.9, 146.25), and a delicate net-work of pearls known as muktajala was hung from doorways (XIII.20. 36-37), pillars (1.124.13), and horse-trappings (VII.88.14). Beryl, on the other hand, was favoured more for ornamenting utensils, furniture, weapons etc., and occurs in a large number of poetic similes where green flowers (II.155.61), bluish-green lotus petals (XII.95.15), sandy river-banks overgrown with green moss (I.143.23), rivers and lakes with deep green waters (III.39.17, 155.77), and young shoots of green grass (V.118.8) are all compared to Vaidurya. III. Terra-cotta A 'mramaya mani' has been refered to (XII.199.1-2) along with pearl, silver and gold beads, all strung together

- 275 on a thread. No other terra-cotta ornament occurs in the Epic. IV. Shell The followers of Siva are described as donning garlands of shell (sankha) (X.7.23). Another shell ornament was kambu a bracelet worn by women (IV.15.2). V. Wood The young sage Rsyasriga wore a necklace of Kalapaka or Rudraksa beads, and in all probability other ascetics too, did the same (III.112.5). VI. Glass A 'Kacamani' is refered to not in the body of the text as presented by the Critical Edition, but in the footnotes to VII.130.23 (Footnote 1117). Describing the death of Dhruva, the Critical Edition says Bhima hit him hard with his fists and killed him. The South-Indian Edition inserts a few more lines after this verse, wherein Bhima's action is compared to the easy crushing of a glass bead with the pressure of the fist. The South Indian Edition is one of the most inflated ones, and many things contained in it, as the present instance of a glass bead, are not found in other recensions and as a result have to be discarded as possible interpolations. POONA 6 LIBRARY

- 276 The above breif resume will show that gold and certain gems, such as pearls, corals and beryls were the only common material in the manufacture of ornaments. Ornaments A large number of ornaments were in vogue for almost every part of the body. The distribution was as follows: (1) kirita (11) mukuta I. (111) mauli (iv) cudamani (v) male for the head (vi) strak II. (1) kundala for the ears (1) niska III. (11) rukma (iii) hiranya (iv) kanthasutra (1) mala IV. (11) hara (111) strak (iv) mani for the neck for the chest (1) angada V. (11) keyura for the upper arm

- 277 for the lower arm VI. (1) kambu (1) mekhala VII. for the waist (11) kanci VIII. ( 1) nupura for the feet. I. For the head, there were three different types of head-gears : (1) mukuta, a crescent-shaped diadem, (11) kirita, a pointed tiara, (iii) mauli, a three-pointed crown. All important princes wore one or the other of these headgears (1.155.38, 201.28; IV.61.27). All of these headgears were made of gold (1.189. 37; XIV.8.22), while some were also ornamented with jewels and precious stones (IV.61.27; VIII.66.32). Very few are described in details (VIII.15.57, 66.13, 32). Of these Arjuna's kirita given to him by Indra was the most famous, earning for him the well-known epithet "kiritin". It was made of gold like all others, but was decorated with some of the finest jewels and was covered with a network of gold, inter-woven with pearls and precious stones (VIII.66.13). (iv) cudamani, the crest-jewel or the crownjewel was very much in vogue with almost every Ksatriya prince (II.13.12; VI.92.73; VII.19.35; VIII.14.49). It was a single gem (mani), tied around the head, over the

- 278 turban or the crown, if the person happened to wear one (e.g. Arjuna VIII.54.26), with a string passed through the perforated centre of the gem. This conclusion becomes inevitable because the expression "baddha" i.e, "tied", is very often prefixed to the word "chudamani" in the compound "baddhachudamani" (VI.92.60; VIII.14.41). m'm (v) male and (vi) strek, were gold chains worn on the head (IV.54.11; XI.23.11). It is highly probable that strak which is the more commonly used of the two, was a garland of flowers, at times intertwined with gold threads (VIII. 68.28). Such flower garlands worn on the head were very common in the Vedic period. The Mahabharata also speaks of the non-fading of the flowers in a strak as a good omen for victory (VI.4.21). II. For the ears, there were ear-ornaments known as: (1) kundalas, which were by far the most common item of personal jewellery for both men and women (1.73.17; XI.16.55), for kings and princes (VII.159.41; X.8.58), as well as charioteers (VII.148.39) and foot-soldiers (IX.18. 50), dasas (11.54.17) and dasis (IV.15.2). The kundalas were made of gold (VI.92.75; VII. 114.4), adorned with manis or precious stones in some cases

- 279 (1.73.17; III.13.16, 54.4), and were worn in both the ears (III.13.16; IV.6.5). The only exception was Balarama, who has been described as "ekakundali" (IX.36.14). III. For the neck, there were different types of torques (metal necklets). It (i) niska was a kind of a gold measure, not exactly a coin, but of a certain weight and meassure. is very conspicuous as an ornament, a single niska (VII. 91.25-26), and in rare instances a handful of them (VII. 138.17) being tied at the neck in a thread or a gold chain, Somewhat like a locket. This prominent piece of jewellery was worn by men and women alike (1.67.2; VII.19.35), and even the dasis in Yudhisthira's palace went about with gold niskas fastened around the neck (II.54.12; III.222.44). At the end of the Mahabharata war, when the dead bodies were being identified by relatives, Karna's wife recognized her husband's corpse by the gold niska around his neck (II.21.12). Some of the niskes were long enough to be worn on the chest (V.124.10; XIII.106.32), and either consisted of a long gold chain with a niska pendant or an entire necklace of niska coins. (11) Rukma and

= 280 (111) hiranya, were also small pieces of gold, tied like the niska, around the neck (1.213.45; III.294.2; XIV.72.4). On the anology of Vedic literature, particularly the Rgveda, which uses the word "rukma" to denote the shin- - ing golden orbe of the Sun, as well as a gold ornament worn on the breast (Macdonell and Keith 1912: II.224), it is possible to imagine the rukma as a gold disk, tied at the neck like a pendant. (iv) kanthasutra, as the name suggests was a gold chain (sutra) worn around the neck (kantha) (VII.91. 25-26). IV. For the chest, there were different types of neck- -laces known as : ( 1) hara (11) mala (111) strak. As noted earlier malas and straks were also worn on the head. Those worn on the chest could not have been any different. A majority of them were made of gold for there is a constant reference to 'hemamalas' worn by men and women alike (VII.28.43, 138.19, XIV.72.4). It is however, almost impossible to hazard a guess whether these malas and haras were simple gold chains or highly ornamental gold necklaces. A mala composed of gold flowers (IV.60.4) and another consisting of gold lotuses (XIII.14.120) are the

= 281 more intricate ones described. There are a few references to pearl necklaces. The battlefield is littered with, among other things, with simmering pearl necklaces of dead warriors (VIII.68.29-30); the slim fair-complexioned Narada appears like a 'mukta- -hara' (XII.326.3-5), and the river Ganga, dripping down the head of Siva in a thin, silvery stream, looks like a flowing necklace of pearls (III.108.9). Jewelled necklaces were rare, and there is only one reference to a gold mala adorned with jewels, the one worn by lord Siva (XIII.14.120). Beaded necklaces were probably more in use, since beads of different materials like gold, silver, corals, pearls and even terra-cotta (XII.199.1-2) were strung together on a thread. There are also frequent references to manis or precious stones worn on the thread (III.31.25, 79.5; VI.29.7; XII.47.3). Shell necklaces were worn by the followers of Siva (1.7.23), while those of Rudraksa beads were worn by ascetics (III.112.5). (iv) mania, jewels or precious stones, worn on the chest, in threads (sutras) or gold chains were extremely fashionable (II.54.13; VI.69.19; VII.129.24; XII.47.3). These can not be classed as jewelled or beaded necklaces for very often a mani was worn singly. However, there are POONA & LIBRARY

282 instances, when a few manis, not more than eight to ten, were strung together in a group. The most interesting reference in this respect is to 8 beryl (vaidurya) stones, of great lustre, all encased in gold, which were offered to Arjuna by Prince Uttara (IV.36.39). Encasing manis in gold appears to have been a common practice. The darkcomplexioned Krsna, always dressed in yellow, is often compared to a mani encased in gold (V.92.52; XII.45.14). Some of the manis were very expensive or else Dhrtarastra would not think of presenting only a single mani, however lusterous, to an honoured guest like Krsna (V.84.11), nor would Yudhisthira offer as his stake at the gambling bout with the Kauravas, a single gold-bedecked mani (II.53.22-23). These expensive types were worn in gold chains by eminent princes like Duryodhana (VI.69.19). When sita had to give a token of recognition for Rama, she gave a mani, the only remaining ornament on her body to Hanuman a (III.266.66). Another highly precious mani was possessed by Asvathama, which was finally taken away from him by the Pandavas (X.15.27-30). Some of the manis were known by their distinct names, such as the "Kaustubha" of Krsna (1.16.35; V.92.13). Another of the kind was the "Sanjivan" of the Naga princess Ulupi, which was much prized for its medicinal properties, able to revive a dying man (XIV.81.2). All other manis, particularly those worn by the

. 283 dasis, must have been ordinary beads of semi-precious stones, held together in gold chains (II.54.13; III.22.44). Most of the manis worn thus were perforated to let the thread pass through, but some as noted earlier were encased in gold-wiring or gold-netting (IV.36.39; V.92.52). V. For the upper arm, there was an armlet called : (1) angada, a very prominent piece of jewellery, next only to the kundala. In fact, kundalas and angadas were the minimum ornaments worn by men of every standing, from kings and princes to ordinary foot-soldiers (VI.112. 127; VII.64.46). However, unlike the kundala, the angada appears to have been a prerogative of men only, and nowhere is any woman ever described as wearing an angada. The angada was worn on the upper arm, somewhere between the shoulder and the elbow, and was always made of gold (VII.68.42, 92.32; XI.25.27). There is only one instance of an angada inlaid with pearls, diamonds and precious stones (VIII.15.41). Nothing can be said of its shape, but since it was used on such a mass scale, the shape could not have been a very complicated one, and was probably a plain, thick ring of solid gold, coiled twice or thrice around the arm. It might have been avoided by women due to its heavy weight. One of the earliest representations of these plain and coiled armlets can be seen on the life-size stone

statue of a Yaksa, from around Panta, dated to the 1 st century B.C. (Rowland 1967: plate No. 13). This is not to say that women did not wear an armlet at all. They certainly did and this type was known as: = 284 (11) Keyura, also made of gold (II.54.12), but probably a thinner, lighter and a more delicate variant of the heavy angada. It was worn by men and women alike 14. (III.222.44; VI.17.17; VIII.39). Thus men wore two types of armlets, the heavy angada and the lighter keyura. VI. For the lower arm, there were shell bangles known as : (1) Kambu, the word actually denoting a sacred Sankha or a conch. A careful study of the use of kambu reveals that they were worn only by women, and that too by a certain class of women. There are hardly three instances in the Mahabharata, where a kambu is mentioned, but it is still possible to generalize from this meagre data. Dasis in the palace of Yudhisthira wore kambus on their wrists (II.54.13); Draupadi, as Sairandhri, a class of female servants in the household of king Virata was offered kambus along with gold ornaments by Kicaka who sought her love (IV.15.2); and Arjuna, dressed in a female garb, as the ennuch Brhannada, teaching dance and music, wore the kambus rather very prominently in his hands (IV.10.15, 18.19).

- 285 Thus it is obvious from the above three examples that it were mainly the women of a lower class, slaves, servants, heir-dressers, dancers, musicians and entertainers, who went in for shell-bangles, and not the women of the upper classes, of the Ksatriya nobility. Some of the more expensive kambus were ornamented with gold and are described as "parihatake" (IV.10.1, 5). The only other bangle or bracelet described is worn by a courtesan who was dispatched to seduce the young sage Rayasriga (III.112.5). Again its a woman of the class of entertainers! The bracelet is compared to a Rudraksamala and must have been made up of some kind of globules or roundules of gold, inside which were placed metal or pottery pieces which produced the jingling sound that so fascinated the young hermit. Men do not seem to have worn bangles at all, although two words "valaya" and "hastabharana" do occur in the context of men. Hastabharana is a very general term and may stand for any ornament worn in the hands (VI.92.20). Valayas, were worn by Arjuna, dressed in a female garb as the ennuch Brhannada (IV.40.23). He discarded them when he took up his bow to fight the Kauravas on behalf of Prince Uttara. Thus bangles seem to have been a speciality of the women only. VII. For the waist there was a girdle known as :

(1) mekhala or = 286 kanci and for the feet there were anklets known as : (1) nupura Both these ornaments were used exclusively by women. The girdle is a very inconspicuous ornament in the Mahabharata The only woman to wear it was the courtesan who went to seduce sage Rayasriga (III.112.4). The gold girdle tied over her skirt was visible from under the folds of the garment. The other three instances are of the divine Apsaras, all from the Anusasanaparva (XIII.110.26, 109.53, 110.61-62). The word "mekhala", however, does appear a few times in a simile, where the earth is described as having the ocean for its girdle (II.5.115). In most cases the girdle must have been a simple band of gold to hold the lower garment (antariya) at the waist, yet none of the female characters of the Mahabharata, particularly the women of the aristocracy, are ever described as wearing a girdle. The nupura or the anklets too, are worn by the same courtesan and the same Apsaras as those who wore the girdles. The close association of the girdle and the anklets with women adapt in singing and dancing suggests their

- 287 important roles as accessories to dance and music. The sweet, jingling sound of the mekhala and the nupura are always alluded to whenever these ornaments are mentioned. It is likely that tiny bells and small ornamental pieces were attached to the girdle and the anklets, which Jingled and tinkled to the best of the song and the dance. The girdle also performed the important task of securing the skirt firmly at waist, during the vigorous movements of the dance. This may be the reason why it is associated more with the dancing girls than with the Ksatriya women. The above account reveals that almost every part of the body was adorned with jewellery. The few exceptions are the nose, the forelegs, and the fingers of both hands and the feet. Nose-rings, finger-rings, toe-rings and leglets are totally unknown to the Mahabharata Most of these ornaments were mentioned in later literary texts and are still in vogue all over the country, specially with womenfolk. The Mahabharata tends to ignore its female characters in preference to its male ones, and this may well be one of the reasons why these ornements do not occur in the Epic. Yet the fact that none of them are mentioned even once, is proof enough of a total lack of acquintance with them. A conspicuous absence is that of the finger-ring, which is all the more telling in the story of Rama and in the episode of Sakuntala. In the Ramayana, Hanumana carries the signet-ring of Rama as a token of recognition for Sita, held captive by Ravana. Similarly, in the later version of

- 288 the story of Sakuntala, as immortalized by Kalidasa, King Dusyanta leaves his signet-ring, marked with his initials, with Sekuntala, as a proof of their union. In both these cases the signet-ring plays a very crucial role, and it is In difficult to imagine the course of events without it. the Mahabharata, however, both the stories run smoothly without even a trace of the ring. Hanumana is able to convince Sita of his identity by various other means, whereas Dusyanta is depicted as a lecherous king who deliberately takes advantage of a hermit girl. There is one instance where a mudra is mentioned in the Mahabharata When the city of Dwarka was threatened with agression and was beseiged by the demon Saubha, a proclamation was issued in the city according to which only a person producing a 'mudra' was allowed to go in and out of the city-gates (III.16.19). The mudra in this case appears to be more of a seal, engraved with the city or the royal emblem, rather than with the signet-ring of a king. The only reference to a 'mudrika', a signet-ring has been dropped from the text of the Critical Edition, on the grounds that it is not found in the Sarada and the Kashmir Editions, one of the oldest recensions, although it occurs in all other Mss. The episode describes the first the meeting of Drona with the Pandava and Kaurava princes, who were playing with a vita, a solid wooden chip, which fell into the well in the cource of the game. Drone who was

= 289 watching from a distance offered to lift it up and actually did so with a superb display of archery. His first arrow was lodged soundly into the vita, the second into the first, and so on, till a row of arrows was formed, with which the vita was pulled up. The Critical Edition prefers to stick to this story which is convincing enough (1.122.10-19). The other inflated Miss add a few more verses, wherein Drona deliberately took out his finger-ring (called mudrika or angulivestana) and throw it into the same well to be lifted up again along with the vita (I.122.15, foot note 1365). How he could have lifted up a metal ring with an arrow is difficult to imagine, and one can not but resist the feeling that the episode is unnaturally lengthened. The Critical Edition has done well by discarding these additional few lines. There is a general tendancy in all civilizations for women to decorate themselves more profusely than the men. However, a study of the distribution pattern of ornaments between men and women in the Mahabharata, reveals that the men had actually a larger share of them than women. The different ornaments for men and women are given in the table below : Men Women 1. kirita for the head X 2. mukuta # # #

Men Women 3. mauli x 4. cudamani for the head * 5. mala X 6. strak 7. kundala for the ears 1. kundala ■ 290 8. niska 9. rukma or hiranya for the neck 10. kanthasutra 2. niska 3. rukma or hiranya 4. kanthasutra 11. mala 12. hara 13. strak 5. mala for the chest 6. hara 14. mari 7. strak 8. mani. 15. angada for the upper arm x 16. keyura 9. keyura x X for the lower arm 10. kambu 11. bracelets for the waist 12. mekhala or kanci for the feet 13. nupura

- 291 Thus the ornaments typical of women were shell bangles and gold bracelets, girdles and anklets. Curiously enough none of these were worn by any of the important female characters of the Hbh, by any of the royal Ksatriya women. As noted earlier they were restricted to women of a lower social rank. Therefore, only a few ornaments like ear-rings, armlets, necklaces, small gold-pieces and precious stones woven in threads or gold chains were worn by the women of the upper classes, and all these they had in common with the men. It would not be out of place here to mention a few ornaments, made specially for animals. (1) Gold necklaces adorned horses and elephants. In fact so persistant is the reference to them, that one can be absolutely sure that both these animals were never brought out except in their golden array (II.48.23-25; VII. 22.30; VIII.27.29). Bullocks and chariots too, were some- -times adorned with gold necklace. (11) Another adornment which the horses and the elephants had in common, was a fine network of either gold or pearls, known as 'suvarnajala' or 'muktajala', often interespersed with other precious stones (VIII.55.3, 59.2, 62.36). (111) Graiveya, a thick, heavy gold chain was specially designed for the elephants (VI.92.69; VII.35.34).

(iv) So also the Vaijayanti, a garland - 292 prognostic of victory. In later Sanskrit, as well as, Prakrit literature, the word Vaijayanti or Vaijayantika stands for a long pearl necklace worn by women. It could very well be the same in the Mahabharata, except that it is associated exclusively with elephants (VII.48.43; VIII. 14.45). Only once does it occur in the context of a human figure, rather the divine figure of Krsna, but then it is neither a gold nor a pearl necklace. As Bhagadatta hurled his deadly Vaisnavastra at Arjuna, Krana rushed forwards and took the blow upon his own chest. At his divine touch, the weapon was transformed into a Vaijayantimala, a garland of blooming flowers and beautiful red lotuses (VII.28.28). One can very well imagine the impact of a whole array of elephants brought out with red lotus garlands around their neck. Literary comparisons show that the Mahabharata has the closest parallels, as far as ornaments are concerned with Buddhist Pali literature. Almost each and every ornament that is mentioned in the Mahabharata occurs in these texts with the same name and description. So also the gems and the precious stones (Refer the chart),and at the end of Ville encque Both these literary works, voluminous in

- 293 their own way tepify a richness and a sophistication which is a change from the earlier Vedic Period. Yet there are certain vital differences which have automatically put a time-barrier between the two. Firstly, the finger-ring anguliya, and more particularly the signet-ring mudrika, which are unknown to the libh are nothing out of the way in Pali literature. Secondly kaca' or silicous glass which is of doubtful occurrence in the Mahabharata is commonplace in Pali literature. The Pali texts, on the whole show a greater familiarity with gems and stones, some of which like Lohitaka or ruby do not occur in the Mahabharata Neither does the Mahabharata elaborate on different varities of pearls and other gems, but the Pali literature speaks of as many as 8 varities of pearls. In this respect, it is much closer to the Arthasastra which devotes a separate section (II.11) for gems and stones acquired for the Mauryan treassury, gives a systematic account of their shape, size, colour, varities, qualities, defects and original sources, and refers to as many as 10 varities of pearls and 3 of beryl. The Arthasastra is clearly a step further in finess and sophistication. Many of the gems and precious stones recorded in the Arthasastra are totally unknown to the Mahabharata So also the pearl and jewelled necklaces, intricately made, each with a special name of its own. superfine touch is lacking in the Mahabharata This

= 294 The probable date of the Pali literature is very This broadly taken to be between 600 B.C. to 200 A.D. the period coincides in its later phase with/Arthasastra. The Mahabharata evidence would therefore, fit in with the earlier half of this period, somewhere between the 5 th and the 2 nd centuries B.C. This was an era of political stabilization, of the highly centralized and powerful Mauryan Empire, which opened up trade routes all over India, particularly to the extreme South and Cylone. This had a very important bearing on the introduction of new gems, for Cylone, true to its name 'Ratnadvipa', the island of jewels, was the home of many a gems and precious stones. A breif account of each gem and its probable source in ancient times will show that it was to the South and to Cylone that the rest of India looked for imports of gems and stones. Beryl (Vaidurya) came from (1) Sinhaladvipa (Cylone) (II.48.30), and (11) Mt. Nila (Nilgiris) (VI.7.3) according to the Mahabharata; (111) was mined at Mt. Valavaya (?) according to Panini, and then worked at Vidura (modern Bidar in the Deccan ?), from which

- 295 place it is supposed to have derived its name (Agrawala 1963 : 231). (iv) Beryl mines are known to have existed in the South, in the Coimbatore district of Tamilnadu, and in the Nilgiri mountains (Karambelkar 1958: 24-25). Thus the Mahabharata testimony that beryls came from the Nilgiris and the South is well substantiated by the evidence of Panini, as well as by modern minerology. As far as Cylone, the other important Source of the gem mentioned by the Mahabharata is concerned, the annals of IndoRoman trade of the 1 st century A.D. are proof enough of the lucrative exports of beryls of Cylone and Coimbatore to Rome, through the Chera and Pandya ports, particularly along the Malbar coast. According to Pliny the gem was a in constant demand in Rome and India was the only source for it. The Indian lapidaries cut all beryl stones into a hexagonal form to heighten its usually dull colour, a pure green of the sea. He also notes that the Indians were extremely fond of elongated beryl stones, the only ones they prefered to wear without the addition of gold (Schoff 1912: 223, 288). The reference to Cylon beryls in the Sabhaparva (II.48.30) appearing almost side by side with the mention of Bharukachcha (the Barygasa of Periplus) (II.47.8), at once dates these portions to the first century A.D. when the Indian trade of the Roman empire was at its height. The other references to beryl stones in the Mahabharata

- 296 need not be so late, for though the gem is unknown to the Vedic literature, it is rather prominent in Panini and the Pali literature. Beryl is a rare mineral available in different shades, yellow, brown, light green and dark green (Karambelkar 1958 : 24-25). The most important variety is Cat's Eye, when there are upto three white lines in the crystal. In the present text the word 'vaidurya' has been consistently transcribed simply as beryl and not Cat's Eye, a particular variety of it, as some are wont to do. Corals (Vidruma or Pravala) came from: (1) the coral fisheries of the Malabar coast and Cylone which have been known from very ancient times (Karambelkar 1958 : 26), and from a (11) Italy and the Meditterranean, about the 1 st Century A.D. They were being imported at Bacare (modern Porkad) on the Malbar coast, Barygaza (modern Broach) on the Gujarat coast, and at Barbaricum, on the mouth of the Indus. This was the red coral of the Meditterranean, the principal fisheries being in Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, near Naples, Leghorn and Genoa, and along the coasts of Tunisia, Algiria and Horroco. "Coral exports were the principal assets of the Roman Empire in its trade with the

= 297 East", for they were in tremendous demand in India and China, fetching a very high price (Schoff 1912 : 168, 286-287). The present imports of corals too, come mainly from Italy, and India is still one of the biggest buyers. Corals do not occur in the Vedic literature, nor in Penini. However, the Arthasastra mentions them, and we may therefore, assume that they appeared on the scene with the rise of the Mauryas. Pearls (Mukta or Mautika) come from : (1) Cylone or Sinhaladvipa (II.48.30) according to the Mahabharata These pearl fisheries lie in the shallow waters of the Gulf of Mannar, on the Southern tip of India adjoining Cylon, known for its pearl fisheries which have been active for over 2000 years, and have provided a rich source of wealth for the rulers of South India and Cylone (Hornell 1951 : 53). On the Cylone side the oyster banks lie from six to eight miles off the western coast, a little to the South of the island of Mannar, while those on the Madras side are situated off Tinnevelli and Madura (Karambelkar 1958 : 28). By the 1 st century A.D. these pearls were in great demand in the outside world, particularly Rome, where they were looked upon as the most valuable of all jewels. They were exported out from Cylone, Muziris (modern Cranganore),

- 298 Neleyndra (modern Kottayam), Bacare (modern Porkad), all on the Malabar coast, and Argaru (Uraiyur, near Trichino- -paly), bringing immense wealth to Chera, Pandya and Chola Kings (Schoff 1912: 239-40, 287). (11) Periplus mentions another source of pearls, the river Ganga, but these were of an inferior quality, small, irregular and reddish (Schoff 1912 : 256). (iii) Pearls were also fished in Sind, in the Kutch-Kathiawad area, and in the creek near Jamanagar in Saurashtra, but these were from the winnow oysters and not true pearls. They were small and mis-shapen and valued more for medical purposes than jewellery (Gazetter, Kathiawad 1884 : 93). Pearl is the only gem under discussion that appears in Vedic records. There is, however, a difference in terminology - the pearls were known to the Rgveda as 'Krsan' (Macdonell and Keith 1912: I.181), whereas to the Mahabharata, as well as later literature they are known as 'mukta' or 'mautika'. By the time of the Arthasastra Cylone and the Southern kingdom of the Pandyas had become famous for the best quality white pearls. Diamond (vajra) came from: (i) the Anantapur, Cuddapah, Guntur, Krsna and

Kurnool districts of Andhra Pradesh, an area which was the once flourishing Golkondo mining fields, from the famous diamond trading mart of Golkonda, near Hyderabad; (ii) the alluvium of the Mahanadi, in the Sambalpur district of Orissa; - 299 (111) the laterite grit of the Chanda district of Maharashtra; of Bihar. (iv) the river-sands of the Palamau district The mining activity in all these areas became quiescent in the early 18 th century after the discovery of the diamond in Brazil. (v) The Panna mining field in Madhya Pradesh is the only source of diamonds in the country today that has remained active throughout. (Sinha 1967 : 2117-18). These ample stocks of diamond within the country made India famous as the land of diamonds in the ancient and medieval period. By the 1 st century A.D. diamonds were being exported to Rome and the West through ports like Musiris (Cranganore), Neleynda (Kottayam) and Bacare (Porked) lining the Malabar coast (Schoff 1912: 287). Diamond mining, however, appears to have been

a late phenomenon on the Indian scene, for there is no trace of the gem in the Vedic literature, and even in the Mahabharata it is hardly conspicuous. Its use became more widespread from the period of the Pali literature and the Arthasastra. Sapphire (Indranila) comes from: the ruby mines of (1) Cylone, and (11) Burma (Karambelkar 1958 : 22), and from - 300 (111) the Paddar area in the Doda district of Jammu and Kashmir, a region covered with snow for the greater part of the year (Indian Minerals Year Book 1970 : 334). i In Sapphire being a highly transperant and coloured variety of cordum, is a twin of ruby in many respects, and is found with ruby in the same mine as a general rule. the Burmese mines, sapphires are much less in number than the rubies, but in Cylone it is the exact converse, rubies being rare. Cylone was known to the ancients as a rich source of sapphires (Karambelkar 1958: 22-23). Thus in the records of Periplus, Cylone and the Malabar ports, are mentioned for their exports of sapphires and other precious stones, diamonds and pearls amongst them (Schoff 1912 : 287-288).

- 301 Sapphires are mentioned in the Pali texts and the Arthasastra, by which time contacts with Cylone had been firmly established. Emeralds (Marakata or Masara) is the only gem refered to in the libh which does not come from the South. (1) Within India the production of emeralds is restricted to the Udaipur district of Rajasthan, where the emerald belt stretches for about 200 kms., but the output here is extremely low (Indian Minerals Year Book 1970 : 346). (11) The most likely sources for emeralds outside India, in ancient times, were Eastern Turkestan, Central Asia and Siberia (Karambelkar 1958 : 21). By the 1 st-2 nd centuries A.D., with establish- -ment of the Shaka-Kushana domain in Northen and NorthWestern India, trade and cultural contacts were forged with these distant lands. As a result the gem came to be exported from Indian ports, and both Pliny and Periplus have noted that emeralds came only from India (Khambete 1931 : 238-239). The introduction of the gem to Indian literature probably took place the same time. It is noteworthy that Kautilya does not mention emeralds, although he dwells at length on many other jewels. Emerald is a variety of the mineral beryl and occurs sporadically in nature. It is looked upon as a

- 302 classical precious stone, fetching a high price due to its rarity, transperancy and beautiful green colour (Indian Minerals Year Book 1970.: 346). To summerize a rather lengthy discussion : (1) Almost every gem that occurs in the Mahabharata, with the only exception of emerald, came from South India and Cylone. (11) Trade and cultural contacts with South India and Cylone were established around the 3 rd century B. C. with the rise of the Mauryas. (111) Therefore, the references to these gems in the Mahabharata are likely to belong to the same period, about 2 nd-3 rd centuries B.C. (iv) This period coincides with the composition of Pali literature and hence the marked similarities between the two literary works, which do not stop only at gems and precious stones, but extends also to different makes of ornaments (refer the chart). (v). At the same time, the Mahabharata displays certain strong Vedic affinities. Some very prominent ornaments of the Mahabharata like niska, rukma, and hiranya were inherited directly from the Reveda. So also manis and gold chains worn on the chest, and flower garlands worn on the head. The importance of these Vedic ornaments in the Mahabharata can not

= 303 be underestimated. (vi) we may therefore, conclude that despite Vedic antecedants, the Mahabharata data on ornaments has been retouched during the 3 rd-1 st Centuries B.C. gems ? a What does Archeology have to say about these Of the gems mentioned in the Mahabharata, diamonds, emeralds and sapphires are almost totally absent in archeological records. The only ones that have so far been reported are beryls, corals, and pearls in rare a instances. sites : Beads of beryl have been known from only two (1) Taksasila Takgasila Bhir Mound III 4 th century B.C. Sirkap IV. 100-200 A.D. h (11) Kausambi and (Marshall 1951 : II.730) Early Historical 150-100 B.C. (Sharma 1969 : 120) This meagre evidence can be used only to a limited extent, unless and untill the spade reveals some

r - 304 more. There is a striking coincidence between the literary and archaeological evidence. Beryl or vaidurya in literature does not occur before Panini (4 th-5 th century B.C.), which is also the earliest date for its occurence at Taksasila, the North-western outpost of Indian culture where Panini is believed to have had his training. In all 11 beads of a pale-blue colour were found at Taksasila, ranging in date from the 5 th century B.C. to the 1 st century A.D. (Beck 1941: 33-34). In the light of the evidence of Pliny and Periplus, according to whom the Indians were extremely fond of beryl stones, which were also an important export item to Rome, it is rather suprising that a larger number of them are not forth-coming even from Historical levels. a The archeological evidence as regards corals is more interesting for it goes way back to Chalcolithic levels. It is a consistent evidence, not from one isolated site but from three different sites : (1) Prakash I 1700-1300 B.C. (AI, 20-21, 1964-65 : 111) (11) Navdatoli I 1600-1300 B.C. (Sankalia et al. 1971 : 351) (111) Maski I 900-400 B.C. (AI 13 1957: 12)

- 305 The geographical boundaries within which these sites are located do not stretch beyond Navadatoli on the Narmada. As noted earlier, the only local source of corals was Malabar coast and the Gulf of Mannar. We may therefore, assume that these coral fisheries have been active for over 3000 years, and that contacts between the extreme South and Cylone on one hand, and Central India and the Deccan on the other, have been existing from remote Chalcolithic times. These contacts seem to have continued unbroken at all the 3 sites even in later Historical Period, at 600-100 B.C. (1) Prakash II Prakash III Early Iron Age Barly Historical 50-300 A.D. (AI 20-21 1964-65 : 111) (11) Navdatoli III Late Early Historical 100-300 A.D. (Sankalia et al 1971 : 351) and (111) Maski III Early Historical 50-300 A.D. (AX 13 1957 : 15) by which time trade and cultural relations with Cylone were fully cultivated. The impact of these growing relations was felt even at a far-off North-Western site like Taksasila, which has reported some finds of coral beads in Mauryan as well as later phases.

- 306 Taksasila Bhir Mound II Mauryan Sirkap II Greek Sirkap IV | 1 1-50 A.D. 100-200 A.D. Saka-Parthian (Marshall 1951: II.730, 734). The finds at these various sites and levels at Taksasila do not exceed beyond one or two in number. The total is about 10, irregular, roughly - shaped, perforated beads (Beck 1941: 33). The only striking exception is of Nevasa V (Indo-Roman : 50 B.C. - 200 A.D.) in which phase as many as 20 coral beads were excavated. The number assumes added significance when we realize that in Phase III (Chalcolithic), not a single coral bead was found, and in Phase IV (Early Historical: 150-50 B.C.) only two have been recovered. Nevasa appears to have been a very big bead-making site, and Phase IV the climax of its bead-making industry (Sankalia et all 1960: 346-367). The fact that this phase is characterized by various finds of Roman origins is highly suggestive, for it is not improbable that the raw-material for these coral beads was imported from Rome. As noted earlier the best quality red corals in the world came from the Meditteranean, from the Italian and the Sardinion coasts, and India was one of the biggest importers of Italian corals, from the 1 st

Century A.D. till quite recently. The great medicinal value attached to corals by Ayurveda gave an added impetus to this trade, increasing the demand many folds. Pearls have been reported from e (1) Taksasila (Back 1941 : 33) and - 307 (11) Vaisall early period III 200 B.C.-200 A.D. (a single ghata-shaped pearl bead) Vaisali late Period V post 600 A.D. (a pearl-studded locket of brass) (Sinha and Roy 1969 : 190). The lack of more finds is probably due to the delicate nature of pearls. The above meagre evidence is hardly of any consequence. Apart from these valuable gems the Mahabharata also refers a few times to a less precious type namely Sphatika. The word does not lend itself easily to English translation. It can be described in modern terminology as Rock Crystal, the Crystalline form of Quarts, but for the ancients it was more often a simple quartz bead. All quartz products are essentially silica minerals and silica sand, being an important raw-material in the manufacture of glass, quartz beads often came to be confused with glass beads in ancient times. Thus

Sphatika and kaca came to be used almost as synonyms, the dictionaries always giving crystal or quartz as one of the possible meanings of the word kaca. The close similarity of sound between the two words 'quartz' and 'kaca' is rather interesting in this context. a Archeological evidence is rich in finds of e quartz and crystal beads as will as glass objects. - 308 Beads of quartz, quartz crystal and quartzite. are found right from Chalcolithic times, but became more profuse in the Mauryen period. As far as literary references go, sphatika occurs in the Arthasastra in the description of a clear, transperant diamond (II.25). The stone was evidently not very valuable. The same appears to be the case of glass beads. After enumerating, one by one, all the valuable gems, Kautilya groups the non-precious ones simply under the label 'kacamani'. The term kaca may here be understood in a wider sense to include glass as well as quartz beads. Kautilya could simply ignore the glass beads for by the time of the Mauryas glass-making had developed into a large-scale industry widely distributed all over the country (Dikshit 1969: 8). Besides beads, other artifacts of glass such as bangles, flower pendants, ear-reels, seals and sealings, distinctly Indian in shape and character, were being manufactured. The

- 309 difficult technique of composite glass was also mastered around the same time. The sum-total of these develop- -ments was that glass artifacts were no longer a novelty, and had, in fact, become quite commonplace in daily use. Examples of Mauryan glass are available from many sites, mostly in association with silver punchmarked coins and the NBP ware. (1) Ahichchatra II. Stratum VIII 300-200 B.C. (AI 8 1953 : 6; Dikshit 1969 : 24) (11) Ahar II A 600 B.C. (Sankalia et al 1969: 163-175) (iii) Bahal II 600-200 B.C. (IAR 1954-55 : 13; Dikshit 1969 : 24) (iv) Broach I 3 rd century B.C. (IAR 1959-60: 19; Dikshit 1969 : 24) (v) Ayodhya NBP (IAR 1969-70 : 41) (vi) Charsada 2 nd century B.C. (Wheeler 1962 : 21) (vii) Daulaptur III NBP (IAR 1968-69: 9)

(viii) Hastinapur III = 310 600-300 B.C. (AX 10-11 19 : 92-94; Dikshit 1969:24) (ix) Kumrahar I before 150 B.C. (Altekar and Mishra 1959 : 132) ( x) Kaundinyapur II 300 B.C. (Dikshit 1968 : 98-127) (xi) Kaushambi 150 B.C. - 300 A.D. (Sharma 1969 : 93-94) (xii) Maheshwar IV 400 - 100 B.C. (Sankalia et al 1958: 219-20) (xiii) Nasik II (A) 400 - 200 B.C. (Sankalia and Deo 1955 : 100-101) (xiv) Nagda III end of 2 nd century B.C. (IAR 1955-56: 14; Dikshit 1969 : 24) ( xv) Nagara I II 500 B.C. 300 B.C. - 100 A.D. (Mehta 1968 : 135-137) (xvi) Prakash II 500-100 B.C. (IAR 1958-59: 13; Dikshit 1969 : 24) (xvii) Rajghat I 600 - 100 B.C. (IAR 1958-59: 50; Dikshit 1969 : 24) POONA 6 LIBRARY

(xviii) Sravasti II - 311 200-100 B.C. (IAR 1958-59: 50; Dikshit 1969 : 24) ( xiv) Sonepur Gaya II 200 A.D. (IAR 1956-57 : 19; 1960-61 : 5; 1959-60 : 14; Dikshit 1969 : 24) (xx) Sanghol IV NBP (IAR 1970-71 : 32) ( xxi) Tripuri III 300 - 100 B.C. (Pandey 1970 : 90) (xii) Ujjain II 500-200 B.C. (IAR 1956-57: 27; Dikshit 1969 : 24) h (xxiii) Vaisali IB 300-150 B.C. (Dev and Mishra 1961: 62) The cheif centre for Mauryan glass however, was Taksasila II 300-200 B.C. (Dikshit 1969 : 24) from where comes the major evidence. The post-Mauryan Period and the early centuries of the Christian Era were however, the most flourishing period for Indian glassware. Beads, bangles, bowls, caskets, bottles, pendants, ear-reels etc. were being manufactured on a mass-scale. Newer and newer techniques

• 312 were handeled and the old ones perfected. The Satavahana rule in the Deccan (2 nd century B.C. to 2 nd century A.D.) opened up the west as well as the east coast ports to foreign trade, bringing in a large number of Roman glass objects of daily use. This affluence of glass objects is evident in the Pali literature and in Kautilya. The Mahavagga and the Culavagga refer to glass beads, glass bangles, even bowls and shoes of glass. The Arthasastra refers to kaca at least a dozen times in different contexts (Dikshit 1969 : 164). In the light of the above literary and archeological evidence, the absence of glass in the Mahabharata is very conspi- -cuous. It automatically pushes the Mahabharata to a pre-Mauryan age. a The knowledge of glass however, was not newly acquired in the Mauryan Period. The earliest examples come in the form of 4 beads from the Chalcolithic levels at Maski (1000-400 B.C.) (AI 13 1957: 12). In the next cultural phase (1000-500 B.C.) characterized by the presence of Iron and PGW sherds, glass beads and bangle fragments were found at a number of sites : (1) Hastinapura II 1100-800 B.C. (AI 10-11 1954-55 : 13; Dikshit 1969 : 3) (11) Alamgirapura II (IAR 1958-59: 54; Dikshit 1969 : 3) (111) Rupar II (Dikshit 1969 : 3)

(iv) Sravasti - 313 1100-400 B.C. (IAR 1958-59: 48-49; Dikshit 1969 : 3) and then slightly later at (v) Taksasila Bhir Mound Stratum V Bhir Mound 6 th-7 th Century B.C. 6 th-5 th Century Stratum IV B.C. Bhir Mound 5 th century Stratum III B.C. in the pre-lauryan stratums. Of all these sites Taksasila again has the richest evidence, the glass beads numbering 150 in Stratum IV and 587 in Stratum III. The number of- -cource soars up to 964 in the Mauryan stratum II (Marshall 1951 : II-730). The presence of glass in pre-historic times is supported by certain Vedic texts. References to kaca beads occur in the (1) Kapisthala Katha Samhita XXXI.9 (11) Satapatha Brahmana XII.2.6, 8 (111) Taittiriya Brahmana 3.9.4.4-5 all of which texts were composed before 800 B.C. (Dikshit 1969:162). However the fact can not be overlooked that these are but a few Vedic texts, there being many others

- 314 which do not contain any reference to glass. Judging from the absence of glass we may not be wrong in placing the Mahabharata along with these texts, when glass was still a new discovery and unknown to many. Archaeological evidence is also rich in finds of shell beads and bangles, which are but sparsely. refered to in the Mahabharata As noted earlier a garland of shell beads was donned by the ganas of Lord Siva and a shell bracelet known as kambu (hardly mentioned about 3 times) was worn by female slaves and servants. This is somewhat surprising in the face of evidence right from Chalcolithic times, covering almost all important Chalco- -lithic sites in India. (1) Maski I 1000-400 B.C. (AI 13 1957: 12) (11) Harrapa 2500-1700 B.C. (AI 3 1947: 121-25) (iii) Rangapur II 2000-1700 B.C. (AI 18-19 1962-63 : 21) (iv) Prakash I -1700-1300 B.C. (AI 20-21 1964-65 : 111) (v) Ahar IB 1750-1550 B.C. IC 1550 B.C. (Sankalia et al 1969: 163-175, 205)

- 315 (vi) Chandoli 1600-1450 B.C. (Deo and Ansari 1965: 107-8) (vii) Nevasa III 1500-1000 B.C. (Sankalia et al 1960: 346-67) (viii) Maheshwar III Proto-historic (Sankalia et al 1958: 227-31) (ix) Navadatoli I 1600-1300 B.C. (Sankalia et al 1971: 408) (x) Mohenjo-daro Hoarde no. 2 2700-1700 B.C. (Marshall 1978: II.520-22) (xi) Eran I Pre-NBP Microlithic (IAR 1961-62: 25) (xii) Inamgaon 1000-700 B.C. (IAR 1969-70 : 27) (xiii) Bahal IB Chalcolithic (IAR 1956-57: 17) (xiv) Theur 1500-1200 B.C. (IAR 1969-70 : 28) However, at most of these sites the actual number of shell artifacts is never very large, mostly comprising of a few beads and a few fragmentary bangle pieces. Only at Rangpur II A and Ahar IC, is the number of bangle -

■ 316 fragments any sizeable, 31 and 30 respectively. The shell industry made its reappearance, after the Chalcolithic, once again around 600 B.C. in associa- -tion with NBP and then continued to grow vigorously till 600 A.D. and even later. A.D. A large number of beads, bangles and other articles have been unearthed, almost at every site, excavated throughout the length and breadth The most prosperous phase was around 200 B.C. of India. to 300 A.D. when sites like: (1) Maski III Barly Historical 50-300 A.D. (AI 13 1957: 15) (11) Prakash III Early Historical 150 B.C.-600 A.D. (AX 20-21 1964-65 : 111) (111) Nevasa IV Early Historical 150-50 B.C. V Indo-Roman 50 B.C.-200 A.D. (Sankalia et al 1960: 346-367) (iv) Nardatoli II Early Historical III (Sankalia et al 1971 : 408) (v) Nagara III 300 B.C.-100 A.D. 100-300 A.D. 100-800 A.D. (Mehta 1968: 135-37) displayed an exuberance of richly carved and decorated

- 317 bangles in various patterns. There is however, a perplexing absence of shell artifacts in the period immediately succeeding the Chalco- -thie, marked by the presence of Iron and PGW sherds in North India. With the opening of the Historical Age, a new impetus appears to have been given to the art of shell-carving lying dormant through these intervening centuries. It is as if the arteries of trade bringing in Chank shells from Kathiawad and the South during the Chalcolithic were reactivated in the NBP period. The reference to kambu bracelets in the Mahabharata are better traced to this Early Historic Period since they coincide with similar references in the Pali literature. Particularly interesting are the gold-inlaid (parihatake) kambus occuring in both, which must certainly belong to this artistic phase of shell-bangle making. The reason why there are so few references to them can be traced to socio-economic causes, more then to anything else. Firstly, shell bangles were common, and therefore, not fancied by the Ksatriya nobility as is amply clear from the Mahabharata and secondly, they were, in all probability, worn mostly by women, and hence are not very prominent in a male dominated story. As with shell so with terracotta! The Mahabharata contains just a passing reference to a terra-cotta bead, but archaeological evidence is full with finds of terra- -cotta ornaments such as beads, bangles, pendants and ear-reels from remote Chaleolithic times, down through the

- 318 centuries, to the Historical Period. It was too common- -place a material for the Ksatriya nobility. There are two more dark spots which can be cleared with the help of archeology - (1) the origin and development of the finger-ring in general and the signet-ring in particular, and (11) the origin of the art of gem-incrustation on metal, both of which came into vogue with the Greeko-. -Parthian occupation of Bactria and ancient Gandhara. The signet ring bearing the wearer's name was first introduced by the Indo-Greeks around the 2 nd-1 st century B.C., and it must have taken some time, probably a century or so, before the fashion set in with the Indian kings (Sankalia 1973: 56). All other rings from an earlier period, from about 2500 B.C. at Mohenjo-daro and Harrapa to about 1 st century B.C. are simple, round wires of copper or bronze or simple bands of terra-cotta, shell, bone etc. As noted earlier the only reference to a 'mudra' or a signet-ring in the Mahabharata is of a doubtful nature and occurs in the context of the defences of Dwarka. A similar reference occurs in the Jataka texts (1.134; 111.416; IV.439) where a mudrika was at times given by the king to the keeper of the city-gates as a sign of

- 319 authority and was withdrawn when the gates were closed at night. These are probably some of the first references to a signet-ring in literature and almost coincide with Greek settlements in India. Thus on the basis of the presence of a mudra we may take the episode of Saubha's invasion of Dwaraka, its defences and fortifications to either have been retouched or concoted at a later date, the around 1 st century B.C. 1 st century A.D. The art of gem incrustation arose at Taksasila around the 1 st century A.D. and was the direct outcome of the Parthian occupation. Two types of incrustations were in vogue-one, in which the gem or the paste was enclosed in small compartments or cloisons, contiguous to one another and covering the whole surface, and the other, in which the gems were studded here and there about the design either in cloisons or in box-settings. Gem incrustation was extremely popular with the Scythians and most of their jewellery is clustered with gems and stones (Marshall 1951: 619). As far as the Mahabharata data goes there are not many jewellery pieces which are set with gems, but utensils, furniture, weapons, flag-staffs, chariots etc. are described as elaborately studded with precious stones. None of these references are likely to date back to a period before the 1 st century A.D., for no evidence of gem-incrustation from an earlier period has come to light.

- 320 Another late development, of the same period, 1 st century A.D. and around, was the appearance in sculptures of the Kushana period, at Mathura and elsewhere, which of a delicate tiaras or crowns, are conspicuously absent in early Indian art, at Barhut, Sanchi and the early group of Ajenta paintings, although their origin and development can be traced to the turbans at Sanchi and eleswhere, wound round the head in such a way that the ball of the material with the mass of the hair projected in the centre of the forehead. Sanchi has only about 3 such tiaras and one slightly more elaborate crown, a proto-type of later jewelled and intricately-made crowns (Dhavalikar 1965: 38). Thus it appears that metal headgears, studded and embellished with jewels and stones, made a rather late appearance on the Indian art scene. Their development was probably aided and spurred by the introduction of the art of gem incrustation and the fashion of metal headgears with the Seytho-Kushana princes. The trend seems to have caught in with the Moh princes for almost every royal personage wears either a kirita or a mukuta, some elaborately jewelled. On the evidence of sculptures, these references can not be dated to any earlier than the 1 st century B.C., and might even be a century or two later. Arjuna's kirita, presented to him by Indra, which stood apart from the others in its beauty, majesty and make, and earned him the epithet 'kiritin', deserves a

- 321 slightly more detailed mention. In early Indian art, whether in the North or the South, at Sanchi or Ajanta, Amaravati and Nagarjunkonda or Mathura and Gandhara, Indra is always portrayed with a typical head-dress, towering high above the head in a box-like frame, either cylindrical, rectangular, hexagonal or octagonal in shape, generally plain and austere, but sometimes decorated with strings of pearls. (Dhavalikar 1973: 55). It has no parallel whatsoever in the wide variety of headgears in Indian art, and it is not unlikely that Arjuna's kirita was akin to this unique type. Conclusions: The core of the Mahabharata data on ornaments goes back to a period prior to the 3 rd century B.C. because (1) glass, which became commonplace by Mauryan times as shown by literary records as well as by actual finds is unknown to the Mahabharata; (ii) the signet-ring mudrika, which came into vogue around the 2 nd century B.C. is mentioned but once in the Mahabharata; (iii) the Mahabharata presents a much humbler repertoire of gems and ornaments than the Arthasastra which is roughly placed around the 2 nd-1 st century B.C.

- 322 But at the same time, the Mahabharata data seems definitely to have been retouched between the 2 nd century B.C. and the 2 nd century A.D. because (i) it has more in common by way of ornaments and gems with Pali literature than with any of the earlier Vedic texts; ( 11 ) the presence of gems such as pearls, beryls, corals, diamonds, sapphires, emeralds, quartz crystals, and Sun and moon-stones, points to a period around the 2 nd century B.C. when they start appearing in literature, in Panini's work, in the Pali texts, and in the Arthasastra, as a direct result of trade and cultural contacts with South India and Cylone, the home of most of these gems; (111) the art of gem incrustation on metal which figures in the Mahabharata as ornamentation for vessels, weapons,

flag-staffs, chariots and jewellery, is of Parthian origins in India. - 323 It is noteworthy that while only a few ornaments are described as 'jewelled', a large number of other utility articles mentioned above, were elaborately incrusted with gems. We can therefore, be sure that this 'jewelled' finery, wherever it occurs in the Epic, belongs to a later age. (iv) The presence of metal kiritas and elaborate mukutas worn by almost all princes in the libh, is also a development more distinctly traceable in the Kushana art of the early Christian era.