Costumes, Farbrics and Footwear (as reflected in the Mahabharata)

The costumes described in the Mahabharata are simple and uncomplicated. Both men and women wore two main garments, the uttariya and the entariya. The uttariya was an upper garment, draped rather loosely around the shoulders and the neck and (1.61.39, 138.13; III.70.2-3; V.142; VI.116.27; XI.27.2), while the antariya was a lower garment, tied at the waist, then passed between the legs and tucked at the back, like a dhoti (III.58.13; V.151.19-20). All men, irrespective of caste or status in the social hierarchy, were dressed uniformly in an upper and a lower garment. Even the members of the

= 203 royalty wore the same garb. The difference lay probably, in the quality of the garments, rather than in the mode of dressing. The above account may create an impression that stiched or sewn garments were not known to the Mahabharata There is, however, a clear reference to a needle being used for stiching, but it is only one of its kind, and from the Santiparva (XII.210.34). The only stiched garment refered to is the somewhat rate kancuka, a stiched bodice or jacket, sometimes reaching down to the knees, like a coat. There are precisely three references to a kancuka in the entire Epic. It was worn by door- -keepers (VI.93.82) and cavalry-soldiers (VIII 17.109), while the third reference is metaphorical, Satyaki accusing the Kauravas of pretending to wear a cloak (kancuka) of righteousness (VII.118.42). In addition to the upper and the lower garments, men generally wore an usnisa or a cloth turban, wrapped around the head. It was a very common item of dressing, worn by all men alike, even soldiers for whom it provided excellent protection for the head (II.49.7; IV.57.11; VI.66.7; 99.21; VII.63.29, 151.19). On certain occasions, women discarded the upper garment and were then refered to as 'ekavastra' i.e. dressed in a single garment. A well-known example is of Draupadi when she was forcibly dragged to the Kaurava-

- 204 sabha. At this particular moment she was also in a 'rajasvala' condition. Again and again, she implored Dhusasana not to take her into the sabha-hall in front of the assembled elders, since she is clad only in a single garment (II.60.25, 29). This gives the impression that the ekavastra was an informal dress worn by women when they remained indoors, for example, when they were menstruating, and it was not deemed proper to appear in this informal garb in public. From the description that follows, it is obvious that the ekavastra consisted only of an antariya, a piece of cloth loosely tied around the waist like a short skirt. The uttariya was discarded, leaving the upper torso bare. The entire episode provides an interesting insight into the dressing habits of the different strata of women in the Epic society. In answer to Draupadi's pleadings, Duhsasana makes a rather cruel and impudent retort: "O Yajnaseni, I do not care if you are a rajasvala, or dressed in a single garment, or even completely naked, for you have been won over in a gambling bout and made a slave. A master's pleasure with regard to his slave is according to his sweet will" (II.60.27). A little later when a dispute arose amongst the elders as to the properiety of having forced Draupadi to appear in public in an ekavastra, Karna stood up and settled the matter with some plain-speaking. He argued that there was nothing wrong in

= 205 having dragged Draupadi to the assembly hall in her single garment, or for that matter even if she were nude, for she is a 'bandhaki', a woman of loose morals, who has married five men at a time (II.61.36). The speech of both these men suggests that it was common for female slaves and servants, harlots and courtesans, to be dressed in a single garment, but it was certainly indescent for women of good birth to appear in public without an uttariya. That the uttariya was used to cover the breasts, at least before strangers, is evident from another episode when Draupadi left alone in the forest-hut, took care to tidy up her uttariya before speaking to Jayadratha and his friends who happened to pass by (III.250.1). Picking up the clues offered by the episode of Draupadi's humiliation, it is interesting to note that all other references to women as 'ekavastra' point towards the same conclusion. A few examples will prove the point better. After 12 years in the forest, Draupadi appeared at the court of Virata as a Sairandhri, seeking employment in the royal household as a maid-servant. The dress she wore was a long black garment (IV.8.2). No details of how it was draped are forthcomming, but it is significant that as a servant girls she wears only a single garment. In the Mahabharata there is yet another example of a Sairandhri, that of Damayanti, seeking shelter and employment in the household of the king of Cedi, when she was deserted by Nala

- 206 in the forest. She appeared in the Cedi capital wearing only a single antariya, a piece of which was earlier cut by Nala for himself (III.62.18). To the next category of women, the harlots and the courtesans, belong the Apsaras who were divine courtesans, waiting upon the gods. Very often they were dispatched to the earth to cause obstacles in the penance of some or the other great sage. On such occasions they generally came down clad in only a single garment. Jalapadi Devakanya seduced Gautamamuni when she was ekavastra (1.120.8) and Tilottama was able to destroy the powerful Sunda and Upasunda, inducing them to fight a dual for the posession of her beautiful body, revealed to great advantages by a single red garment (1.204.9). Sukanya likewise captivated Cyavana when she was dressed in a single garment, though she was no Apsara and was actually unawares of his presence as she romped freely in the forest with her freinds, dressed very informally (III.122.10). That the ekavastra was truly an informal mode of dressing for the upper-class women is evident from the description of the widowed wives of the Kauravas, flocking the deserted battlefield at the end of the war, in search of their dead ones. They are all 'ekavastra', and their hair are left loose. A greiving Gandhari looks at these daughter-in-laws of her's and says: "these

- 207 women who felt awkward to appear in an ekavastra even before their women friends, to-day come out in this garb, in front of their parents-in-law, devoid of shame" (XI.9.15). Obviously these tragic figures roaming the battlefield are so overwhelmed with grief and numbed by shock, that they pay no heed to the social conventions of dressing. It would, however, be wrong to associate the ekavastra with widowhood, for these very princesses in a later Parva wear the regular dress, complete with the uttariya (XV.32.15). On the whole, the Mahabharata does not give a detailed picture of the dressing style and the fashions of the day. The simplicity of dress, however, is more than made up for by the variety of fabrics and textiles described. 1. Cotton There are frequent similies which say that a great warrior beat back the enemy forces as if they were a mere heap of cotton (tularasi) (1.166.41; VI.82.38; VI.20. 19), but actual references to cotton cloth are somewhat rare. 'Karpasaka vastra' is mentioned a few times in the Santi, Anusasana and Asvamedhika Parvas, but not in the others (XIII.112.100-102; XIV.46.5-6). There is a rather negative evidence in the Sabhaparva, were silk is spoken of as 'akarpasaka' 1.e. a fabric which is not cotton (II. 47.23). This paucity of references is not surprising, as it is noticed in other ancient literary works also, and h. POONA & LIBRARY

<- 208 probably is due to more emphasis being laid on the upper classes, with whom cotton was a very ordinary fabric (Lallanji Gopal 1961 : 61). 2. Linen (1) Fine Linen known as kauma, made from the fibers of the Linseed plant was highly prized and worn almost entirely by the aristocracy. Its use too, was restricted to important religious and ceremonial occasions. Yudhisthira wore ksauma while performing the Asvamedha sacrifice (XIV.72.5), and Karna when he was consecrated as the Commander of the Kauravas (VIII.6.38). The dead bodies of the Kaurava Princes and of Bhisma were likewise draped in ksauma linen before being cremeated (XI.26.28; XIII.154.9). It was a favorite for a royal bride like Draupadi appearing for her svayanvara (I.191.3), while a wealthy Prince like Dhrstadyumna had a sheet of ksauma to cover his bed (X.8.13). (11) Another variety of fine linen was dakula, It made from the inner bark of a tree of the same name. was presented to Yudhisthira by the people of the Eastern region, of Vanga, Kalinga, Tamralipata and Paundraka (II.48.17), which together comprise the modern provinces of Bengal, Assam and Orissa, as well as Bangladesh. Lallanji Gopal (1961: 59) conjectures that the dukula plant is the same as the dogal or daggal, a large shrub

- 209 found in Assam, the Khasia Hills, Sylhet, Chittagong and Burma. He cites the testimony of the Mahabharata and the Arthasastra (II.11) in support of this identification. 3. Silk At least four to five types of silk are mentioned, but it is very difficult to make a clear distinction between them. by (1) The favorite was kauseva, closely followed (ii) Kausika. The etemology of both appears to be the same, from the word 'kosa', a cacoon of the silk-worm. On a closer scrutiny however, kausika appears to have been white udah silk, while kauseya the coloured silk. Orange or tawny-red (babhru) was the favorite colour for kauseya (VII.6.24, 22.30, 38), though not the only one on record. Red (rakta) kauseya was worn by Subhadra as Arjuna's new cowherdess bride (1.213.17). Yellow (pita) kauseya was a favorite of Krsna (III.194.15; VI.102.57; XII.45.14), while blue (nila) kauseya was a favorite of his brother Balarama (V.154.18). Kausika garments, on the other hand, are generally described as "clean" and "white" (III.28.14; 156.17). The Eastern region, comprising of modern Assam, Bengal and Orissa, appears to have become famous by the time of the Sabhaparva for its high quality white silk, for Yudhisthira

- 210 received a gift of kausika garments from the inhabitants of Vanga, Kalinga, Paundraka and Tamralipta (II.48.17). (111) The same people also brought a fabric called Patornam, which appears in later classical literature as a word for silk (II.47.17). Two other varities of silk, (iv) kitaja. and (v) pattaja, came as gifts from Bahlichina in the extreme North-West (II.47.22). These were evidently. chinese silk brought into India through the Bahlika country (modern Bahlk and adjoining region in Afghanistan), by foreign and semi-foreign nomadic tribes, some of whom established powerful kingdoms in the heart of India. These tribes occur in the following order: China, Huna, Saka, Udra, Parvatantaravasin, Varsneya, Harahuna, Krsna, and

Raimavata. Despite brilliant attempts by many able scholars, it is unfortunately not always easy to establish the correct identity and geographical location of these tribes, many of whom were moving up and down, over thousands of miles, in their nomadic existence. The most important point to note for our purpose is that Chinese silk was known to India of the Mahabharata, only through these frontier people, for it occurs only once in the entire Epic and in connection with these people. Kitaja, as the very name suggests was derived from the silk-worms (kita), fed and reared artificially on mulberry leaves. Pattaja too, appears in the lists of valuable textiles, as a silk cloth, and it has been suggested that it was transformed from 'patrona', which is explained by the Amarakosa (II.6.113) as bleached silk (dhautakauseya) (Lallanji Gopal 1961463). The word 'pat' in modern Assamese, and 'pattu' in Tamil, to denote silk are likely derivatives from the Sanskrit 'patta'. The word 'pat' also seems to appear in many other parts of India, even in Kashmir to denote silk (Lallenji Gopal 1961 : 64). (vi) From Bahlichina came yet another fabric described as 'akarpasaka', a textile which is not cotton, and therefore, in all likelihood silk, soft, = 211

■ 212 smooth, and red like a lotus (II.47.23). 4. Woollens (1) The most common woollen clothing article was kambala, a shawl, a wrapper or even a blanket. In the colder regions of Madra and Bahlika in the extreme North-West (of what is today mostly Afghanistan), women wrapped themselves in fine kambalas (VIII.27.89, 30.20). These woollen rugs, in fact, came exclusively from the North-West. Different varities of them were brought as gifts for Yudhisthira from Kamboja end from the TransIndus region and Baluchistan (II.45.19, 47.23). For the people of the Gangetic plains, however, these woollen shawls were scarce, and therefore, valuable articles of presentation in marriages (I.191.14, 213.50), as booty and tribute in war (IX.61.32), and as expensive gifts from a king to Brahmins (XIII.63.22, 23; XV.20.4). Two types of kambalas seem to have been in common usage - the finer variety worn as wrappers or shawls by the Ksatriya nobility and their Brahmin dependants, and the other, a coarser and a rougher variety, used es coverings for horses and elephants, particularly during war (VI.53.20, 92.67; VII.35.34, 73. 26; VIII.14.45). These coarser types were also utilized for erecting temporary tent-like dwellings or pavillions by the water-side, for the princes to enjoy a day of

= 213 water-sport (I.119.29). Another distinct type of kambala was pandukambala, but it occurs in the Epic only once (XIII.78. 20), in the description of a white and red cow. (11) The Mahabharata also speaks a few times of another expensive woollen wrapper, pravara, soft, smooth and light (II.45.9, 47.3, 54.16; XIII.63.22). A few other kinds of woollen fabrics are mentioned in the Sabhaparva as gifts for Yudhisthira from far-off North-Western regions. wool, and (111) Auranavastra, made from 'urna' or (iv) avikavastra, made of sheep's (avi) wool came from Bahlichina (II.47.23) To this category can be added a few other types also, presented by the Kambojas (II.47.3). They are spoken of as lyns. (v) aida, from sheep's (eda) wool, (vi) Caile, from the fur of burrowing animal, (viii) varsadasa, from the fur of a wild cat or lynx. A sheep's woolly hair can undoubtedly be utilized for

- 214 producing a fine woolen yarn, but it is highly improbable that the thick hairy growth of a burrowing animal can be spun into wool. It would be more logical if these were understood, not as woollen rugs, but as fur-lined skin wrappers. These furry covers were made all the more exquisite with ornamentation in gold. 5. Animal Hides The above mentioned fur-covers came from region which were bitterly cold through the greater part of the year, but even in the hotter regions of the East, the use of animal skins for clothing was not rare. Dear-hides were a particular favorite and many different types have been mentioned. (1) Alina, of the Chinkara or the Indian Gazelle (Gazelle gazella). It could also be goat (aja)-skin as in the Vedas. (11) Ermaline, of the Black Buck (Antilope cervicapra). (111) Rauravajina, of the Ruru deer. (iv) Rankavajina, of the Ranku deer.

= 215 (v) Mokafina, of the Kadali deer. Of these the first three were used mainly by ascetics, hermits, Brahmins and religious students, and in general, by all those who took to the forest, even if they be Ksatriya princes (I.179.2, 181.35, 184.8, 186.10; II.66.18, 67.9, 68.1, 7; III.144.19; VII.126. 16; IX.30-47, 49). They served a multiple of purposes, as seats, beddings, coverlets and garments. They were easy to roll and fold, light to carry, and much more warmer, thicker and lasting than any sheet of cloth. Kranajina was also a favorite for religious occasions (XIV.72.5). a Rankavajina and mokajina, on the other hand, were luxury items, imported from outside the country for the use of the Ksatriya nobility. Rankavas came as gifts for Yudhisthira from the Karpasika country (II.47. 7) (probably modern Kafiristan) (Motichandra 1945: 44), while mokajines were brought by the Kambojas (II.45.19). Slightly earlier, Arjuna on conquest of the North, had obtained a tribute of the extremely beautiful mokajinas from the Uttarakurus, who were a historical people in the Vedic Period, located beyond the Himalayas by the Atharvaveda and in Northen Kashmir by the European scholars (Macdonell and Keith 1912: I-84). Epic descriptions of this region are rather mythical and fanciful, but at least in the context of Arjuna's conquest, the geographical

- 216 location of the Uttarakurus is more or less well-defined (II.25.16). The region also known as Uttara-Harivarsa, lay beyond the Manasa-sarovara, and was reached only after subduing the Gandharvas who protected the land around the lake. The entire North-Western strip of land, compris- -ing of the Bahlika and Kamboja countries, bordering the Chinese mainland, was well-known in the libh for its trade in hides. A large number of ajinas were brought by the Kamboja king (II.47.3), and by the foreign tribes inhabiting these regions such as the Chinas, Sakas, Hunas etc. (II,47. 19-23). Besides the Sabhaparva, where most of the geographi- -cal data is concentrated, the Udyogaparva too, refers to ajinas obtained in thousands from Chinadesha (V.84.10), which were in the possession of Dhrtrarastra. These imported ajinas were highly prized and exchanged hands as expensive gifts when alliances were sought. Thus Dhrtarastra presented them to Krsna when he came as the mediator for peace (V.84. 10), and Krana gave some to the Pandavas when Arjuna wedded Subhadra (I.191.14). Kicaka offered them to Draupadi in return for her love (IV.15.2), and so also Dusyanta to Sakuntala (1.67.3). In all these instances the ajinas figure alongside other valuable gifts. We have earlier refered to the use of ajinas by Brahmins and forest-dwelling ascetics, but from these examples it appears that even the Ksatriyas took to them in a big way. It is therefore, likely that these soft ajinas, much coveted by the aristocracy, were

- 217 imported from outside, (although it is not always said so), particularly from the North-West and other Himalayan regions, while those used by the ascetics and Brahmins were of the Chinkara, the common Indian deer. There is also likely to have been a difference in texture, the imported variety being softer and more hairy than the Indian one. At That such a difference did exist, as far as the rankavajina and the mokajina was concerned, is beyond doubt. Rankava, the hide of the Ranku deer, had a thick hairy growth, which made it as warm as a woollen rug. the same time, the fur was so soft, that it could also be used as a mattress by kings and princes. Gandhari lamenting her dead sons says: "these delicate ones, accustomed to sleeping upon rankavajinas, are today sprawled in the dust" (XI.20.11). Draupadi similarly bemoans the fate of Yudhisthira who used to sleep on a heap of rankavas in the palace, but is now forced to lie on the bare forest ground (III.225.9). Dr Motichandra takes the rankavas to be a soft woollen shawl woven from the woolly hair of the Rang goat which flourishes in the high Pamir plateau, and affords fine shawl wool. He is against identifying the word Ranku with a species of deer (Motichandra 1945: 68-69). However, one can not over-look the frequent close proximity and justaposition of the two words 'rankava' and 'ajina', which at times

= 218 even occur as one compound (II.47.7; XI.20.11). It would be more natural to take Rankava as the hide of the Ranku deer (or perhaps the Rang gost), and not as a shawl, just as raurava is understood as the hide of the Ruru deer. Mokas or mokajinas were obtained from the Kadali deer, and were black, brown and red in colour, probably reddishbrown with black patches or spots (II.45.19). Besides the deer, the hide of a few other animals too, is mentioned in various contexts. Tiger-skin was in vogue for upholstering chariot-seats. These chariots known as "vaiyaghras" were a status symbol, and in possession of a few only (II.54. 4-6; V.81.16, 78; VII.8.8). The donning of tiger-skin on the body likewise, appears to have been a status symbol, reserved for royal occasions (V.138.16). Furry bear-hide was also used to upholster chariot-seats (VII.131.26-29, 150.11-12). The use of cow-hide is rather rare. Saibya, a king of the sibi tribe is refered to as 'govasanah' i.e. clad in a cow-hide (VI.17.20). The Sibis have been traced to southern Punjab, and it is interesting to note that the Greek historians have spoken of them as cald in skins and armed with clubs (Motichandra 1945: 93). A group of Brahmins attending upon Yudhisthira during the Rajasuya sacrifice, are also described as 'govasanah' (II.47.7), but unfortunately nothing is said of their geographical

location. - 219 Elephant-hide was donned by the followers of Sive and Kartikeya (IX.44.88), as well as by Siva himself (XIX.8.22). Animal hides seem to have been a special weakness of Siva for he is described as wearing a tigerskin, a Black Buck-hide (X.6.4), and an elephant-hide. Lion-sikn occurs alongside that of a tiger and e a Black Buck, as an example of expensive garments (XII. 292.11-13), but it is a long reference and from the didactic portions of the Santi. 6. Bark Garments Shredded barks of trees were pieced together to make garments known as valkala and cira by hermits, ascetics and all those who went into the forest (III.95. 9-10, 226.19). None of the trees whose barks were thus utilized have been named, but eira is once described as made from 'darbha' or some kind of a grass (III.39.21). 7. Hemp Sana or Sani was a coarse fabric made from the fibres of the sena plant, a variety of hemp contrasted with finer fabrics like linen, silk and soft deer-hides (XII.172.23, 292.11-13). Due to its rough texture and coarse touch, the Mahabharata predicts it to be the fabric of the evil Kaliyuga (III.188.20).

= 220 8. Coloured fabrics A rather limited range of colours was known, and if one probes deeper it is apparent that certain colours were associated with certain moods and certain people. White was the pre-dominant colour, clean, pure and auspicious, associated with religious ceremonies, sacred and religious occasions (I.118.20, 201.28; IV.6.5), gods and Siddhas (II.7.5, 8.33), sages and learned Brahmins (1.118.13; XIV.45.19). The best example to cite is of Drona, who was always immaculately cled in white, from the top to the bottom (1.124.17). Red was the most favorite colour, associated with sacrifice, death and ferocity when worn by soldiers and warriors (II.5.77; VII.33.14), and with gay festivity when worn by courtesans, apsaras, dancers, musicians (1.204.9; IV.36.27; XII.312.35), and cowherds and Cowherdesses (I.213.17; IV.18.27). A dirty orangy-brown shade of red (kasaya) was the colour of sanyasa, of ascetics and monks (II.16.16), of those who were undergoing vows and hardships and leading an austere life (III.74.8, 227.10). This division of colour, however, is not arbitrary. As has always been the case, colour was finally the choice of the individual who wore it. Thus Drona always prefered white (I.124.17), Krsna yellow

(III.186.14), and Balarama blue (I.212.20; IX.33.17). But there were others too, who now and then, wat in e for the same colours Krpa white, Karna yellow, Duryodhana and Asvathama blue (IV.61.13), while Bhima a vivid blend of four colours, yellow, red, white and black (VII.102.56). - 221 Thus white, red, orange, yellow, blue and black are the only colours mentioned, with red likely to have been the most favorite and the most fashionable colour. Most of the dye-stuffs were herbal, though only one is mentioned. 'Maharajana' was a red dye, made from the concotion of the Kusumbha flowers (Carthamus tinctoris) (VIII.36.9). There are frequent references to certain types of coverlets, quilts and rugs, serving as bed-covers, seat-covers, and as housing for horses and elephants, known as kuthas, astaranas and paristomas (II.48.17; VI.50.48, 53.20, 92.52, 72, 110.16, VII.35.37, 48.24, 73.26, 123.37-38; VIII.14.45-46, 68.28). They are generally preceded by some such adjective as 'variegated' or 'colourful', and appear to have been dyed in a variety of colours. The battlefield, strewn with these coverlets, appears to the poet as if dressed in colour- -ful strips of cloth (VII.123.38). At this juncture, a mention must also be made of the colourful patakas or cloth banners and festoons attached to the standard-poles, the chariots etc.

= 222 (VII.87.57).. 9. Painted, Embroidered, Ornamented fabrics There are two very similar references which suggest that either cloth was printed or elaborately embroidered, not just with simple designs, but entire# pagents. At the end of the war, the gruesome sight of the huge concourse of princes lying dead on the ground, is compared to a great tragic tale put down on cloth (IX.1.40). Again a few parvas later, all the Kaurava princes and the entire Kaurava army, brought back to life for a short while, by the miraculous powers of Vyasa, is compared to a picture, an entire panel depicted on cloth (XV.40.20). These are the only two examples of their kind and may refer to rugs or carpets spread on the ground or hung from walls. There is only one distinct reference to an embroidered cloth (kuttikrtam) which came from Bahlichina (II.47.23), a region noted even today for its embroidered fabrics. The work 'kuttima' in later classical literature, is used for jewelled floorings. It is likely that here too, it refers to ornamentation with beads and precious stones. Such jewelled garments (ratnachira) were worn by dasis in Yudhisthira's palace on the occasion of the Rajasuya and the ensuing festivities (II.48.31). Some of the coverlets (paristomas) used as horse-coverings too, were similarly ornamented with beads (manichira) (VIII. 14.48).

Ornamentation with gold, probably in the form - 223 of intricate borders and designs, interwoven in gold thread, is refered to, a few times, in connection with coverlets and quilts known as kuthas and paristomas (VI.92.72; VIII.14.48) and furry skin-covers imported from Kamboja (II.47.3). 00-0 0-0-0-0 Footwear References to footwear of any kind are extremely scarce in the Mahabharata They occur mainly in the Santi and the Anusasanaparvas, are known as 'upanahau', and were made of leather. That they were scarce and valuable is evident from the exhortation to kings and householders to give them away as charitable gifts to Brahmins, during sraddha and other occasions (XII.129.13; XII.97.1, 14). In the rest of the Epic 'upanahau' are mentioned only once, brought by the Nisada prince. Ekalavya, as a special gift for Yudhisthira, to be worn by him during his coronation at Indraprastha (II.49.8). They are enumerated as one of the most essential items for the king to be coronated. On the anology of the Satapatha Brahmana, which refers to ritual sandals of antelope and boar-skin, we may take these to be of leather also. The important position in ritual assigned to these is a proof that leathersandals were rare, expensive and a privilage of the royalty. Wooden sandals or paduke are mentioned in the

to story of Rama to whom they belonged and were kept by Bharata as a token of Rama's claim on the throne, while he himself ruled on his behalf (III.261.38). - 224 +0+0+0+0+0+ The history of Indian costumes reveals that, a more or less, broad pattern was standard through all the centuries, of an upper garment draped like a shawl and a lower garment tied at the waist, for both men and women. Within this basic framework various styles were evolved in accordance with the richness of a cultural phase and suitability to different climatic and geographical conditions. The dress of the early Vedic Aryans was not any different from the usual pattern of an upper and a lower garment, except for certain sewn garments such as the atka and drapi, which were jackets, bodiees, and closefitting coats (Macdonell and Keith 1912: I-16, 383). The absence of these in the Mahabharata need not cause Atka and drapi occur in the Reveda proper, surprise. when the Aryans were still in the extreme North and NorthWest, where colder climate necessiated the use of these coats and Jackets. As they moved into the hotter regions of the Gangetic plains, during the later Vedic Period, these garments slowly went out of vogue, and were replaced D. CHR POONA 6 LIBRARY

- 225 by the loosely wrapped uttariya. It was also during this period of the later Samhitas and early Brahmanas, that the cloth turban usnisa came into vogue. In this early phase of its existence it was associated with the Vratyas, who were never a part of the Aryan social structure, and amongst the Aryans with the king alone, who donned it on ceremonial occasions like the Rajasuya and Vajapeya. By the time of the Mahabharata, however, it had become a common item of dressing for men of all standings. can again be sought in elimatic conditions. The reason In the hotter regions of the East, it was absolutely necessary to protect the head from the gruelling sun. Another point of similarity with the later Vedic literature is the scanty references in the Mahabharata, to any kind of footwear. The word 'upanahau' first occurs in the Atharvaveda, the Yajurveda and later in the Brahmanas, where they were used mostyly by the Vratyas and only ritually by the Aryans. In the Mahabharata too, they occur in the ritual of coronation. It is only in the didactic portions of the Santi and the Anusasana that laymen, more correctly Brahmins, seemed to have used shoes of some sort. The early association of footwear with the Vratyas is very interesting. The Vratyas were outcastes from the Vedic society, though not necessarily non-Aryans (Macdonell and Keith. 1912: II.342-345). They were

= 226 responsible for the introduction of the cloth turban usnisa and the leather-sandals upanahau to the Aryans of the later Samhitas, and themselves might have picked up the habit from the local inhabitants of the countryside. Another marked feature of their life was the use of ajinas or animal hides for clothing (Macdonell and Keith 1912: II.343). The Mahabharata too, associates the local skin-trade with the lowly Nisadas, hunters and trappers of wild animals, particularly the deer, and dealers in their flesh and skin (III.198.10-11; IX.29. 22-23; XII.133.8-9, 136.23-25). Thus it is the Nisada prince Ekalavya who brought the leather sandals for Yudhi- -sthira (II.49.8). Could it be that these outcaste Nisadas later became the Chamaras of the Hindu society? However, during the Vedic Period, due to their scarcity, the Aryans reserved the leather sandals for important ritual occasions, a practice exactly contrary to the present prohibition of leather sandals during religious ceremonies. are Two types of footwear we depicted in the early sculptures at Sanchi. One, a simple sandal of two strips, joined at the point between the first and the second finger. It is similar to a modern chappal and is clearly Indian in pattern and origin. It was a privilage of the princes alone. The other types are top-boots with braces fastened all around, up to the ankles. This type is worn almost exclusively by foreigners, and was probably introduced in India by the Iranians or the Scythians. The Mahabharata itself

= 227 contains the story of how the Sun-god presented sage Jamadagni with leather shoes and a parasole to protect the feet and the head from the heat of the Sun (XIII.97, 98). Surya is always shown in early Indian art as wearing top- -boots (Dhavaliker 1965: 27). Thus as late as the 1 st century B.C. footwear, even locally made, was within the reach only of the royalty, while foreign innovations were still in their introductory stage. The story of Jamadagni and the Sun, occuring as it does in the didactic portions of the Anusanaparva, probably belongs to this period. The wooden paduke' of Rama, on the other hand, are bound up with "the concept of the worship of a person, and in his absence, the worship of his personal effects, such as sandals, parasoles, etc". It is a later Buddhist concept not found in the Vedic literature, whereas the Stupas at Barhut and Sanchi depict some of the earliest representations of the Buddha's footsteps, and devotees flocking to worship them (Sankalia 1976). The paduke do not occur in any other context in the Mahabharata These broad lines of similarity show that the Mahabharata is closely allied to the later Vedic literature as far as simplicity in dressing habits is concerned. This argument becomes more convincing in the light of evidence from the early Historical Period, begining with the 4 th century B.C. onwards. The rich finery of this age, as far as dress and clothing is concerned, is in sharp

= 228 contrast to the Mahabharata Our two main sources for this period are the Buddhist Canonical literature in Pali, and the early bass-reliefs at Barhut and Sanchi. The basic frame work of an uttariya and an antariya remains unchanged, but there is a distinct touch of fashion in the way the pleats of the anteriya are arranged in different styles. A waist-band with elaborately tied knots and loose tasselled ends hanging on one side, and a decora -tive cloth-piece suspended between the legs from the waist- -band, are new innovations unknown to the earlier literature. The Mahavagga and the Culavagga give elaborate details of ways and ways of tying these two (Motichandra 1973: 14). A step towards fashion is the addition of Kaneukas (jackets and coats), and variously cut caps and shoes to the wardrobe, all of which at Sanchi were worn by foreigners, with a great possibility that these items were introduced in the early centuries before the Christian era, by the Indo-Greeks and Scythians (Sekas) ruling in the North-West (Dhavalikar 1965: 21-25, 27-28, 39). Pali literature speaks of shoes and sandals of different shapes, colours, materials, such as wood, leather and cloth, with elaborate ornamentation (Motichandra 1973: 15). There is not a trace of this gaudy finery in the Mahabharata In fact, the elegant, dress-concious, and fashion-oriented men and women of this age are a total contrast to the somewhat uncouth and austere heroes and heroines of the Epic. It would, therefore, not be

- 229 very off the mark to place the Mahabharata data on dress and costumes, to a period before the composition of the Pali canon and the execution of the bass-reliefs at Barhut and Sanchi 1.e. to a period before the 3 rd century B.C. As far as fabrics are concerned four major types were prevelent in the Mahabharata They are : the linen ksauma, the silk kauseya, the woollen kambala, and the deer-hide ajina, all of which have a long antiquity. Ksauma was made from the fibres of the Linseed plant (Linium usistatissimum), and the earliest literary reference to it is contained in/Maitrayani Samhita the (Macdonell and Keith 1912 : 1.212). The discovery at Chandoli, in the Deccan of a necklace woven with a flax- -thread has pushed back its antiquity to remote Chalco- -lithic times, and opened up, the possibility of a fine linen being woven from it as far back as 2000 B.C. (Gulati 1965: 199-201). In that case the Aryans are likely to have acquired its use from the local inhabitants, as a result of which, even in the Mahabharata, its use is not very extensive, being the privilage of kings and queens, and restricted almost entirely to ceremonial occasions. However,

= 230 a small change is perceptible in the didactic portions of the Santi and Anusasanaparva where ksauma is being worn by Brahmins too, and is enumerated along with other fabrics like cotton, as one of the common quality fabrics (XII.172.23, 292.11-13; XIII.112.100-102; XIV.46.5-6). These portions coincide with the Buddhist and Jain Canonical works which include ksauma in the list of garments permitted to the monks (Lallanji Copal 1961: 56). Thus by the 3 rd-4 th centuries B.C. Ksauma had lost its superior position, as the fabric of the upper-classes, it being usurped by silk. Silk was known to the ancient Indians askauseya. It first occurs in Panini (Agrawala 1963: 127, 245), and was therefore, known at least from the 5 th century B.C. A careful study of all the references to kausaya and kausika silk in the Mahabharata will show that it was far from being familiar even with the royal Ksatriyas. The linen ksauma was the favorite for all ceremonial occasions, including royal weddings and royal funerals. On the other hand, orange coloured kauseya occurs mostly in poetic similes e.g. tawny horses in gold trappings (VII.22.38) and the flaming sky at evening (VII.6.24) being compared to a heap of kauseya. At the same time there is a curious - Krsna association of keuseya silk with Krama's clan himself in yellow, Balarama in blue, and Subhadra in red

kauseya. In fact, these are the only living examples of an actual use of kauseya in the Mahabharata The insistent reference to Krsna in yellow kauseya (III.194.15; VI. 102.57; XII.45.14) can not belong to an early period, when the attributes of a divine Krana were not as yet crystallized. Thus on all scores it appears that silk known from the 5 th century B.C. onwards had not yet replaced linen in the Mahabharata = 231 At this juncture it is necessary to distinguish between kauseya silk and Chinese silk. There is a strong belief in scholarly circles that the silk industry was first introduced into India by the Chinese. But this belief is totally unfounded. Firstly, Chinese silk is mentioned in ancient Indian literature as a variety apart, as Chinam suka, and never confounded with kauseya. Secondly, while the earliest references to Chinese silk in Indian literature are to be traced to the 1 st century A.D. when it was being exported to Rome through India, kauseya was known right from the days of Panini i.e. the 5 th century B.C. Furthermore, even today Eastern India boasts of 3 varities of indigenous silk known as tasar, muga and eri. These are wild silks where the insects, unlike those of the Chinese silk, fed on mulberry leaves, do not have to be domesticated. As pointed out by Lallanji Gopal (1961: 62) there are indications even in ancient literature which point towards the Eastern Provinces as the home of silk. In the Mahabharata itself kausika and

= 232 patrorna silk came as expensive gifts from Bengal, Orissa and Assam (II.48.17). Lastly archaeological evidence has finally put an end to the controversy by the discovery of silk-thread at Nevasa in the Deccan, in Chalcolithic levels, dated to 1500-1000 B.C. The remnants of a silkthread found in three out of 16 beads of a copper-bead necklace around the neck of a skeleton, when scientifically and microscopically analyzed, showed that the fibre are of natural silk, of a white colour and a very fine variety. But it is not possible to ascertain whether they are from a cut cacoon or a unwound one, a practice believed to be unknown in India, but prevelant in China from 2700 B.C. There is a greater possibility that they were spun from a cut cacoon (Gulati 1961: 55-58). Thus what the Indians must have learnt from the Chinese was the artificial cultivation of silk-worms fed on mulberry leaves, and the spinning of the silk thread before the moth cut through the cacoon and flew out. The Mahabharata too, makes a clear-cut distinction between Chinese and kauseya silk. Two types of silken fabrics, kitaja and pattaja, are mentioned in the Sabha- -parva as brought from Bahlichina in the North-West, centering around the modern Afghan city of Bahlk and bordering Chinese Turkestan, by foreign and semi-foreign tribes such as the Sakas, Tukharas, Hunas etc. whose first contacts with India occured in the 2 nd - 3 rd centuries B.C. That these two varities of silk were a

= 233 novelty in the Mahabharata is evident from the fact that they are not mentioned anywhere else in the entire Epic, whereas references to kauseya and kausika silk are more frequent and scattered through the Parvas. Kitaja, pattaja and patrorna silks, all refered The arguments to just once in two consecutive adhyayas of the Sabha- -parva (II.47 and II.48) have a late literary record. They start appearing from the Arthasastra (II.11.29) onwards and therefore, can be set apart as later additions. point is how late? The crux of the argument rests on the evidence of the Arthasastra. If as believed by many scholars, the Arthasastra can be dated to the 3 rd-4 th Century B.C., then one has to agree that Chinese silk was known to the Indians much before than is generally believed. However, there are equally vehemant arguments to regard the mention of 'Chinabhumi' and 'Chinapatta' in the Arthasastra as later interpolations. The strongest of these/rests on the historical truth that China derived its name from the Ts'in dynasty which unified the entire country and brought it under one rule around 249 B.C. Therefore all references to China in Indian literature must be later than this date. However, the possibility that the nomadic tribes of Central Asia e.g. the Scythians, had come in contact with this dynasty much earlier, as the first kingdom through which they entered China, when it was ruling locally in Shansi province in the North-West of China as early as the 8 th-9 th century B.C., can not be overlooked. These people were ups

- 234 perhaps the first to have used the word 'China', just as the Persians were the first to refer to India as 'Hind' or 'Hindu', from the principality of Sindhu, through which their first contacts with the rest of the country were made. Moreover, the silk-route from China to Central Asia, passing just above India, was no doubt active around the 2 nd century B.C. (Lallanji Gopal 1961 : 65-66). The Mahabharata refers, precisely, to this contact of India with the silk-route somewhere in Bahlichina through the Sakas and other nomads. Thus the reference to Chinese silk in the Mahabharata can go back to the 2 nd century B.C., though it would be safer to place it a century or two later, on other evidence, such as the mention of Rome' in the very same adhyaya (II.47.26), and of Bharukaccha (II.47.8), as a flourishing sea-port, handling the Roman trade. In the 1 st century A.D. Chinese silk was being exported in a big way, to Rome, from Indian ports, principal amongst whom was Barygaza or Bharukaccha, modern Broach on the western coast in Gujerat. The land route which brought the silk into India stretched over thousands of miles across Central Asia (now in the Soviet Union), to enter India through Turkestan, and Parthia. At Boetra, it turned south-wards to pass through the Kabul valley and the Khyber Pass, across the Indus to Taxila, and then along the Mauryan highways to Patliputra, Ujjain and Bharukaccha. As noted earlier this silk-route from China to Central

Asia was first instituted in the 2 nd century B.C., but - 235 as the demand in the Meditterranean countries grew enormously, the Parthian government started imposing stricter and stricter restrictions, resulting in a series of wars between Rome and Parthia. Thus it came about that the sea-route, through India, became very important and very active during the 1 st century A.D. (Schoff 1912: 172, 268, 270). Of much greater antiquity than ksauma or kauseya were the woollen kambalas, which were a part of the ordinary domestic outfit of men and women in the Vedic Period (Macdonell and Keith 1912: I.137). By the time of Panini they were marketed in a standard size as 'panya kambalas', and their size and weight was determined by the amount of wool consumed (Agrawala 1963: 129-130). Panini also refers to another category of woollen rugs, the 'Pandu-kembalas', which were probably known to the Satapatha Brahmana (5.3, 5.21) as Pandava or to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (2.3.6) as Pandvavike. They were used as decorative mountings on chariots during Panini's time, and on elephants and royal seats in the Jatakas. The word 'pandu' is deceptive for they were of a bright red colour like the insect chocheneal, 'Indragopaka' (Vesantara Jataka VI.490), and were woven in Gandhara in the North-west. pointed out by Agrawala (1963: 232-33) these may be the same blankets as those woven is the Swat Valley, with beautiful scarlet borders. These rugs which had become famous by the 4 th-5 th century B.C. are mentioned only As

- 236 once in the Epic, and that too, in the didactic portions of the Anusasanaparva. Thus the evidence of Panini is certainly later than that of the Epic. Another proof in support of this argument is the meagre references to the pravaras or pravaras in the libh. By the time of Panini they were well known as blankets of a finer quality of wool, lighter in weight and softer in touch than the usual kambalas (Agrawala 1963 : 130). Kautilya describes them as blankets lined with the fur of wild animals (Arthasastra II.11.32). The Mahabharata may as well confirm this, for the word occurs almost as an adjective of the furry hides brought from Bahlichina. The reference to pravaras in the Epic are restricted to the Sabha (II) and Anusasana (XIII) Parvas, in contexts which could be late. The deer-hide ajina also goes back to the early Vedic Period. The Vedas contain abundant references to deer-skin, black antelope-skin, goat-skin, and tanned and dyed skins worn mostly by gods, munis, aborigines and Vratyas (Motichandra 1973: 6). As noted earlier, even in the Mahabharata it is the same class of people, the ascetics, hermits, Brahmins, and all those who resorted to the forest, who adopted the ajinas. Of greater interest, though scanty, are all those references to expensive deer- -hides, like the rankavas and mokajinas, and furry skinwraps from the extreme North and North-West, from Kamboja,

- 237 Bahlichina and Uttarakuru, loosely Afghanistan, Turkestan and Tibet in modern geographical terminology. They were brought in through contects with foreign tribes such as the Chinese, the Sakas and the Huns probably around the 1 st century A.D. or so, when Chinese silk too, was being freely imported through the same contacts. Seric skins' or animal-skin-coverings beautifully dyed by the Seythians were well-known in the ancient world, and according to Pliny (XXXIV. 4), and Periplus, were being imported into Rome, from Barbaricum, at the mouth of the Indus, a sea-outlet for Parthia and Bactra. As pointed out by Schoff (1912: 172) skin and fur trade over-land across Asia, must have been as important in the 1 st century A.D. as later in the 16 th-19 th centuries, when one considers how much easier it is even to get various wild animal skins from Tibet and Turkestan to the Indus mouth, than to get the Russian sables. The expensive furs and the skins in great demand with/Ksatriya nobility in the Mibh were definitely imported 'Seric skins', and can be dated more or less to the opening century of the Christian era. Another fabric which has a great antiquity in the Indian context is cotton. Scraps of cotton cloth preserved on the interior of a silver vase and a copper razon, as well as some pieces of string from Mohenjo-daro have all been identified as cotton (Marshall 1973: II.585), taking back its antiquity to 2500 B.. Thus the Indus

region was famous even in Vedic times for its fine cotton. The fabric called 'Sindhu' in Babylon and again 'sindon' in wh Greece/nau points to India, and the = 238 Sindhu region as the home of high-quality cotton (Marshall 1 1938 : I.33). Another chaleolithic site to report cotton is Nevasa, where the fibre from a silk-thread, in a copper-bead necklace, revealed on examination, the presence of a nep of cotton fibres in the body of one of the strings, an indication that the thread had been spun on a cotton spinning appliance (Gulati 1961: 56). Thus it is certain that by 1500-1000 B.C. cotton was spun and woven into cloth even in the Deccan. Against this back- -ground the scarce references to cotton in the Mahabharata can be ascribed to the fact that it is primarily concerned with the nobility, the kings and princes, who went in for expensive fabrics like linen and silk, rather than cotton This which was for the common man and for everyday use. paucity of references to cotton cloth is a marked feature of early literature, but as noted by Lallanji Gopal (1961 : 61) this should not be made much of for "the society depicted in Sanskrit works belongs generally to the upper class, and cotton garments, being meant for the common people, had not much chance of being referred to". The same is the plight of Sani or hemp, which is mentioned even in the Atharvaveda and the Satapatha Brahmana (Macdonell and Keith 1912: II.350). The early Buddhist literature, refers to garments known as 'saniya',

= 239 made of hempen threads and used by ascetics (Lallan ji Gopal 1961: 53). As noted earlier the Mahabharata too refers to it as a coarse cloth for the poor, in the evil Kaliyuga (III.188.20). A few salient points emerge in summary of this long discussion, which are able to provide a somewhat rough chronological framework within which the Mahabharata data on costumes and textiles can be fitted. 1) To the earliest phase roughly dated to about 600 B.. belongs the simple dress consisting of an uttariya, antariya and an usnisa. Cotton was the predominant fabric in this early phase. For special occasions the richer classes, the Ksatriya nobility and the upper echelons of the Brahmin preisthood patronized by them, went in for ksauma, a fine and expensive linen made from flax. For the colder months of the year, woollwn blankets called kambalas and deer-hides known as ajinas were in vogue. The kambala and the ajina go back to the Rgveda, while the cloth turban usnisa came into vogue with the later Samhitas. This early phase is also characterized by the complete absence of any kind of shoes or sandals. 11) During the second phase which roughly stretches from 600-200 B.C. were introduced two new fabrics the silk Kauseya and the soft woollen rug Rankava, both of which are mentioned by Panini (Agrawala 1963 : 127, 131, 246). This period witnessed a gradual stabilization in the political field, with the earlier tribal set-up giving way

- 240 to republics and kingdoms, and finally to the powerful Mauryan Empire. Political stabilisation brought economic prosperity in its wake, and opened up new trade and cultural contacts, as a result of which new fabrics and new modes of dressing came into vogue. This second phase, with its rich material culture, as reflected in Panini, the Pali canonical texts and Kautilya, its fashionable and elaborate ways of dressing, a vivid range of fabrics and exquisitely designed shoes, is in sharp contrast to the simplicity and the austerity of the Mahabharata h 111) The third phase which stretches roughly from 200 B.C. to 200 A.D. saw the entry of a number of foreign tribes, such as the Macedonian Greeks, the Scythians, the Parthians, the Tokharians, the Kusenas, and finally the Hunas. With the arrival of these foreign people, fresh contacts were opened up with the extreme North-West, and through it other far-off lands. To this period of foreign influences can be traced the references to kitaja and pattaja silk (Chinese silk), to garments of fine sheep wool, and embroidered cloth, brought in from Bahlichina (Turkestan), to woollen blankets, rugs and furry animal hides, that came in from Kamboja (Afghanistan), and to colourful mokajinas from Uttarakuru (Tibet). Fortunately, all these references are concentrated in a few adhyayan of a single Parva, the Sabhaparva (II.25.16, 45.10, 47.3, 22, 23), which

makes it an easy task to put them together as probable additions of this period. No more significant additions seem to have been made after the 1 st century A.D. - 241 A word of caution is necessary at this stage when parallels from literary works and art monuments are freely cited, for the emphasis of any two works can be so different as to render any comparison between them completely meaningless. In the present context sculptured figures, wheather in stone or terra-cotta, do not necessarily confirm to literary descriptions, for there is always the individual touch of the artist which has to be taken note of. We are, therefore, at a loss when it comes to seek a reflection of the 'ekavastra' of the Mahabharata women in sculpture, for almost all women there are 'ekavastra', irrespective of their status, whether servants, dancing girls, nymphs, laywomen, princess and queens, and whenever any one of them does take an uttariya, it has nothing to do with their social position. Thus sometimes Yaksinis are clad in an uttariya but queens are not! These barebreasted beauties are a far cry from the shy Kaurava princesses who would not appear in an ekavastra even before their girl-friends! Here a certain amount of licence has to be allowed to the artist, to the sculptor, es

= 242 or the painter, when he portrays the female form. He will always strive to make it more beautiful than in real life, and in attempting to do so, will take certain liberties such as exposing the body in its nudity. Making room for all these factors, two reasons can be ascribed for the paucity, and simplicity of the Mahabharata descriptions either that there were not many occasions in the Epic to elaborate on costumes, fabrics and fashions of the day, or else the evidence of the Mahabharata is of a much earlier period than that of the Pali Canon and the earliest sculptures at Barhut and Sanchi. There is no doubt that the Abh is primarily a story of war and strife, and all other details have to fit into this basic framework. Yet it is difficult to believe that as a poetic work it should ignore all aesthetic details of dress and fashion. On the contrary, whenever the oppertunity arises, even if it be in the midst of a fierce battle, the Epic poet does not hesitate to describe vividly the dress, hairstyle and the ornaments of the warring heroes. express himself better he draws beautiful similes from the plant and animal world. It would therefore, be a great injustice to the Epic poet, to say that the finer aspects of life have been sacrificed in the building up of a heroic saga. It is very probable that the evidence portrayed dates back to a very remote past. To