Kathasaritsagara (the Ocean of Story)

by Somadeva | 1924 | 1,023,469 words | ISBN-13: 9789350501351

This is the English translation of the Kathasaritsagara written by Somadeva around 1070. The principle story line revolves around prince Naravāhanadatta and his quest to become the emperor of the Vidhyādharas (‘celestial beings’). The work is one of the adoptations of the now lost Bṛhatkathā, a great Indian epic tale said to have been composed by ...

Owing to the fact that social customs of the Hindus have remained more unchanged in the south than in any other part of India, it is necessary for us to consider the different uses to which betel is put among the various tribes and castes of the peninsula. In order to do this in any comprehensive manner, I have found it necessary to go through all the seven volumes of Mr Thurston’s well-known work on the subject.[1] This has naturally taken a considerable amount of patience and pertinacity, but I do not think the time has been wasted; for the evidence derived from the work is of undoubted value, and it would be too much to expect readers to be grateful for a mere reference to a seven-volume work which lacks any sort of index.

It contains some three hundred references to betel—either to the leaf, the “nut” or to the combined pān-supārī. Many of these references are redundant, as betel is used at practically every wedding ceremony of all tribes and castes. I shall therefore select from the complete list of references given below[2] such descriptions of customs and ceremonies as will clearly indicate the important part betel plays in the life of the native of Southern India.

The references from Thurston are taken volume by volume in proper chronological order, the names of the castes occurring alphabetically:

 

Vol. i, p. 125. Badhoyi (carpenters and blacksmiths).

If a case of a serious nature is to be tried, the complainant goes to one of the headmen of the caste, and, presenting him with fifty areca-nuts, asks him to convene a council meeting.

 

Page 163. Baṇṭ (cultivating class in South Canara).

At a puberty ceremony among some Baṇṭs, the girl sits in the courtyard of her house on five unhusked coco-nuts covered with the bamboo cylinder which is used for storing paddy. Women place four pots filled with water, and containing betel leaves and nuts, round the girl, and empty the contents over her head. She is then secluded in an outhouse. The women are entertained with a feast, which must include fowl and fish curry. The coco-nuts are given to a washerwoman. On the fourth day the girl is bathed, and received back at the house. Beaten rice and rice-fiour mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) are served out to those assembled. The girl is kept goṣa (secluded) for a time, and fed up with generous diet.

 

Page 260. Bonthuk (nomads—priests, drummers, musicians, shepherds, etc.).

Each settlement has a headman, called Bichādi, and in case of any dispute about his decision, the complainant has to undergo a trial by ordeal. This consists in taking out an areca-nut from a pot of boiling cowdung water. The dimensions of the pot, in height and breadth, should not exceed the span of the hand, and the height of the cowdung water in the pot should be that of the middle finger from the base to the tip. If, in removing the nut from the pot, the hand is injured, the guilt of the individual is proved.

 

Page 276, etc. Brahman.

The areca-nut and betel leaf enter into every important ceremony in the life of a Brāhman—the upanayana (p. 276), his marriage (pp. 279, 280, 290-294), at which he chews betel for the first time, and his death (p. 300). Widows are forbidden to use it (p. 351).

A still clearer idea of the continual and highly important part betel plays in a Brāhman’s life will be obtained by referring to Stevenson’s Rites of the Twice-Born. Owing to the insufficient index to this work I give the references below.[3]

 

Vol. ii, p. 13. Chāliyan (cotton weavers).

In the tāli-tying ceremony the girl is conducted to a booth in which are a plank, made of the wood of the pāla tree, a lighted lamp, betel leaves and nuts, and a measure of raw rice, etc. The girl sits on the plank, holding a mimic arrow in her right hand. The Poduvan, or caste barber, now hands the tāli to a male member of an Urālan’s (headman’s) family, who ties it on the girl’s neck. For his services the Poduvan receives a fanam (coin) and three bundles of betel leaves.

 

Page 110. Dandāsi (watchmen, and thieves).

Among their marriage ceremonies may be mentioned the following. The headman, or some respected elder of the community, places an areca-nut cutter on, or, with some rice and areca-nut, between the united hands of the contracting couple, and ties them together with seven turns of a turmeric-dyed thread. He then announces that the granddaughter of ——and daughter of ——is united to ——the grandson of ——and son of ——. The parents of the

bride and bridegroom pour turmeric-water from a chank (Turbinella rapa) shell or leaf over their united hands. The nut cutter is removed by the bride’s brother, and, after striking the bridegroom, he goes away.

 

Page 117. Dāsari (mendicant caste of Vaiṣṇavas).

Devotees put kavalam (sliced plantain fruits mixed with sugar, jaggery and fried grain or beaten rice) into the mouths of the mendicants, who eat a little and spit the rest out in the hands of the devotees. The same thing is done with betel leaves. It is believed that this action will cure all diseases and produce children.

 

Page 416. Īzhava, or īḻavans (toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore).

Among the ceremonies observed at the seventh month of pregnancy is that which determines the sex of the unborn child. The priestess pours a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf, and, from the manner in which it flows down, the sex is determined.

 

Vol. iii, p. 81. Kaḷḷan (a caste of thieves).

On the sixteenth day after the first menstrual period of a Kalian girl, her maternal uncle brings a sheep or goat, and rice. She is bathed and decorated, and sits on a plank while a vessel of water, coloured rice and a measure filled with paddy, with a style bearing a betel leaf stuck on it, are waved before her. Her head, knees and shoulders are touched with cakes, which are then thrown away. A woman, conducting the girl round the plank, pours water from a vessel on to a betel leaf held in her hand, so that it falls on the ground at the four cardinal points of the compass, which the girl salutes.

 

Page 110. Kammāḷan (carvers of eyes of images, etc.).

The method of a local official to resign office is to lay betel leaf and areca-nut before his superior, and prostrate himself in front of him. On p. 114 we learn that the pān-supāri was taken to ratify a promise. On p. 128 is described a curious custom observed in commencing the building of a house. The carpenters open three or four coco-nuts, spilling the juice as little as possible, and put some tips of betel leaves into them; and, from the way these float in the liquid, they foretell whether the house will be lucky or unlucky, whether it will stand for a long or short period, and whether another will ever be erected on its site.

 

Page 295. Koḍikkāl-veḷḷāḷan...

...is the occupational name of a sub-caste of Vellālas, and of Labbai Mohammedans, who cultivate the betel-vine.

 

Vol. iv, p. 102 et seq. Kudubi (shifter of cultivation).

Some of the caste are employed in the preparation of cutch, the extract from the Acacia catechu, obtained by boiling the chips.

Mr Lathram, of the Forest Department, thus describes the process:

“The first thing to do is to erect the ovens, known as wolle. These are made by a party of men a fortnight or so before the main body come. The ordinary soil of the field is used, and the ovens are built to a height of 18 inches, and placed about 5 yards in front of the huts at irregular distances, one or two to each hut. The oven is an oblong, about 2 feet wide by 3 feet long, with two openings above, about 1 foot in diameter, on which the boilers, common ovoid earthenware pots (madike), are placed. The opening for the fire is placed on the windward side, and extends to the far side of the second opening in the top of the oven, the smoke, etc., escaping through the spaces between the boilers and the oven. The earth forms the hearth. To proceed to the details of the working, the guard and the watcher go out the first thing in the morning, and mark trees for the Kudubis to cut, noting the name of the man, the girth and length of the workable stem and branches. The Kudubi then cuts the tree, and chips off the sapwood, a ring about 1 inch wide, with his axe, and brings it into the camp, where a Forester is stationed, who measures the length and girth of the pieces, and takes the weight of wood brought in. The Kudubi then takes it off to his shelter, and proceeds to chip it. In the afternoon he may have to go and get firewood, but generally he can get enough firewood in a day to serve for several days’ boiling. So much for the men’s work. Mrs Kudubi puts the chips (chakkai) into the pot nearest the mouth of the oven, and fills it up with water, putting a large flat wooden spoon on the top, partly to keep the chips down, and, lighting her fire, allows it to boil. As soon as this occurs, the pot is tipped into a wooden trough (marige) placed alongside the oven, and the pot with the chips is refilled. This process is repeated six times. The contents of the trough are put into the second pot, which is used purely for evaporating. The contents of this pot are replenished from the trough with a coco-nut bailer (chippu) until all the extract obtained from the chips has been evaporated to a nearly solid residue. The contents are then poured into a broken half-pot, and allowed to dry naturally, being stirred at intervals to enable the drying to proceed evenly. The extract (rasa) is of a yellowish-brown colour when stirred, the surface being a rich red-brown. This stirring is done with a one-sided spoon (satuga). To make the balls, the woman covers her hands with a little wood-ash to prevent the extract adhering to them, and takes up as much catechu as she can close her hands on, and presses it into shape. These balls are paid for at R.l, 2 per 100, and are counted before the Forester next morning, and delivered to the contractor. This ends the work done by the Kudubis. When the balls have been counted, they are rolled by special men engaged for the purpose on a board sprinkled with a little wood-ash, and this is repeated daily for three or four days to consolidate them. After this daily rolling the balls are spread out in the receiving shed to dry, in a single layer for the first day or two, and after that they may be in two layers. After the fourth or fifth day’s rolling they are put in a pit and covered with wood-ashes, on which a little water is poured, and, on being taken out the next day, are gone over, and all balls which are soft or broken are then rejected, the good ones being put on the upper storey of the stone shed to get quite hard and dry.”

When the cutch is mixed with the lime used for the chew, mastication will at once produce the red saliva so familiar in all betel-chewing countries. For various other descriptions of cutch and kath (a purer form of cutch) see Watt, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 30-44.

 

Page 178. Kurumo (Oriya agriculturists).

This caste has several village deities. Every family apparently keeps the house-god within the house, and it is worshipped on all important occasions. The god itself is usually represented by Jive areca-nuts, which are kept in a box. These nuts must be filled with pieces of gold, silver, iron, copper and lead, which are introduced through a hole drilled in the base of the nut, which is plugged with silver.

 

Page 398. Malasar (forest tribe cultivators).

The Malasars of the plains observe a curious custom connected with the dead. The widow chews betel leaf and areca-nuts, and spits the betel over the eyes and neck of the corpse. On the third day after death, cooked rice and meat are offered to the soul of the deceased on seven arka (Calotropis gigantea) leaves. The male members of the family then eat from the same leaf.

 

Vol. v, p. 195. Nambūtiri Brāhmans (of Malabar).

Among their festivals is one called Tiruvatira, a day on which Śiva is especially worshipped and only a single meal is taken. Night vigils are kept both by the husband and wife, seated before a lighted fire, which represents the sākṣi (witness) of Karmas and contracts. They then chew a bundle of betel-leaves, not less than a hundred in number. This is called keṭṭuveṯṯila tinnuka. As the chewing of betel is taboo except in the married state, this function is believed to attest and seal their irrefragable mutual fidelity.

 

Page 358. Nāyar (traders, artisans, washermen, etc.).

On the death of an important member of a taravād (descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor) the practice of not shaving the entire body, for a period varying from forty-one days to a year, is involved. The observance, known by the name of dīkṣa, necessitates the effected man offering half-boiled rice and gingelly seeds to the spirits of the deceased every morning after his bath. He is also under restriction from women, from alcoholic drinks, from chewing betel, and also from tobacco.

 

Vol. vi, p. 97. Paraiyan (low-class pariahs of the Tamil country).

Betel enters largely into every part of the marriage ceremonies, which are long and intricate. After the exchange of betel has ratified the agreement of marriage, the bridegroom, with several relations, etc., proceeds to the bride’s home, where more betel is exchanged. After the lapse of a few days the girl’s family is expected to pay a return visit, and the party should include at least seven men. Betel is again exchanged, and the guests are fed, or presented with a small gift of money. When marriage follows close on betrothal, the girl is taken to the houses of her relations, and goes through the nalaṅgu ceremony, which consists of smearing her with turmeric paste (see Ocean, Vol. VIII, p. 18), an oil bath, and presentation of betel and sweets. The auspicious day and hour for the marriage are fixed by the Vaḷḷuvan, or priest of the Paṛaiyans. The ceremonial is generally carried through in a single day. On the morning of the wedding day three male and two married female relations of the bridegroom go to the potter’s house to fetch the pots, which have been already ordered. The potter’s fee is a fowl, pumpkin, paddy, betel, and a few annas. The bride, accompanied by the headman and her relations, goes to the bridegroom’s village, bringing with her a number of articles called petti variṣai, or box-presents. These consist of a lamp, cup, brass vessel, ear-ornament called kalāppu, twenty-five betel leaves, and areca-nuts, onions and cakes, a lump of jaggery (crude sugar), grass mat, silver toe-ring, rice, a bundle of betel leaves, and five coco-nuts, which are placed inside a bamboo box.

Numerous other ceremonies follow, with which we are not concerned. Towards the close of the marriage day, fruit, flowers and betel are placed on a tray before the couple, and all the kankanams, seven in number, are removed, and put on the tray. After burning camphor, the bridegroom hands the tray to his wife, and it is exchanged between them three times. It is then given to the washerman. The proceedings terminate by the two going with linked hands three times round the pandal.

Page 360. Sēnaikkudaiyān are a caste of betel-vine cultivators and betel- leaf sellers, who are found in large numbers in the Tinnevelly district, and to a smaller extent in the other parts of the Tamil country.

 

Vol. vii, p. 24. Tanda Pulaiyan (cultivators).

Every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some demon, whom a magician is capable of exorcising. In the event of sickness, the sorcerer is invited to the hut. He arrives in the evening, and is entertained with food, toddy and betel. He then takes a tender coco-nut, flower of the areca-palm, and some powdered rice, which he covers over with a palm leaf. The sick person is placed in front thereof, and a circle is drawn round him. Outside the circle an iron stylus is stuck in the ground. The demon is supposed to be confined within the circle, and makes the patient cry out: “I am in pai (influence of the ghost) and he is beating me,” etc. With the promise of a fowl or sheep, or offerings thereof on the spot, the demon is persuaded to take his departure. Sometimes, when the sorcerer visits a house of sickness, a rice-pan containing three betel leaves, areca-nuts, paddy, tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), sacred ashes, conch and cowry (Cypræa moneta) shells, is placed in the yard. The sorcerer sits in front of the pan, and begins to worship the demon, holding the shells in his hands, and turning to the four cardinal points of the compass. He then observes the omens, and, taking his iron plate, strikes it, while he chants the names of terrible demons, Mullva, Kariṅkāli, Aiyinār and Villi, and utters incantations. This is varied by dancing, to the music of the iron plate, sometimes from evening till noon on the following day. The sick person works himself up into the belief that he has committed some great sin, and proceeds to make confession, when a small money fine is inflicted, which is spent on toddy for those who are assembled.

 

Page 178. Toreya [toḷuvar?] (cultivators, chiefly of betel-vine).

When a married girl reaches puberty she is taken to her father’s house, and her husband constructs a hut with branches of Ficus glomerata. On the last day of her confinement therein the hut is pulled down, and the girl sets fire to it. The house is purified, and the female relations go to the houses of the Ejamān (headman) and caste people, and invite them to be present at a ceremonial. A small quantity of turmeric paste is stuck on the doors of the houses of all who are invited. The relations and members of the caste carry betel, and other articles, on trays in procession through the streets. The girl is seated on a plank, and the trays are placed in front of her. Rice-flour, fruits, betel, etc., are tied in her cloth, and she is taken into the house. In the case of an unmarried girl the hut is built by her maternal uncle.

The above extracts clearly show the numerous ceremonies among different tribes and castes of Southern India in which betel and areca-nuts play a part.

With regard to marriage ceremonies the use of betel leaf and areca-nuts is everywhere predominant. In the first place betel must be looked upon as synonymous with our “tip.” Thus, if it is necessary to employ a barber, washerman, priest or artisan in connection with the wedding ceremonies, one may be sure he will receive a “tip” of betel leaves and areca-nuts, to which a fowl and other objects are sometimes added.

Then there is the exchange of betel to be considered. This act constitutes a binding oath. After the fathers have exchanged betel the wedding is formally agreed upon and arranged. The bride and bridegroom then exchange betel, which act constitutes a mutual oath of fidelity.

In all the minor ceremonies as well, betel is constantly chewed or given away as a general mark of friendship and rejoicing. If the bridegroom can afford it, a wholesale distribution of pān-sujpāri is made.

We may thus say that, as betel-chewing is the sine qua non of the Hindu’s life, it has naturally become an object of good augury. Consequently it not only figures largely at marriage ceremonies, but also appears at birth, puberty, sacred thread and tāli-tying ceremonies. The widow, being unlucky, must not use it, but the dead husband will need it just the same, and must have some put in his grave or on his funeral pyre.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 7 vols., Madras, 1909.

[2]:

Vol. i, pp. 9, 16, 21, 34, 60, 121, 125, 141, 163, 165, 200-204, 220, 233, 240, 247-249, 260, 265, 276, 279, 280, 290-292, 294, 300, 305, 351 and 359; vol. ii, pp. 13, 24, 42, 65, 73, 76, 78, 89, 95, 105, 110, 117, 120, 143, 163, 201, 255, 260, 270, 272, 294, 306, 322, 330, 343, 347, 349, 350, 358, 363, 369, 385, 386, 415, 416, 430 and 443; vol. iii, pp. 18, 22, 38, 46, 74, 79, 80, 81, 83, 101, 104, 110, 114, 128, 146, 149, 171, 172, 174-177, 206-209, 212, 213, 217, 220, 230, 235, 238, 239, 247, 253, 273, 275, 284, 295, 300, 328, 329, 334, 348, 420, 429, 435, 461, 465, 483 and 494; vol. iv, pp. 11, 32, 89, 98, 101-106, 109, 134, 143, 144, 146, 148, l60, 178, 180, 186, 198, 207, 220, 271, 272, 275, 279, 283-285, 293, 319, 320, 322, 352-356, 363, 368, 369, 372, 374, 377, 381, 383, 385, 598, 420, 422, 426, 430 and 435; vol. v, pp. 33, 35-37, 40, 67, 69, 108, 113-115, 128, 181, 186, 195, 199, 205, 218, 265-268, 294, 3l6, 330, 331, 334, 336, 355,.358, 361, 364, 378, 402, 431, 441, 442, 445, 468, 470, 481-485; vol. vi, pp. 18, 22, 95-100,117, 133, 137, 138, 175, 176, 184, 242, 252, 253, 255, 258, 323, 355, 360 and 382; vol. vii, pp. 9, 17, 24, 30, 53, 54, 57-59, 6l, 64, 75, 78, 79, 86, 89, 176, 178, 192, 193, 200, 201, 248, 253, 259, 282-284, 286, 301, 306, 307, -334, 345-347, 388, 400, 426 and 427.

[3]:

Birth and babyhood, pp. 5, 6, 9-11, 21; sacred thread, pp. 29, 4-0, 43; the wedding and its ceremonies, pp. 51, 6 0, 68, 74, 75, 83, 86, 87, 90, 104, 109; desire for a son, pp. 112, 116, 118, 120; death, pp. 167, 172; daily and monthly ritual; pp. 239, 266, 279, 285, 289, 304, 313, 329, 330, 333, 339; special ceremonies, p. 354; Śiva worship, pp. 385, 392; Viṣṇu worship, p. 414.

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