Bhasa (critical and historical study)
by A. D. Pusalker | 1940 | 190,426 words
This book studies Bhasa, the author of thirteen plays ascribed found in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. These works largely adhere to the rules of traditional Indian theatrics known as Natya-Shastra. The present study researches Bhasa’s authorship and authenticity, as well as a detailed study on each of the plays ascribed to him. The final chapters...
Chapter 19-20 - Aspects of social life (in Bhasa’s time)
In this chapter we shall deal with those aspects of the social life of the period which could not adequately be included among the earlier chapters or whose importance demanded a separate treatment under different headings. FOOD AND DRESS. Both vegetable and animal food was taken by the Indians in the Vedic age. Barley and wheat were the principal products of land and the principal articles of food. There is no mention of rice in the Rigveda, which appears to have entered the diet of the Indians at a later period. Various sweet cakes such as apupa, purodasa, karambha, etc. which were prepared in ghee are referred to. Animal food was largely used and frequent allusions are found to the cooking of cows, buffaloes and bulls. A slaughter-house where cows were killed is mentioned as also the sacrifice of horses, bulls and rams. The allusions to the horse-sacrifice, however, are rare, from which it appears that the custom of eating horse flesh fell into disuse. The rarity of the Asvamedha sacrifice in later times, it being reserved for sovereigns, also speaks of the general disfavour against killing horses and eating their flesh. The only intoxicating drink in the Vedic age was the fermented juice of Soma. Milk with its various preparations has ever been a most favourite food in India. since the ancient times, and it must also have been an important factor in the dietary of the Mohenjo-Daro 1 1 Datta, Early Hindu Civilization, pp. 41-43; Majumdar, Outline, pp. 49-50.
437 people, besides wheat, barley, vegetables and other fruits including the date. Animal food comprised beef, mutton, pork, poultry and the flesh of the gharial, turtle, tortoise, and dried and fresh fish." In the Brahmanic and the Upanisadic period, various kinds of grains are mentioned in addition to the meat of animals. The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad enumerates ten kinds of seeds. Grains were ground and sprinkled with honey, curds and clarified butter, and made into different kinds of cakes. Rice, barley, beans and sesamums, ghee, butter, curds and sugar-cane were the principal vegetable food-stuffs. Animal food was also taken. The flesh of cow and bull made favourite dishes. References are found to the fattening and killing of an ox or cow when a king or an honoured guest was received. Sura or a brandy made from corn and barley was generally drunk." It was by the epic period that restrictions were placed on meat-eating and wine-drinking, especially by the Brahmanas. The killing of animals on occasions of sacrifice was not taken as slaughter, and all, including the Brahmanas, partook of the flesh as it was taken to be sacred. The cow and the bull were, however, raised to divinity in the epic period principally through Sri Krsna and the killing of a cow was regarded as a great sin and the eating of their flesh was forbidden to all the Hindus. Fish of some kinds, frogs and birds etc. were prohibited for the Brahmanas. Gradually as it became known that meat tended to hinder progress in penance and was harmful for high thinking, the general tendency came to be against flesh-eating and is well represented in the famous verse: na mamsabhaksane doso na madye na ca maithune | pravrttiresa bhutanam nivrttistu mahaphala || The only exception was in the case of sacrifices. The Ksatriyas of the epic period were noted for their addiction to liquor. But the Brahmanas were strictly prohibited from drinking, and later on, it was regarded as one of the five principal sins. In the Jatakas there does not appear to be any restriction with regard to food and drink. We read of 1 Marshall, Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, p. 27; Sewell, Monenjo-Daro and Indus Civilization, pp. 670 ff. 2 Datta, Op cit, p. 166..
438 Brahmana meat-eaters and of Brahmanas enjoying spirituous drinks. Brahmanas used to kill a goat at a feast for the dead or to feed the wedding guest with a fattened pig. Inspite of the campaign of Buddhism against sacrifices, large numbers of sheep, goats, poultry, swine and other living creatures were massacred at Benares for sacrificial rites. Fish, meat, strong drink, rice and milk were offered to the Nagas. Many also are the allusions to drinking festivals and some tipplers." Slaughter-houses were under government control in the period of the Arthasastra and none was allowed to kill animals or sell meat outside. Slaughter of milch cows, calves and bulls was prohibited. Though not expressly stated, we think there were at least some restrictions regarding flesh-eating among the Brahmanas if it cannot be definitely asserted that flesh was prohibited. The observations of Megasthenes that wine was drunk but rarely and that rice beer was generally drunk seem to be correct. The Abkari department was under state control, and the sale and purchase of wine was looked into by the superintendent of drinking houses. No one was allowed to sell drinks without permit and outside the licensed houses." In our plays, we find that articles from the vegetarian menu are generally mentioned. A piece of mutton saturated with salt and ghee is referred to as being placed in a drinking bowl; the reference evidently is to the drunken Gatrasevaka who is not a Brahmana and thus it appears that flesh-eating was not current in those days especially among the Brahmanas.3 The similes of the gluttonous jesters as well as their enumeration of the various articles of diet do not cover the non-vegetarian field. Sugar-balls (modakamallaka), ghee (ghidam), molasses (gulam), clarified butter or buttermilk (dahim), rice (tandula) and rice-cake fried in ghee (neubbhamana, according to Dr. Raja) are the different food-stuffs. mentioned. Condiments of various kinds were used to flavour dishes. At the time of Vatsyayana, the city-bred gentlemen had two meals a day and their articles of diet consisted of rice, wheat, barley, pulses, variety of 1 Jataka, Nos. 47, 81, 227, 459, 460, 497, 512, 537, 543. 545, 546, etc. Arthasastra, II. 26, 25, pp. 122-123; 119-121; Cambridge History of India, I, pp. 412-413. 3 Pratiina, p. 57--ghidamarimalonaruside mamsakhande | 4 Car, p. 4.
439 vegetables, milk and its preparations, ghee, meat, sweets, salt and oil. Desisting from flesh-eating was considered an act of merit. They also enjoyed various kinds of drinks such as sura, madhu, maireya and asava. In Bhasa, we find reference to the sale of liquor in a public tavern. Though the servant there is not really drunk but feigns to be under the influence of liquor, it may safely be inferred from contemporary accounts that the public drinking houses were under the superintendence and control of government officials. 2 As regards dress, Indians used to wear two pieces of cloth for a long time since the Vedic age. The dress of the ancient Indus people consisted of a shawl-like upper garment worn over the left shoulder and under the right arm, recalling the upavita mode discovered during the later Vedic age. The lower garment was possibly a kilt. There is nothing to distinguish between the male and female attire and it appears that the garments were of wool or cotton. The lower garment in the epic age was passed round the waist and covered the lower limbs; the uttariya (upper garment) was loosely worn round the shoulders. The upper part of the body was not always wholly covered by the garment; mostly it was uncovered. The pupils kept their right arm free for movements and tied the knot of the upper garment over their left shoulders. The general populace had cotton garments, while those of the royalty and the rich were of silk and muslin. The upper garments of the fashionable city-bred gentlemen were generally scented. It appears that the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas dressed themselves differently in Ayodhya, while there was no such distinction in the Kekaya country. Occasionally a turban was worn round the head by important personages and kings. Ornaments of gold and jewellery were worn on their wrists, necks, etc. both by the males and females. Shoes were generally worn in the epic age and they were made of wood or leather. Clothes made of grass were usually worn by anchorites both male and female. Valkalas were barkgarments prepared from the barks of trees. 1 Chakladar, Social Life. pp. 159-160. 2 Pratijna, Act IV. Pravesaka. 3 Venketesvara, Aryan Path, 1934, p. 88. 4 Car, p. 36. Pisharoti, Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, XII, p. 388. 5 Prat; III. 3; also p. 61; Of.
440 FESTIVITIES, SPORTS AND PASTIMES. Primitive man was a gregarious animal and the tendency continued till a comparatively late period in the Vedic age. The Vedic Indian used to amuse himself in chariot-racing and hunting. There were also festive assemblies in which there was much of music and dance. At the occasion of sacrifices and such other great assemblies, many diversions were found in which all took part. The amusements, festivities and sports of the Hindus are characteristically wound up with some religious ceremony or episode, and there is possibly nothing in the life of the Hindus which is not connected with religion, ritual or moral duty in some way or the other. Some festivities occur in the form of thanks-givings, or to greet the arrival of seasons, etc. Till a very late period when the Smrti writers curtailed the freedom of women and paved their way with thorns, women used to mix freely in all such festivities and gatherings. The Kartika festival was an occasion of great rejoicing in the Buddhist age and the city was swept clean and was decorated with banners, garlands and buntings, and scents and perfumes were to be found everywhere. The city is said to have appeared like some city of the gods. The king marched in the city in pompous procession at sunset when the full moon had risen in the sky and every quarter in the city was blazing with torches. Citizens of both sexes in their best dress and ornaments took part in the sport connected with the festival which was at times characterized by strong drinks." There are references to a number of sports and festivities in our plays. Indramaha and Dhanurmaha were, it appears, the festivals of the cowherds. The city used to be decorated for the Dhanurmaha and a vast stadium was specially prepared for wrestling bouts and other feats such as the bending of a special bow etc., connected with the festival. The king sent invitations to number of celebrated wrestlers and citizens to attend the festival. The king himself attended the main fights and observed them from the balcony of his palace. Indramaha was a ceremony connected with Indra and the 1 Jataka Nos. 147, 150, 276, 528.
441 cowherds used to offer oblations of food to Indra on the occasion. Another special sport in which the herdsmen took part was the Hallisaka. It was a circular dance performed by women under the direction of one man or in which the circle consisted of males and females alternately arranged. 5 Wrestling was a favourite pastime and even princes were fond of it." There were also tournaments in which charming and accomplished maidens were the prize of the victorious athlete. They appear to have been popular in cities ruled by semi-republican governments like the Sakyakula. Garden parties were held in parks which were, as already observed, the feature of cities in ancient India, and youths of both sexes participated in them. Young princesses also occasionally visited the parks with their maids. The Kamadevanuyana or Kamadevamahotsava was a festival connected with cupid in which young persons mixed freely with maidens and these were the occasions of many a love marriage. Maidens also participated in the gosthis or social gatherings in which various competitions connected with literature, versification, fine arts, singing, painting, etc. were held; boisterous laughter, humour, merriment and sports were what one met with in these assemblies. Gosthijanas, as already indicated, appear to be different from these gosthis. The Kamasutra mentions also apanakas, i. e. drinking parties, samajas, i. e. regular festivals in temples on a fixed day every fortnight when the permanent musicians, dancers, and artistes employed by the temple gave performances of their art in honour of the deity, etc.' Fights of an unarmed individual with an elephant, something of the gladiator, are only incidentally referred to; possibly the royalty occasionally enjoyed such a sight. There was also a festival in honour of the sage Agastya which was celebrated on mount Malaya in which the Vidyadharas took part.Ⓡ CONVEYANCES. In the Vedic age, horses, bullocks, camels and chariots seem to have been the means of conveyance. No 1 Bal, pp. 12, 55, Act V. 2 Bal, pp. 38-41; Panc, pp. 49-50. 3 Of. Pratijna, II. 13. 4 Chakladar, Social Life, p. 187; Cf. Avi, I. 9- mallah patakamiva | 5 Cf. Car, pp. 23, 38, 45. 6 Cf. Chakladar, Social Life, pp. 164-167. 7 Of.. Social Life, pp. 162-163. 8 Cf. the fight of Damodara with an elephant in the Bal and that of Avimaraka in the Avi. W Avi, p. 63.
442 reference is made to the elephant as a means of transport. The region under the Aryan fold was in the Punjab and they were making towards the Gangetic valley in this period. In the epic period, elephants, horses, camels, chariots and asses were the principal conveyances. Elephants were given the prime place, as they were used by the rich and the royalty, and only important personages rode the elephant. Then came chariots drawn by two or four horses. Camels were the third in importance and lastly came chariots drawn by one horse which were not highly thought of. Asses were used for riding as also for carrying chariots. The Ramayana also states that asses and mules were largely used in the army. Bulls were the beasts of burden and they carried carts full of load and merchandise. In wars, cars full of arrows which followed charioteers were drawn by bulls." In the Buddhist period, the chariot was the common conveyance as it was used not only by kings, the rich, and the merchants, but by the commoners also. The chariots were of various designs and were polished. Carriages humbler than chariots and drawn by horses were known as yanas, and Ambapali is said to have obstructed the yanas of the Licchavis who had come to pay their homage to Buddha by putting the wheels of her yana into those of theirs. This also indicates that there were roads. enough to allow the passage of two carts side by side. Elephants were used for riding and for wars. There are many stories of mad elephants running hither and thither through streets, frightening and endangering the life of citizens. Horses from Sind were famous, but they were also imported. Horses carried chariots, yanas and the persons who rode them. Oxen carried carts known as sakatas. Occasionally cows also were used to draw sakatas, but Buddha prohibited their employment for that purpose. There were large caravans of bullock carts and they used to travel by night and rest by day. Men used push-carts (hatthavattaka). Sibika and palanquins were the conveyances for the sick. Camels are but rarely mentioned. It does not appear that 1 Cf. Vaidya, Upasamhara, p. 273. 2 Cf. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, XIX, p. 131. 3 Cf. Vaidya, Epic India, p. 149. 4 Joshi, Aravinda, 1921, p. 360.
443 camels were loaded and used for travelling. Asses were beasts of burden and pulled carts. Ships were extensively used and were more in vogue than even at present. Commerce was carried on through the Ganges by means of boats. Merchant ships used to go to such distant places as Ceylon, Java and Babylon. The Arthasastra speaks in detail with reference to different kinds of roads and enjoins that roads must constantly be kept in repair. Trees were planted along roads and water supply was kept at different stages in the journey. The chariot was the principal vehicle, of which there were seven different sizes and six varieties. Devaratha was the chariot for idols; pusyaratha was the festal chariot and pariyanika was ordinarily used for travelling. There were also a number of minor vehicles known as laghuyana (small cart), golinga (cart drawn by bulls) and sakata (big cart). These chariots, carts and other vehicles were usually drawn by camels, bulls or horses. Sibika and pithika were varieties of palanquins and they appear to have been ordinarily used by females. Navigation was in an advanced stage of development and was under the control of efficient officers. Water routes consisted of various classes such as ordinary river routes, canal routes, coastal routes and ocean routes. Ships and boats of different shapes were built to answer the requirements of inland and oceanic travel. Sea-going ships were called samyatirnavah and pravahanas, the latter term being used also to denote Then there were boats for pearl fishing, river boats, royal barges, ferry boats, private ships, small boats and many other devices for watercarriage prepared from bamboos, baskets, leather, etc. Mariots. I 2 In our plays, we find mention of elephants, chariots drawn by horses and donkeys, bulls and carriages of different types as the means of conveyance. Donkeys were also used as beasts of burden. They gradually lost public. favour and, as has rightly been observed by Dr. Smith, are now looked upon with contempt and restricted to the humblest services as beasts of burden for potters and washermen Their use for drawing chariots in common 1 For this paragraph, cf. in general, Law's Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity, pp. 68-87. 2 Cf. Car, p. 70; Part, p. 32-1 faquyha acida 1 3 Early History of India 4 th Edition, p. 141.
444 with the Buddhist and the Mauryan age points to a proximate period for our poet. There were different carriages for different occasions. Gentlemen used covered cars. Pravahanas were used for the procession of the bridegroom as also for high class ladies and prostitutes; they had cushions within them. Sibikas or palanquins borne by servants were for the use of princesses royal. Vadhuyanas were the carriages used for marriage ceremonies and the pusyaratha was requisitioned for pompous royal procession on the occasion of Coronation. Horses used to be ridden for long journeys. Bullocks also used to draw carts and they were used as beasts of burden. No mention is made of camels nor of roads, their condition, etc. There are also no particulars given about maritime trade and navigation. Ships are mentioned only in some similes. POPULAR BELIEFS AND SUPERSTITIONS. Belief in magic, amulets, omens, etc., is found among the Vedic Indians also, in common with all the ancient people of the world. Amulets are to be seen among the finds at Mohenjo-Daro also. We have already referred to the belief in magic of the people of the period of our plays. People believed that through the power of magic one could disappear, or assume various forms or change one's countenance, or produce water from the mountains, etc. Kautilya has mentioned devices enabling persons to cause sleep, blindness or delusion to others, to be invisible, to open doors, etc. Avimaraka in the Avimaraka and Sajjalaka in the Carudatta achieved their objects through practising the precepts of ancient writers on such sciences. There was belief in the infallibility and certainty of the curses pronounced by sages, and even kings tried to bring the fulfilment of the curses. Curse sometimes was believed to assume human form. Not only curses, but hints and advice of revered sages were implicitly obeyed and their propriety, wisdom or religiosity was not questioned.' Amulets were prepared to ward off danger. 5 It was 5 Cf. Sauviraraja in 7 Avi, pp. 103, 107- 8 Pratijna, pp. 4, 16- 1 Cf. Vatsaraja in Pratijna Act I. 2 Car, pp. 39, 70. 3 Arthasastra, Adhikarana XIV in general. 4 Avi, p. 46; Car, pp. 74-77. the Avi, and Kaikeyi in the Prat. 6 Bal, pp. 22-23. nisprativacanamrsivacanam (p. 103 ) padiggahidam isivanam (p. 107) : 'pratisara ' |
445 believed that human life could be saved in a great fire through divine help. There was a general faith in astrology, and learned ministers such as Yaugandharayana based their plans on the predictions made by royal astrologers. The course of events ordained by fate was thought to be unchangeable. It was sure to happen. There was belief in the assuming of human forms by the various weapons of God Krsna and Goddess Kartyayani. Raksasa, Pisaca and Candala women also appear in human forms in the Balacarita. People also believed in the voice from heaven and had implicit faith in that pronouncement.* God Agni is said to have granted the favour of a son to queen Sudarsana of Kasiraja and again to have saved that son from burning though he entered the forestconflagration with the intention of committing suicide.* Dreams and omens were interpreted by royal astrologers and their directions were followed. The performance of santi and feeding the Brahmanas were believed to ward away ill omens and to bring prosperity. The sound of a crow sitting on a dry tree facing the sun was taken to bring disaster." TRADE AND INDUSTRY. The Rgveda being a collection of hymns to gods, allusions to trade and commerce are naturally rare; yet there are some passages which throw a curious light on the manners of the times. Loans and usury were properly understood in those days and there are references to the lamentable state of indebtedness. Ancestral debts were acknowledged and were required to be paid by descendants. The fixity and finality of the sale transaction is indicated in Rgveda IV. 24. 9. Contracts were made at the time of sale and purchase, and the terms could not be allusions to violated afterwards. There are also distinct allusions to sea voyages, and the avaricious Panis had a vast maritime trade. Inland trade was carried by caravans consisting of bullocks, pack-horses, camels, dogs and asses. Traders in ancient India charged exhorbitant prices and were highly unpopular. The various industries were still in their infancy. Houses were built, roads made and boats constructed. Weaving, spinning, 1 Of Avi, IV. 8; p. 60-agnih khalu mam na dahati | 2 Cf. Avi, II. 5; pp. 21-22. 3 Avi, pp. 60, 105. 4 Bal, p. 26. 5 Pane, p. 48.
446 plaiting and dyeing were practised, and firs, skins and woollen fabrics were turned into garments, blankets and shawls. Carpentry had made considerable progress as would appear from frequent allusions to the construction of carts, chariots, boats and ships. The use of iron, gold, and other metals was well known and references are found to an ironsmith and a goldsmith.' The Mohenjo-Daro people had trade relations with Southern and Eastern India, Sumer, Ur, Kish, and probably Egypt also. Spinning of cotton and wool was very common and dyers' vats show that dyeing was also practised. The remarkable skill of the lapidary's art is evinced by the well-made stone beads of clear and clouded agate, red translucent carnelian, etc. A number of specimens exhibiting the industries of the goldsmith, engraver, shellworker, mason, weaver, etc. are found, showing that the Indus people practised all the arts of the Chalcolithic age. Coming to the later Vedic age, it will be seen that, being preoccupied with their philosophical speculations, the Aryans did not make much progress in trade and industry. In the epic period, there were corporations and guilds of various trades, and kings used to subsidize many industries. Garments of cotton, silk and wool were manufactured and exported. References are found to very fine cotton and silk fabrics as also to mixed silken and woollen cloths. Dyes were prepared from different herbs and the colours were fast. Greek writers refer to the liking of the Indians for multicoloured garments. Practically all the metals such as gold, silver, zinc, lead, iron, etc. were known. Gold used to be gathered from the Himalayas. Workshops of goldsmiths, ironsmiths, ivory workers, manufacturers of weapons and arms are much referred to. Pearls, corals, gold, silver and gems, spices and rice were some of the exports. Horticulture was in an advanced stage and many public parks and gardens with numerous trees, shrubs and flowers are described. Brisk inland trade was carried as before on pack-horses and pack-bulls, and merchants used to travel in caravans for protection from robbers, wild animals etc. There appears to have been an extensive seaborne trade to Java and other places from the references in the Ramayana.3 1 Of. Das, Rgvedic Culture, pp. 189, 141, 143, 146, 148-149. 2 Cf. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, XIX, p. 139.
447 2 66 The Jatakas refer to various kinds of trade-foreign and inland, oceanic and riverine, export and import," Inland trade was carried on by carts and caravans. The caravans consisted of a large number of carts, five hundred being the number generally mentioned, which contained various valuable articles of merchandise, water and foodstuffs. Often their way lay through deserts and forest tracks and leaders of gangs of robbers were not uncommon who waylaid them. Trade relations existed with all parts of India and there were trade routes crossing the whole country. Tradesmen residing Tradesmen residing in Benares travelled to Ujjayini for trade, and merchants from Videha carried on trade with Kashmir and Gandhara. On account of the mention of disakakas' (direction-giving crows) whose flying towards the land showed the direction of the coast to the navigators, Dr. Fick thinks that the Jatakas speak of " navigation along the coast and not navigation in the open sea" He does not accept the view that there was a regular trade between India and Babylon; but the very fact that probably Indian sailors went to Babylon" shows that they crossed the sea, as the Jatakas do not mention any land route to Baveru (Babylon). The Samudra Banija Jataka, the Supparaka Jataka and many other Jatakas tell us about big ships holding any number of passengers from five hundred and sailing on the high seas to some foreign islands. References are also found to the dangers of sea travel. We also read of apana or shops where arrows, carriages and other goods for sale were kept on view. In the bazaars which were situated in the prominent quarters of the city could be had textile fabrics, grain, greengroceries, perfumes and flowers, works of gold and jewellery, and many other commodities. Traders made huge profits, sometimes recovering double or even treble the original price. Prices were not fixed but were to be settled by haggling or by competition. There were organized guilds of hereditary tradesmen and manufacturers; sixteen different guilds of producers are mentioned. These guilds were important institutions in ancient times. They settled internal disputes. by arbitration and maintained high standards in production. 1 Cf. Mookerji, Hindu Civilization, pp. 302-305. 2 Social Organization, p. 269. 3 Jataka Nos. 41, 186, 190, 196, 384, 442, 463, 466, 518, 539.
448 Their business was conducted in assembly and it was through the guilds that the king summoned people on important occasions. The profession of money-lending was followed, but the rate of interest is not mentioned. 1 In the Mauryan period, trade and commerce were under the control of the Superintendent of Commerce, whose duties included control over export and import, securing the safety and convenience of the mercantile traffic, looking to the different products and their purchase and sale at suitable places, etc. Prices of commodities were fixed by the state. Traders paid a certain percentage to the state revenue. Foreign merchandise was imported at reduced taxes and foreign merchants enjoyed security and special privileges. There were various superintendents for different industrial departments such as weaving, mining, metallurgy, agriculture. salt, abkari, etc. Some of them, such as salt and liquor breweries were government monopolies, but the other industrial pursuits and manufactories though run by private enterprise were supervised and at times subsidized by the state. Interest on loans was regulated by the state. Mortgages and deposits required witnesses to give them legality. Our poet does not furnish us with any information regarding internal and foreign trade. Jewellers, goldsmiths, ironsmiths, shampooers, garland-makers, and florists a mentioned among those carrying on trade of some kind or other. Long journeys for purposes of trade in foreign countries, group of merchants travelling together with their articles, merchants missing their way through fear (of robbers or wild animals) may be inferred. The relation between the debtor and the creditor was peculiar in that the latter was the absolute master of the debtor and could even inflict bodily punishment on him. Taking of loans on some security or on mortgage of the moveables was known and interest had to be paid on the principle amount borrowed.* WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. As regards weights and measures, there is possibly no reference to weights in these plays. But to give some 1 Arthasastra. II. 16. pp. 97-99. 2 Ct. Arthasastra, Adhikarana II. 3 Car, pp. 45, 77, 78-- vanijadara bho kocci mamantuma (p. 45 ) : bhidipa uppahaspavrtto vibha vanijadarabha (p. 78). Cf. Pratijna, pp. 59, 61. adhatta pledged' (p. 59); 'mulaviddhi'= interest on mortgage (p. 61).
449 idea as to weights current at the period, we shall briefly describe the same in the light of the information supplied by the Arthasastra. Weights were made of iron or of stone available in Magadha and Mekala, or of substances that would neither contract nor expand under external influences. Seeds of masa (Phraseolus radiatus) gunja (Abrus precatorious) were the lowest standards. of weight. Ten masa seeds or five gunja seeds equalled one suvarna masa; sixteen survana masas were equal to one suvarna or karsa; four karsas made one pala. Then there was a silver masa which weighed eighty-eight white or mustard seeds; sixteen silver masas or twenty saibya seeds made one dharana. One dharana of a diamond was equal to twenty grains of rice. There were ten different balances with levers of different standard lengths and weights and they had one scale-pan on either side. The lever was then marked for different weights beginning with one karsa (i. e. one-fourth pala) and ending with one hundred or two hundred palas. Cubic measures were made by dry and strong wood in such a way that the conically heaped up portion of the grains outside the mouth of the measure was equal to one-fourth of the quantity of grains measured, or the measure contained the whole amount of grain. Such measures were drona (two hundred seeds of masa), vari (sixteen dronas), kumbha (twenty dronas) and vaha (ten kumbhas). Weights and measures were stamped by the superintendent after the due fees were paid. Atom (paramanu) was the minimum used in the measures of length, eight atoms forming into one particle (rathacakraviprut). Beginning with a particle (i. e. eight atoms) there were gradually one liksa, one yuka, one yava (barley) and one angula, each succeeding measure being eight times the previous one. Angula, which was inch, was taken to be equal in length to the middlemost joint of the middle finger of a medium sized man. Further measures were a dhanurgraha (four angulas), dhanurmusti (eight angulas), vitasti (twelve angulas ), pada or sama or sala or pariraya (fourteen angulas), aratni ( two vitastis or twenty four angulas), hasta for measuring balances, cubic measures and pasture lands (two vitastis plus one dhanurgraha i. e. twenty 1 Arthasastra, II, 19, pp. 103-109.
450 eight angulas), hasta for measuring timber forests (fifty four angulas), danda or dhanu or nalika (ninety-six angulas), dhanu for measuring roads and fort-walls used by carpenters (one hundred and eight angulas), goruta (one thousand dhanus) and yojana (four gorutas). It may be stated that Bhasa has referred to dhanu, krosa and yojana as measures of distance. According to a commentator on the Arthasastra, a goruta (referred to above) means a krosa. Thus, in the light of the lengths given by Kautilya, one krosa will be equal to two thousand yards and one yojana to four and a half British miles. Nalika was the period of time required for the passing of one adhaka of water from a pot through an aperture made by a wire of four masas of gold four angulas in length.' Nalika was generally taken to be the standard of the measure of time, though truti, lava (two trutis), nimesa (two lavas ), kastha (five nimesas) and kala (thirty kasthas) were the shorter measures, forty kalas making one nalika. Two nalikas amounted to one muhurta and fifteen muhurtas made one day or one night. Fifteen days and nights together made one paksa (fortnight), two paksas made one masa (month), two masas made one rtu (season), three rtus made one ayana (solstice) and two ayanas made one samvatsara (varsa or year). Nalika was equal to twenty four minutes and we have already referred to the daily time-table of the king. Our plays mention nalika, divasa, ratri and varsa. 14 NUMISMATICS.* The cow served as a medium of exchange, and payments were made in cows in ancient India in the Vedic age and the practice continued for a long time. The cow was the higher unit of barter while shells, beads, and cowries were the lower units. Gradually gold came into vogue as a means of exchange, gold dust being found washed away on the banks of the Indus in the Vedic age. Dr. Bhandarkar maintains that niska was used as coined there is no sufficient evidence in support of the theory. The 1 Arthasastra, II. 20, p. 107 - suvarnamasakascatvarascaturangulayamah kumbhacchidramadhakambhaso va nalika | 2 Chakrabortty, Ancient Indian Numismatics, pp. 16-36; Brown, Coins of India, pp. 13-21. money in the period of the Rigveda; sed as coined
451 reasonable view appears to be that niska was only a necklace in the Rgveda, and then it was employed as a means of exchange. It was at a still later period that it gave place to coined money, its value being equal to the metallic weight of the material. Gold, silver, copper and iron were known to the Vedic Aryans, and whereas thousands of Puranas or Dharanas or the so-called punch-marked coins have been unearthed in other metals, the fact that no ancient gold coin such as suvarna, niska or pala has been found in India shows that in the period of the Rigveda only circular or rectangular ingots of gold were used, and gold had not yet emerged as coined money. That the coinage in India evolved as an indigenous system has been conclusively proved by well-known numismatists. Panini and the Jatakas testify to the existence of silver and copper coins in ancient India whose existence is proved to go back at least to 1000 B. C. They are rectangular or circular flat pieces of alloyed silver or copper cut from sheets and clipped to standard weights. On the obverse were impressed various symbols by punch marks (which caused them to be called the punch-marked coins); in the oldest coins the reverse was blank, but later coins contained one, two or three punchmarks. Various kinds of devices, such as human figures, arms, animals, birds, and solar, Saiva and planetary signs were used on the coins. Paucity of silver in ancient India is evident in the Mohenjo-Daro finds also, and no definite information is available as to the coinage in the period of the Indus culture. The Jatakas mention suvarna, purana, ka kini and karsapana as the coins of the pre-Buddhist and Buddhist period. Though karsapana in the Buddhist literature represented a copper coin, some Smrti works refer to it as a silver coin. Karsa was the term more properly applied to the silver coins. The long-cherished view of the numismatists that "the punch-marked coinage was a private coinage issued by guilds and silversmiths with the permission of the ruling power" and that the obverse marks were struck by private persons and the reverse punches signified the royal approval, was first questioned by Dr. Spooner, and the researches of Mr. Walsh and Mr. Durgaprasad have finally and conclusively proved. that the punched coins constituted a regular public
452 coinage. We have already referred to the coins struck in the Mauryan coinage in accordance with the rules laid down in the Arthasastra. The crescent-on-the-hill is the royal Mauryan mark which is invariably found on these coins. The public coinage in India goes back to the pre-Mauryan period, cast coins of Avanti of Dharmapala and of Upagoda testifying to the existence of cast coins some centuries before the Mauryas.2 It would be beyond the scope of our present study to refer to the elaborate rules given in the Arthasastra with regard to the superintendent of mint (laksanadhyaksa), examiner of coins (rupadarsaka), the proportion of different metals, manufacture of coins, different premia for manufacturing, testing and stamping the coins, detection of spurious coins and heavy punishments for the counterfeiters, etc. We may mention that suvarna, and perhaps masa, were the names of gold coins; dharana, pana, half pana, quarter pana, and one-eighth pana were the silver coins; and masa, half masa, kakani and half kakani were the copper coins. The exact weight of a pana is not given by Kautilya, but it possibly corresponded with the present rupee. The word nanaka which is applied to coins in classical Sanskrit literature is not found in Kautilya and (as already observed) in Bhasa. Bhasa does not mention any coin by name but uses. the generic term suvarna and masa, the former of which signified gold coins of a particular weight; masa, as we know from the Arthasastra, was applicable to coins of gold or copper weighing one masa. SLAVERY. Curiously enough, slavery which was prevalent in nearly all the other parts of the world in ancient times has been conspicuous by its absence since the olden times in India. There was, however, a class of persons not completely free who were known as the dasas. Now, dasa is a variant of the word dasyu, and dasyus were the non-Aryan enemies of the Aryans with whom the latter 1 Jayaswal, Presidential Address at the Numismatic Society of India, 1935, pp. 5-9. 2 Jayaswal, op. cit., pp. 17-18. 3 Arthasastra, pp. 58, 208 and 212, 84, 202-203, etc. 4 Arthasastra, pp. 202-203, 84. Cf. "Suvarna a as described in the Kautilya Arthasastra was a real gold coin". OC, IV, Vol. 2. p. 719. 5 Do, p. 9; Car, pp. 7, 9, 55.
453 66 had to wage many unpleasant battle. Dasas originally consisted of these dasyu captives in war, and later on, their progeny also came to be known as dasas. The information given by the Manusmrti with regard to seven different classes of slaves may be taken as representing the true position of the Vedic and post-Vedic period, though the Manusmrti evidently belongs to a much later period. The different kinds enumerated by Manu included those who are captured in the field during war (dhvajahrta), those who serve in return for maintenance (bhaktadasa), those that are born in the house (grhaja), those that are bought (krita), those that are received as gifts (datrima), those that are inherited from the father (paitrika) and those that are made slaves by way of punishment (dandadasa)". Dasas are mentioned in the Mahabharata also; in addition to the prisoners of war, those that staked their freedom in the game of dice were treated as dasas if they lost the game. Coming to the period of the Jatakas, we find the existence of the institution of dasas and dasis (male and female slaves or servants). Slavery was the consequence of capture, debt, commutation of death sentence, voluntary self-degradation or judicial punishment. Slaves could be free by the will of their master or by the payment of ransom. They could not be admitted into the religious community (samgha ) while continuing as dasas. A slave girl could be bought for a hundred pieces and a Brahmana begs seven hundred kahapanas which he considers sufficient for buying a female or a male slave. Owing to the complete absence of legal status of slaves, the nature of their work depended on the individual temperament of the master. Some received fair and humane treatment while others were harshly treated. Their duties varied from crushing and winnowing rice, washing the feet of their master, cooking food and making arrangements of dishes, serving dinner and standing behind with a brush helping the master to dress and undress etc., to serving as a store-keeper, treasurer or private secretary, according to the social position of the master and the intellectual capacity of the slaves themselves.* 307. 1 Manu, VII. 415; Translations as given in Social Organization, pp. 306- 2 Fick, Social Organization, pp. 308-310.
454 The Arthasastra mentions six kinds of slaves; 1 those voluntarily mortgaging themselves to pay off their debts, fines or court decrees or to tide over family troubles; (2) those mortgaged by their kinsmen; (3) those enslaved for fines or court decrees; (4) captives of war; (5) issues of slaves; and (6) purchased. A voluntarily mortgaged slave if he attempted escape, one mortgaged by his kinsmen if guilty of escape on two occasions, and either of these slaves if found planning escape to foreign countries, were condemned to permanent slavery. All the other classes of slaves could win their freedom on payment of a reasonable price. Heavy fines were prescribed for those who refused to emancipate their dasas on the latters' offering the ransom money. The offspring of a person selling himself as a slave was Arya. After paying the value a slave regained his Aryahood. Kautilya forbids the assigning of objectionable works to the slaves as also the exacting of hard labour from them." $6 It seems rather strange that in face of these numerous references to slaves in ancient India, Megasthenes should emphatically assert that none of the Indians employ slaves" and that "all Indians are free, and not one of them is a slave "" But the statements are not irreconcilable with facts, as the so-called slaves in India were quite distinct from their name-sakes in the West. The master in ancient Rome had power of life and death over his slave and a slave was no better than the chattel of his owner in Roman Law, the penalty for killing a slave being the same as that for killing a four-footed beast. The slave in India, however, was a member of the family of his master. In spite of Dr. Fick's statement, we are inclined to hold that slaves were treated very kindly, thrashing, imprisonment and bad food being found only in exceptional instances. A slave, further, had the protection of the law courts in India and any ill treatment of a slave was visited with severe punishment. According to the Arthasastra the property of a slave passed not to his master but to his own heirs; the master got it on in the absence of any heir to his slave. heir to his slave. The statements of 1 Arthasastra, IIl. 13, pp. 181-183. 2 Cf. Public Administration in Ancient India , p. 25. Organization, p. 310; Contra, Fick himself, op. cit. pp. 312-313. 3 Social
455 Megasthenes quoted above further indicate the enforcement of the dictum of Kautilya that "Never shall an Arya be subjected to slavery". Should, however, any Arya be required to undergo slavery, easy rules were framed for his manumission and he not only regained his freedom but his Aryahood as well. Emancipation of slaves was always regarded as a virtuous act which resulted in the institution meeting its natural death in India at an early period, while the evil continued in other civilized societies for a longer time and in a much degraded form. From our plays, we find that there were male as well as female slaves. They could be purchased from their masters on payment of money; or the masters could set them free on receiving the ransom.2 Once free from slavery they were included in the Aryan fold.' Those, however, that deceived their master were again condemned to servitude. Female slaves after getting their freedom and after getting themselves transferred to Aryahood could use covered carriages like Aryan ladies, and Brahmana youths could marry them." 1 Arthasastra, III. 13, p. 18:1 2 Car, pp. 91, 92 -jo ko vikaena mam yacedi (p. 91 ); dasyati tvam niskrayena (p. 92 ) 3 Car, p. 102. bhayya khu si danim samvrtta | ; Cf. Arthasastra, III. 18, p. 182 - mulyena caryatvam gacchet | 4 Car, p. 96- bhadu ajjubham ca puno vamcibha puno evva dasabhavo bhave | the Car p. 102. Cf. Madanika in
CHAPTER XX. SOCIAL LIFE (Continued). PUBLIC VICES. >> X " Gambling, prostitution and theft appear to have been present to some extent in the period of our plays. Ancient people practically all over the globe practised gambling. Vedic Indian was an inveterate gambler and Rgveda X. 34 is the song of a penitent gambler, who by his irresistible attraction to dice, has destroyed the pleasures of his life and his domestic happiness. The uncanny power of the dice is described in forceful terms, and knowing all the ruin, misery and hate they bring, the gambler always falls again into their power. Finally, however, the gambler resolves to turn over a new leaf and after giving up gambling desires to look after his field and family. That the Indus people also had dice and enjoyed gambling would appear plausible from the find of a number of cubes with certain dots which have definitely been identified with dice. Coming next to the epic period, we find that the Mahabharata war was, to a great extent, directly due to the game of dice. The Ksatriyas were bound by their code of honour not to turn away if invited for gambling. It was considered a cowardice and unbecoming for a Ksatriya to desist from gambling. The Sastras did not prohibit gambling; but on the contrary, promulgated the dictum that gambling was as sacred as war and that a person should not turn his back from war as well as from gambling if challenged by others. The instances of Yudhisthira and Nala are well known to every ranadapi | ↑ Cambridge History of India, I, p. 98; Basak, Indian Historical Quarterly, V, p. 310. 2 Of: a faada uniqit also Mahabharata, II. 59. 18; II. 76. 20.
457 reader of the Indian epics. This evil has been enumerated as one of the principal vices of the kings in the epic. period. There was a separate gaming hall built in every palace and there were public gaming houses in every city. Manu ordains the king to prohibit gambling and betting, while according to Narada and Yajnavalkya, the king should protect the game if a fixed portion of revenue be realized from the sabhika, who was the license-holder from the king. The sabhika used to supervise gambling and was entitled to five percent of the total stakes out of which he paid a fixed portion to the state treasury." The Jatakas show that gambling continued to be popular also in the Buddhist period. The king used to play on a silver board with golden dice. Indebtedness, dissention, deceit, imprisonment, etc. were the necessary results from addiction to gambling, and the sorry plight of the gamblers is often referred to. There were many songs which the gamblers used to chant while casting dice and the peculiar throw is often said to depend on the meaning and bearing of the particular song on the state of affairs at the particular time.3 Kautilya had placed gambling under a separate officer known as the Superintendent of Gambling who was to centralize gambling in the public gaming house. Those playing outside were to be fined. Dice were supplied by the superintendent on hire and playing by any dice other than those sanctioned by the government was fined. False players not only forfeited their stakes and were fined, but were charged with fines leviable for theft and deceit. The superintendent not forbidding tricks and deceitful practices was liable to double the fine prescribed for deceitful gamblers. The superintendent was entitled to receive not only five percent of the total stakes and supplying dice and other accessories, but also the fees for providing gamblers with water and accommodation, besides his charge for license. All this went to augment the royal treasury as the superintendent was a paid government servant. Gambling was strictly forbidden in camps. the amount of hire for Percent 1 Basak, Indian Historical Quarterly, V, p. 311. 2 Cf. Jataka, Nos. 62, 91, 482. IIT, 20, pp. 197-198; X 1, p. 364 - vivadasaurika samajadyutavaranam ca karayet | 3 Arthasastra,
458 In our plays, we find reference to the unwritten law among the gamblers that insults and defeats at the game of dice are to be meekly put up with; the brave looked down upon those not bearing these things.' Public gaming halls in big cities and palace buildings are alluded to in different plays. People took to gambling for their maintenance and it was not thought dishonourable for a perfect city-bred gentleman like Carudatta to lose in dice.* Every gambler thought himself in duty bound to pay his debts incurred at the gaming table. The Mrcchakatika dilates upon the authority of sabhika, the master of the gaming house. He had authority over the body of the debtor; he could inflict any physical punishment, could imprison him or could even sell him. Allusions in the Rigveda to the gaily decorated beautiful women decked with ornaments flocking in the festival gatherings do not necessarily lead to the inference of the existence of courtesans in the Vedic age. There were, however, solitary unprotected women who gave themselves up to prostitution, as well as unmarried girls gone astray and married women faithless to their husbands. Pischel and Geldner see many references to hetaerae in some passages of the Rigveda; but the attempt to prove the existence already at that time of a grand system of courtesans as in Buddha's or Perikles' time must be taken to be unsuccessful as rightly stated by Dr. Winternitz. Gradually there arose an institution of prostitutes; but the princes and the rich alone kept them. We find that in the epic period courtesans received recognition in the court of kings, and many a king had a large retinue of singers and dancers, whose presence was required for state etiquette and by the Indian fondness of pageantry. It is to be noted, however, that these courtesans were quite different from the common prostitutes, and their services were requisitioned on every important auspicious ceremony and on the occasions of festivities by the kings. In the state procession of kings there were many rows of golden palanquins containing these courtesans. 1 Dv, stanza 11. 2 Avi, p. 45; Car, pp. 55, 99-judovajivi samvatto| tena jude (p. 99). 3 Rgveda I, 92. 4; 124. 8: 126. 5, etc. Pischel and Geldner, Ved. Stud., I, pp. XXV, 196, 275, 299, 309; II, 120, 154, 179, etc. Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, I, p. 67 Das, Rgvedic Culture, pp. 258-259. 4 Vaidya, Epic India, p. 138.
459 The Jatakas also speak of troops of nautch-girls, fair as nymphs of heaven, attached to the royal court, who used to sing, dance, and make music. Sixteen thousand is said to be their general number. There are also allusions to dancing girls, courtesans and fallen women. Their prices were very high, a thousand pieces per night, and they kept a retinue of five hundred slave girls. Kings and rich persons used to visit these courtesans. Dancing, singing, and drinking were the usual occupations of public women. Kings sometimes deposed courtesans from their position and afterwards restored them." The superintendent of prostitutes was to determine the earnings, inheritance, income, expenditure and future earnings of every prostitute, and check her expenditure, in the Mauryan period. Prostitutes were to report daily to the superintendent and they could not refuse to yield. their person after receiving the requisite amount of fees. Elaborate rules are given about offences by and against prostitutes; a prostitute murdering her paramour was to be sentenced to be burnt alive or thrown into water. Fifteen percent of the earnings (twice the amount of a day's earnings per month) of the prostitutes was to go to the state treasury. Arts to be learnt by the prostitutes included singing, music, dancing, acting, painting, reading, writing, reading the thoughts of others, manufacture of scents and garlands, shampooing, art of attracting and captivating the hearts of others. Their residences were to the south in the city. In our plays, we come across a cultured courtesan with a sterling character who was proficient in song, music, dance and painting. Courtesans were generally more. educated and better skilled in fine arts than married women, and hence gentlemen like Carudatta and Sarvilaka were attracted to them on account of their exceptional qualities. Courtesans possessing all virtues were not rare. Vita, a person associated with the prostitutes, was a cultured man reduced to poverty owing to enjoying his wealth fully. The fact that he speaks Sanskrit shows 4 Jataka Nos. 313, 318, 419, 423, 481, 517, 522, 525, 531, 538, 543-545, etc. 2 Arthasastra, I. 27, pp. 123-125; p. 55-giayaci 13 Cf. Vasantasena and Madanika in the Car. 4 Cf -- manyah kalatravan faz: | Saraswatikanthabharana, V. 170, p. 603. T
460 him to be a well-read man. According to Vatsyayana, marriage with prostitutes was valid for one year only." Theft and robbery were ancient evils being found mentioned even in the Rgveda. As compared with other ancient nations, thefts were rather scarce, uncommon, and few and far between in India. The epics also tell about the absence of theft. We have already referred to the highwaymen and robbers in the Buddhist age. Megasthenes has complimented the Indians on account of very rare occurrence of thefts. It was a matter of great wonder to the Greek ambassador that in the vast army of Candragupta consisting of four lacs of persons there were practically no thefts; and those that occurred pertained not to valuables but to small articles not exceeding two hundred drachmas in value.3 The particulars supplied about a thief in the Mrcchakatika which, though belonging to a later age, no doubt incorporates ancient traditions, lead us to infer that in olden times thievery was practised as an art. Skanda or Kumara Kartikeya was the patron deity of thieves and hence they were also called Skandaputras. Skanda, though the godfather of thieves, was worshipped for the recovery of stolen property. There were other deities such as Kanakasakti, Bhaskaranandin and Yogacarya (who is said to have been taught by Skanda) whose blessings a thief invoked before proceeding to his work. There were different treatises, schools and teachers of the subject. Kanakasakti is said to have mentioned four different ways of making holes in walls according as the material used was baked bricks, unbaked bricks, mud or wood; various shapes of holes were prescribed as suited the particular occasion. The student, it appears, passed through some period of apprenticeship after receiving full instructions from his teacher. The teacher presented his favourite pupils with specially useful articles such as a magical ointment (yogarocana) capable of rendering invisible and invincible the person applying it. The thief proceeded on his mission with all the equipments and paraphernalia of his trade including housebreaking implements, a measuring tape (in the absence of which the 1 Ohakladar, Social Life, p. 203. 2 Indika, pp. 31-32; Vaidya, Epic India, p. 143. 3 Mrcchakatika, Act III.
461 sacred thread served the purpose), flies for extinguishing lamps, dummy, magic seeds, etc. One of the ancient masters of the science of thieving, viz. Kharapata, whom one of the characters in our plays pays his homage, is alluded to by Kautilya. The study of the Arthasastra provided thieves with instructions in the matter of causing drowsiness to the inmates of any particular household, or of opening doors or becoming invisible etc., though the Arthasastra mentions these devices in quite a different connection. Thieves appear to have generally received instructions in the science in the period of our plays, and they began their work with their instruments after bowing to their deities. The thief in the Car, however, was conscious of the lowness and shame of his business and though he tries to justify it on the precedent of Asvatthaman, he admits that he is driven to the despicable work owing to the power of cupid. Even thieves had their code of honour aud they desired, like the modern Umaji Naik, to come across greedy, rich and ruthless merchants, and also that no woman should come in their way and that no harm should come through them to an honourable, virtuous and pious person. A thief was conscious of the heinousness of his crime and tried his utmost not to kill or even wound anybody. He was steady in his love and risked even his life and honour for the sake of securing freedom to his beloved. FAMILY LIFE. 8 individual. The reverence for famil. " 2 As has rightly been observed by Dr. Banerjea, in contrast to some sociologists who hold that the tribe was the earliest type of social aggregation, the family was the starting point in social evolution. From this basis arose two distinct directions culminating in the state and the ties was firmly established in India from the earliest times. The wife was the mistress of the household, and though polygamy was not unknown, we come across sweet and affectionate relations in the family life of the Vedic age, the family consisting of parents, brothers, sisters, daughters-in-law, The joint family, as is still held under the Hindu etc. 1 Car, p. 75; Arthasastra, IV. 8, p. 221-"Kharapatta". Cf. also G. H. Sastri, Asutosh Memorial Volume, I, pp. 224-227. 2 Cf. Car, III. 7, 8; pp. 76, 94, etc. 3 Public Administration in Ancient India , p. 24 and nl.
462 Law, has been since the ancient times, common in food, worship and residence. The family was held together by the tie of natural affection, all acquisitions were joint property and all expenses were met from the common funds. The father was the head and protector of the family having numerous obligations to the rest of the family who owed their duties to the father. The father had no powers of life and death over the members as enjoyed by the Roman pater familias, and each individual member had a locus standi in the law courts. The father was then, as even now, only the manager, the representative of the family. The same state of affairs in the joint family normally continued down to the middle of the nineteenth century A. D., when the western education gradually began to prejudice the minds of the young against their time-honoured institution and obscured their true judgment by the dazzling of the so-called modernism with the result that the joint family is rather a rarity at present. The epics provide us with pictures of affectionate and amicable joint-family life. In the Buddhist age also, we read of families consisting of father, mother, son, daughterin-law, etc., but the jealousies of the co-wives show that peace did not prevail in the family. Disparaging remarks about women, as already observed, need not be taken at their face value and hence we cannot generalize on the strength of those remarks. The Arthasastra also speaks. of the joint family, stating in addition that with the exception of the sleeping room, all parts of the house were to be commonly shared by all members of the family." Kautilya even penalizes a father embracing asceticism without providing for his dependants. Though no definite statement is made by our poet with regard to a joint family, it appears that married women resided with the parents of their husbands. Looking to the comfort of the father-in-law and the mother-in-law was one of the main duties of a wife. We have already referred at different places to the atmosphere of cordiality, respect and affection prevailing in the family, and the ideals of the relationship between husband and wife (Svapna, Pratima), between father and son (Pratima), and between brothers (Pratima). It would seem that 1 Arthasastra, III. 8, p. 167. 2 Cf. Prat, p. 33; Pratijna, p. 9.
463 some persons resided in the house of their wives with their mother-in-law and father-in-law." FORMS OF GREETING. As has rightly been observed by the late MM. Dr. T. Ganapati Sastri, (lit. Are you seated?) "Howdido?" seems to be the usual form of greeting employed in these plays. A person greeted another by words like kimasse or kimasyate ( Prat. p. 16 ) or simply asyate ( Bal, p.28 ) . The form gaa (Panc, p. 84) is also a variant of f. The person greeted usually replied with the words Pray, be seated' (Dv, p. 14; Prat, p. 17; Bal, p. 28). This mode of greeting seems to have generally been employed in the case of equals or from the elder to a younger person. Wives greeted their husbands with the expression jedu ajjautto or jedu maharao " Victory to my lord" (Svapna, pp. 88, 125; Avi, p. 3; Prat, p. 16; Pratijna, pp. 51, 55 ), to which the latter replied with (Svapna, pp. 89, 125; Prat, pp. 16-17; asyatam Pratijna, pp. 51, 55; Avi, p. 3); and the final jam ajjautto (or maharao ) anavedi from their wives ended the formal greetings after which the general conversation began. An alternative formula generally employed between equals or from elders was couched in words like api kusali bhavan ' Are you well ?' (Abhi, p. 50; Panc, p. 84; Dv, p. 15 - sarve sabhrtyah kusalopapannah | ) and the reply to the greeting was adya kusali samvrtto'smi 'I am well indeed today'. The form of greeting to cowherds included inquiry about the well-being of the cows, which preceded that for the health of the family: vasudevah - vayasya nandagopa ! api bhagavatibhyo gobhyah kusalam | nandagopah ama bhatta ! kusalam | vasudevah - atha bhavatah parijanasya kusalam | nandagopah - ama bhatta ! kusalam | ( Bal, p. 11 ) Intimate friends or near relations on very cordial away terms, such as brothers or brothers-in-law, used to do with formal greetings and embraced each other with AYTAR 1 Cf. Gatrasevaka in Pratijna, p. 57. 2 Dv, p. 14, Com. drso bhasanatakesupalabhyate | It may be noted that this similarity of forms also constitutes a factor in favour of assigning common authorship to these plays. We are indebted to the late Dr. Winternitz for suggesting this topic for inclusion in our book.
464 affection. Thus Duryodhana after the conclusion of sacrifice pays his respects to the elders but desires to clasp his friend Karnna (Panc, p. 21 and com.), Rama and the eldest Brahmana boy ask their younger brothers to embrace them (Prat, pp. 85, 128; Mv, p. 17), and king Duryodhana requests his friend and brother-in-law king Sugrhita to do him the same favour (Avi, p. 94). 2 66 The usual form of paying respects in the case of youngsters was to make their obeisances with the expression bhostata ( or acarya or arya or bhagavan as the case may be) and receive the blessings from their elders wishing them long life or extraordinary valour, renown, victory or Brahmaloka ( ehyehi putra | brahmalokamavapnuhi | or ciramjiva | or atibalaparakramo bhava | or pitrsadrsagunakirtirbhava | or ayusman bhava | ) orang to which the final reply of the youngsters was afr 'I thank you (lit. I am honoured)' which terminated the greeting affair.' In some cases the form of blessing was simply svasti or svasti bhavate Peace or prosperity to you "." The persons saluting Dhrtarastra appear to announce their name purposely as the king was blind." The practice of blessing and wishing long life to the persons saluting was so common, that absence of any blessing was regarded as rather inauspicious; even a differently worded blessing which purposely omitted the wish for long life slightly unnerves Karna in the beginning, though somehow he consoles himself." The Prakrit form of salutation appears to be bhaavam (or ayye or madula ) candami which was used by ladies and persons speaking Prakrit. After receiving suitable blessings the person responded as above with anuggahidahni " I thank you Ascetics were usually greeted with inquiries as to all being well with their penance in words like af auftazi aut vardhate | It may be recalled that Kalidasa has also used a similar form in the Sakuntala. Servants saluted their masters or princesses with the respectful words jayatu maharajah, or jedu bhatta or jedu bhattidarika 777 Victory to your honour An alternative form was api sukhamaryasya " Is all well with your honour ?" or suham ayyassa 66 1 Panc, pp. 20-21; 95, 96, 113; Bal, pp. 64-65; Prat, pp. 80-81, 84; MV, pp. 16-17, 40, 41. 2 Panc, pp. 57, 74, 91; Prat, p. 85; Avi, pp. 100, 108-109. 3 Dgh, pp. 57, 64. 4 Dgh, p. 57, st. 15; Karna, pp. 78-79. 5 Svapna, pp. 16, 36-37; Bal, pp. 35, 39; Panc, pp. 49, 74. 6 Prat, pp. 47, 95. 7 Abh, p. 59; Avi, pp. 23, 24; Pratijna, pp. 11, 13; Bal, p. 11.
97 465 "Your honour's health as used by Prakrit speaking persons. The particular form recommended for a chariot driver in the case of his master was jayatvayusman | PLANTS AND FLOWERS.3 ।' There is a well-known convention among Sanskrit poets that some particular trees put forth blossoms or flowers at the touch, look, talk, dance or kicks etc. of young women: padaghatadasokastilakakurabakau viksanalinganabhyam strinam sparsapriyangurvikasati bakulah sidhugandusasekat | mandaro narmavakyat patumrduhasananccampako vaktravata- ccuto gitannamerurvikasati ca puro nartanatkarnikarah || Among the trees mentioned by our poet Asoka is said to put forth flowers when struck by ladies with decked foot; Bakula is believed to blossom when sprinkled by young women with mouthfuls of wine; Priyangu is said to put forth blossoms at the touch of women, Campaka is said to flower at the soft captivating smile of young maidens and Cuta or mango is said to blossom at the song of women. The poets believe that Kadamba puts forth buds at the roaring of clouds. Ten different words have been used by Bhasa for various kinds of lotuses and water-lilies. Kokanada is red lotus, while Aravinda is either red or blue. The terms Kuvalaya and Utpala (also Asitotpala and Nilotpala) signify blue or white lotus or any water-lily. Kumuda is white or red lotus and it is said to open moon rise. Kamala, Satapatra, Padma, and Aravinda are the generic names for lotus; the last word also denotes Sun lotus or red or blue lotus. ? as at Bakula, Sarala, Sarja, Arjuna, Kadamba, Nipa and Nicula are mentioned fragrant flowers and the favourites of the rainy season." Bakula is Mimusops Elengi, an evergreen tree with smooth scaly bark. It has got white fragrant flowers which are used for making garlands; a perfume is also distilled from them. Oil is 1 Abh, p. 59; Pratijna, pp. 11, 13; Avi, pp. 23, 24. 2 Panc, pp. 61, 62, 110. 3 The information about plants and flowers has been gathered from "The Commoner flowering plants of Western India" by M. Isaacs and from the footnotes in Dr. Woolner and Sarup's Thirteen Trivandrum plays. It has been supplemented by our own observations. 4 Avi, p. 75.
466 obtained from the seeds, and the flowers, fruit and bark are strongly astringent. Sarala is Pinus Longifolia, a tree with slender branches, forming a round top-head. Its branchlets are light yellow-brown and the flowers are monoecious. Sarja is the Sala tree, Vatica Robusta, which is very tall and stately. Arjuna is Terminalia which is known in Marathi as Arjuna Sadada. Kadamba, also known as Kalam or Kadam, is Mitragyna Parvifolia, and has greenish yellow fragrant flowers. The wood is hard and compact and is used for buildings. Nipa is a variety of Kadamba; known as Kadam or Niv, it has orange coloured fragrant flowers. The fresh juice of the bark is used in the inflammation of the eye. Nicula is Barringtonia Acutangula, known in vernacular as Dhatriphala, Tivar or Ingli. It is a tree having sweetscented dark scarlet flowers. Its fruit rubbed in water is used as an emetic. The other trees mentioned by Bhasa are Aguru, Amra, Asana, Asoka, Kapittha, Lodhra, Madhuka, Nimbu, Nyagrodha, Parijataka and Saptaparna. Aguru is the fragrant aloewood and tree: Acquiluria Agallocha. Amra, as is well known, is the mango tree, Magnefera Indica Its fruit is eaten largely as well as made into pickles, preserves, etc. Asana is Terminalia Tomemtosa, known in vernacular as Ain, Asna or Saga. The wood is used for building, etc. and as fuel. The bark is used for tanning. Reference has already been made to the poetic convention about Asoka-Jonesia Asoka Roxb, a tree having red flowers. Kapittha known as Kavath in Marathi is the wood-apple, Feronia Elephantum. The tree is armed with sharp spines. The unripe fruit in the form of decoction is used in diarrhoea, and the ripe fruit is used for chutneys, jelleys and sherbets. Lodhra is the name of a tree with white or red flowers. Madhuka, commonly known as Moha, is Bassia Latifolia a tree with many branches. Its flowers are creamy white with a sweetish taste. They are eaten raw or cooked and afford a nourishing food. A strong spirit called Maurah is distilled from them. Nimbu is Citrus Medica Var Acida, a kind of Jambira (Lime). It is employed for making lime juice which is used in scurvy and as a cooling drink for allaying thirst. Nyagrodha is the Indian Fig tree. Palasa is Butea Frondosa, of which. the seeds are used as a vermifuge. The flowers yield a yellow dye and the bark and the root yield good fibre.
467 The wood is used for boxes, toys, etc. Parijataka is the name of one of the five trees of the Paradise. It is said to have been produced at the churning of ocean. It was wrested by Krsna from the hands of Indra and planted in the garden of Satyabhama. The flowers have a pleasing fragrance and are white coloured with red stalk. Saptacchada (or Saptaparna) known as Satvin is Alstonia Scholaris, a tree with bitter milky juice and greenish white flowers. A decoction of the bark is applied to wounds and ulcers and internally the bark is tonic, antiperiodic and alterative, and is used in fevers, dyspepsia, and cutaneous fevers. Campaka is a tree known as Michelia Champaka bearing yellow fragrant flowers which are prized for their sweet scent. Kanakacampaka is a variety of Campaka with gold coloured flowers. Japapuspa is China Rose with red fragrant flowers. Mallika is a kind of Jasmine having white flowers. Kasa, Kusa, and Durva are different kinds of grass. Kasa is used for mats, roofs, etc., and its flower is known as Moringa flower. Durva is bent grass and is a sacred article of worship to deities. Sara is a kind of white reed or grass and Vamsa is a bamboo. Bandhujiva, Cangerika, Kadali, Madhavi, Priyangu and Sephalika are the different plants and herbs mentioned by Bhasa. Bandhujiva known as Dupari is Pentapetes Phoenicea, an erect branched herb with red flowers. Cangerika is Rumex Vesicarius, the vernacular name being Cuka. It is an erect annual glabrous herb, grown as a vegetable. The leaves, seeds and roots are used medicinally. Kadali is the plantain tree. Madhavi is Gaertnera Racemosa, a spring creeper with white fragrant flowers. Priyangu which, as already stated, is said to put forth blossom at the touch of women, is Capparis Zeylanica; its fruit is eaten by the Hindus on certain auspicious days. Sephalika is a kind of plant known as Seoli (Nyctanthes Arbor Tristis) with a white and orange flower which falls in the morning. The blossoms have orange stems which have been compared to Puttees the colour of red arsenic. All these plants and flowers, as 1 Swapna, p.64 - addhamanasilavattaehim vibha sehalibhakusumehi |
468 they show no particular provenance but grow all over India, do not help us in fixing the locality of the poet. HONOUR TO ELDERS. 2 As would appear from the forms of greeting in the case of elders, the elders were always respected by the youngsters by making their obeisance to them. Venerable persons like the sage Narada or the Lord Narayana were treated in addition with arghya and padya (i. e. their feet were washed and they were worshipped). It was customary for the elders, as already noted, to pronounce blessings wishing long life to those paying homage to them; the absence of any blessing coming from the elder was regarded as an ill omen and a differently worded blessing not particularly referring to long life was a matter of surprise to one receiving the blessing. Karna, however, prefers on second thought the blessing wishing him everlasting fame to that wishing him long life. Not only was the presence of the elders adored by according them respectable treatment, but the mere mention of the name of a revered or divine person was honoured by the listener by getting up from his seat. Thus Dhrtarastra rises with folded arms at the mention of Narayana; Udayana gets up from his seat when the chamberlain begins to deliver the message of Mahasena; King Virata when told of Bhisma coming with the Kuru forces for the cattle-raid, rises and folds his hands in obeisance to the great personage, which wins admiration from Yudhisthira (in disguise) who remarks that the king though insulted did not transgress the rules of etiquette.' FUNERARY CUSTOMS Cremation seems to be the custom for the disposal of the dead in the Vedic age as would appear from the funeral hymns, Rigveda, X, 15. 18. Dr. Winternitz, however, sees in Rgveda, X. 18. 10-13, a reference to the burial of the corpse; but as explained by. Sayana, the hymns refer to urn-burial, i. e., burial of the urn containing ashes of the corpse. It is in the later Vedic literature, the Atharvaveda and the different Brahmanas that we 1 Dv, p. 30; Avi, p. 100. 2 Cf. Dgh, p. 57, st. 15; Karna, pp. 78-79. 3 Dgh, p. 65; Svapna, p. 129; Panc, p. 60. 4 History of Indian Literature, I, p. 96; Contra, Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, p. 571; Chanda, Memoirs of the Archaological Survey of India, 31, p. 9.
469 find references to the different modes of burial, and later on the Grhyasutras prescribe an elaborate ritual.' This later phase was perhaps due to the fusion with the concepts of some alien elements in the Aryan population. At Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa three forms of burial in disposing of the dead have been noticed. Complete burials consisted of the burial of the whole body ceremonially performed, along with the so-called grave furniture, offerings, etc.; in fractional burials, some bones of the body were collected after its exposure to wild beasts and birds and were buried in urns along with a number of earthenware vessels and other small objects; and postcremation burials were to be found in large wide-mouthed urns containing a number of smaller vessels, bones of animals and birds, a variety of small objects, charcoal and ashes. Cremation seems to be the usual method of the disposal of the dead in the epic age. It appears that the bodies of those dead on the battle-field were not duly disposed of but were left over there uncared for at the mercy of vultures, jackals, etc. The Mahabharata states that the death of a person in war is not to be mourned, nor are any funeral oblations to be made to him, nor should a purificatory bath taken on his account; he is said to get a very high place in heaven." In the Buddhist age, dead bodies were cremated and stupas were built over the ground. The bodies of criminals and the indigent were thrown away to rot in the Sivathika Smasana where vultures and jackals fed on them. We also read of the Amaka Smasana, " cemetery of raw flesh" in the Jatakas. there existed a 2 Strabo records that round about a custom of throwing a dead body to be devoured by vultures.* 5 From our plays we get an indication that cremation was current in those days from the reference to the placing of the dead body on the funeral pyre. It would, of course, be a bold assertion to assume that the dead bodies of children were abandoned outside the cities; the custom 2 1 Venkatesvara, Aryan Path, 1930, p. 12; Chanda, Memoirs of the Archaological Survey of India, 31, pp. 8-12. Mohenjo Daro and the Indus Civilization and other articles. 3 Cf. Mahabharata, XII. 98. 45: asocyo hi hatah surah svargaloke mahiyate | na hyannam nodakam tasya na snanam napyasaucakam || 4 Ancient India, Strabo, by Mccrindle, p. 69. 5 Dgh, st. 9. f dehamaropayantyarjunadarsanartham |
470 does not, however, appear to be merely local, or pertaining only to herdsmen, as it is said to be the way of the world." The reference in the Balacarita (p. 65) to the throwing out of the corpses (f) of Kamsa, Canura and Mustika need not necessarily be taken as referring to the general custom, because the three persons were treated as the enemies of Visnu; and further we do not know whether the corpses were merely to be abandoned or were to be cremated according to the usual custom. WRITING. No one now seriously controverts the proposition that writing has been in use in India since very ancient times. There is a difference of opinion as to the prevalence of writing in the age of the Rgveda, some scholars holding that it was known in that age. age. Whatever be the legends on the pictographs on the Indus seals, that they represent the art of writing in its infancy is indisputed. So there should be no difficulty in accepting that writing prevailed to a great extent in the Buddhist age, and the period represented by the Arthasastra and our plays. The Arthasastra mentions Tali, Tala and Bhurja as yielding leaves which were used as writing material. Rajasekhara has referred to Talipatra as being current in the North, whereas Talapatra was used in the South. Bhasa's use of the word Talipatta in the Carudatta has been taken as referring to the same as a writing material, and on Rajasekhara's testimony, Bhasa has been taken to be a northerner. But Bhasa has employed the term Talipatta as meaning an ornament for the ear. Possibly, the preference shown to the word Talipatta may show Bhasa to have hailed from the North, especially as there is nothing in his plays to contradict the assumption of his being a northerner. 2 8 PURIFICATION. Sufficient reference has already been made to the use of water for removing various sorts of physical impurities, such as tears etc. as also for the purposes of purification or sanctifying a vow, etc. No one entered the house without washing feet. Among the numerous 1 Bal, p. 12 kasthabhutam kalevaram tyajyatam | idrso lokadharmah | tyajyatam | 2 Arthasastra, II. 17, p. 100. 3 Car, p. 82; Svapnani Sundari, p. 14. 4 Cf. Car, p. 68.
471 methods of purification, two methods suggested in the Balacarita are (1) by a plunge bath and (2) by the application of dust from the earth. A plunge bath was the usual method while the cowherds preferred the latter method. Prof. Pisharoti suggests that the dust of cowdung or dust from the footprints of a cow was particularly desirable.' SUICIDE. Kautilya's Arthasastra is bitter against those committing suicide. It enjoins that none was to perform cremation rites or funeral obsequies to those ending their lives voluntarily. In some cases, however, entering fire or water with the aim of ending one's life was not condemned if the act was committed by one tired with life or suffering from some incurable disease or with some higher aim in view. The ancient Indian used to end his life by some such means when the world had no charm for him, or his life was spoiled by sin and sorrow. King Udayana Vatsaraja, being grieved at the death of his father-in-law, is said to have departed from this world along with his queens by ascending the top of a hill and falling from the precipice." Kumarila also ended his life by entering the funeral pyre. Our poet evidently had Udayana's method in view and he indicated that with approval when out of the several modes of killing oneself he prefers that by throwing oneself down from the precipice to that by entering fire.' Ending one's life by drowning is condemned as being ignoble. It may be recalled that in the sacrifice called Sarvasvara the person desirous of obtaining heaven entered fire after arbhavastotra, and the Rtviks completed the ya ga thereafter. King Sudraka is said to have similarly ended his life. Japanese admirals and others greatly devoted to the king commit harakiri (suicide) in grief after his death. CONCLUDING REMARKS. From the social conditions existing in the period of Bhasa described herein before, it will be found that on the whole a high tone of morality prevailed in those days and the people lived almost a simple, straightforward life. 1 Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, XXV, p. 232 n 10. 2 Arthasastra, IV, 7, p. 219. 3 Pradhan, Chronology of India, p. 246. 4 Avi, p. 60 - marutprapato hi sarvarthasadhakah | 5 Avi, p. 59.
472 Some further facts strengthening this view are briefly stated here. Every body valued his or her words so that it was thought unbecoming to cancel one's words after announcing a particular thing.' The deposit of articles was scrupulously preserved even in the absence of witnesses, and Carudatta, though expressly advised by his friend Maitreya, cannot think of denying the deposit although it was not strictly proveable legally. It was considered improper to hear the secrets of others.2 The fact that a high moral standard of conduct was ingrained in the minds of all would appear from the remarks of Avimaraka expressing that he was rather ashamed to face his elders, though he had married princess Kurangi in the Gandharva form, as his marriage was not in the strictly approved. highest form.3 1 Cf. Svapna, p. 21 - padhamam ugghosibha ko kim icchadi ti ajuttam dani vimaridu | | 2 Car, p. 92 - ajuttam pararahassam sodhum | 3 Avi, p. 107 - lajjita ivasmyanena vrttantena |