Prayers for Mediation

[Full title: Prayers for Mediation: Thirteenth-Century Textual Culture between Kōya and Kamakura]

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Modern, Doi, Class, Adachi, Show, Power, Temple, Edu, Steininger, Data, Century, Brian, Culture, Role, Printing, Early]

108 Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies , 3.1 (2020): 108–125 BRIAN STEININGER Princeton University bsteinin@princeton.edu Abstract: This paper examines several esoteric doctrinal texts printed on Mt. Kōya in the late 1270 s by the shogunate official Adachi Yasumori (1231–1285). Conventional histories of Japanese xylography follow a developmental sequence from devotional printing by wealthy aristocrats in the classical (Heian) period, through limited educational printing by temples in the medieval period, to the arrival of widespread commercial printing in the early modern period. This paper examines the complex interplay of soteriological, practical, political, and commercial elements in one medieval printing project to both critique an ‘ends’-based typology of textual reproduction and further develop recent arguments on the role of esoteric Buddhism in coordinating medieval power centers Keywords: Printing, Japan, shogunate, esoteric Buddhism, Shingon DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.15239/hijbs.03.01.04 Prayers for Mediation: Thirteenth- Century Textual Culture between Kōya and Kamakura

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Just, Natural, Harold, Lay, Deal, Rapid, Print, Press, Bills, Europe, Long, Works, Love, Great, Time, Wars, Wills, Master, State, Back, Last, Still, Core, Corpus]

109 T he largest corpus of premodern Japanese primary sources has survived in temple libraries across the archipelago, which institutionally were more successful than state and aristocratic actors at preserving documents through centuries of wars, disasters, and natural decay. Manuscripts that form the core of these archives were comprised not just of quotidian records and messages (including deeds, letters, ledgers, contracts, wills, contracts, and bills), but innumerable religious, practical, and literary titles, many of which circulated exclusively by manuscript even after the growth of commercial printing from the seventeenth century onward 1 Further categories of writing lay somewhere in between instrumental documentation and authored ‘works’: in recent years, Buddhology has profited from a renewed interest in so-called shōgyō 聖教 —lecture notes and guides to rituals—which were transmitted in manuscript, often handed down in secret master-disciple lineages It is therefore natural to consider medieval Japan in terms of ‘manuscript culture’, but as a term of analysis that invites several difficult questions, in particular the parameters of the category. In academic discourse, ‘manuscript culture’ is a back-formation from ‘print culture’, a term that still carries a McLuhanian teleology of modernization. While scholars such as Harold Love have emphasized the continued importance of manuscript well into Europe’s early-modern period, the explosive growth of print in Europe following the introduction of the printing press and crowding out of manuscript production encouraged European history’s treatment of manuscript and print as developmental historical stages. By contrast, the rapid growth of commercial printing in Japan during the early modern period came after centuries of circulating domestic and imported imprints within a primarily manuscript-based textual culture. How then to think about the boundaries and relationships between manuscript and print during this long period of time? There has been a great deal of rewarding research in the last decade on the properties of manuscript reproduction and circulation in Japan. However, to further assess the historical conditions that shaped textual culture 1 Kornicki, ‘Manuscript, not Print’ 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Quite, Gold, Sheets, Life, Crown, Sutra, Fujiwara, Prince, Set, Sasaki, Lotus, Size, Hand, Heart, Held, Prayer, Point, English, See, Lowe, Black, Pre]

110 2 Particularly notable recent examples of research on the material history of manuscript in Japan include, in English, Lowe, Ritualized Writing , and in Japanese, Sasaki, Nihon koten shoshigakuron and Uejima, Chūsei ākaibuzu-gaku josetsu . 3 1085 prayer on behalf of Minamoto no Suemune 源季宗 (1049–1086) for Crown Prince Sanehito 實仁親王 (1071–1085), attributed to Fujiwara no Arinobu 藤原有信 (1039–1099). Honchō zoku monzui , vol. 13 4 Thus, the ink imprint frequently extends across the point at which two sheets of paper are pasted together in the scroll. See for example the Kamakura-period edition of the Daihannya haramittakyō 大般若波羅蜜多經 held in Waseda Library, viewable at http://archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/bunko 30/ bunko 30_e 0293/bunko 30_e 0293_p 0003.jpg. demands a consideration of manuscript and print together and in relation to each other, to historicize and de-essentialize the categorical difference between them 2 Historically speaking, print in Japan began as a supplement to manuscript production, oftentimes quite literally, as described in prayer texts like the following: I have erected life-size statues of Amitābha, Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta. I have hand-copied 書寫 in gold ink one set of the Lotus Sūtra in 8 scrolls, the Innumerable Meanings Sūtra ( Muryōgikyō 無量義經 ) in 1 scroll, the Samantabhadra Meditation Sutra ( Kanfugenkyō 觀普賢經 ) in 1 scroll, the Amitābha Sutra in 1 scroll, and the Heart Sutra in 1 scroll. I have printed 摺寫 in black ink 60 sets of the Lotus Sutra , and 20 scrolls each of the Innumerable Meanings Sutra and Samantabhadra Meditation Sutra 3 Here, printing expands upon and multiplies the splendor of an originary manuscript’s production. Early printing in Japan, the overwhelming majority of which seems to have consisted of sutra reproduction, is characterized by its fidelity to manuscript conventions, imitating both the scale and calligraphic style of manuscript sutra-copying, but also imitating, for example, the practice of pre-assembling the sheets of the scroll to which text was then added (the printing blocks stamped onto the complete scroll one after another) 4 BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Stage, Range, Mountain, Monks, Fad, Testimony, Development, Central, Soon, Beyond, Large, Merit, Lun, Nara, Monk, Few, Middle, Pali, Logic, Plateau, Noble, Mid, Cheng]

111 5 Kawase, ‘Heian-chō surikyō no kenkyū’ 6 See the chart in Koakimoto, ‘Kōyaban to wa nanika’, 14 Furthermore, the practice of textual multiplication itself was understood primarily through a logic of devotional merit-making, in parallel with large-scale sutra transcription projects. While few actual examples survive, contemporary testimony like the above indicates a fad for devotional sutra printing among the nobility in the eleventh and twelfth centuries 5 Imprints were provided for dedication at Buddhist assemblies, most typically funerals. During this same period, however, we see the first flashes of a different use of print: the reproduction of Buddhist scholastic texts, undertaken by temples to facilitate their monks’ education. An edition of Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (602?–664) Treatise on the Perfection of Consciousness Only ( Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 ) published in 1088 by the Nara temple Kōfukuji 興福寺 is the earliest example of this application, which soon spread outward to other large temple complexes in Kyoto and beyond. In historiography of printing in Japan, the publication of scholastic texts is seen as a medieval development away from purely devotional printing practices towards more practical applications, setting the stage for the commercial printing of the early modern period One important locus of this expanded scope of printing in the thirteenth century was the mountain complex of Kongōbuji 金剛峯 寺 , or Mt. Kōya 高野山 , the central temple of Shingon. Located on a massive plateau in the middle of a mountain range, the isolated temple complex was a site of pilgrimages and other devotions by noble—and later warrior—elites from its foundation in the ninth century by Kūkai 空海 (774–835). Textual records of printing at Mt. Kōya go back to the mid-twelfth century, but a burst of rapid printing activity occurred in the late thirteenth century, with at least fifteen different titles carved and printed between 1276 and 1282, and another eight titles between 1287 and 1293 6 Many of these texts were not sacred sutras as such, but scholastic commentaries and guides to ritual, employed by monk-scholars in preparation for the lectures and debates that were central to their 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Double, Rolls, Aim, Sango, Work, Unique, Golden, Break, Book, Sho, Close, Halo, Light, Study, Strong, Copy]

112 7 On the importance of debate in medieval Japan, see Sango, The Halo of Golden Light 8 Sumiyoshi, ‘Nihon chūsei no hangi to hanpon’ career advancement 7 Their aim and utility thus suggests a break from the devotional printing of the mid-Heian period. However, instead of representing a unique development within printing, many aspects of these texts display strong continuity with the wider manuscript culture. Just as sutras for dedication were printed on rolls, commentaries for study like Yixing’s 一行 (683–727) commentary on the Mahāvairocana Sutra , the Dainichikyō-sho 大日經疏 , were printed in a paste-bound codex format ( detchōsō 粘葉裝 ), the most important medium of scholarly manuscripts in monasteries from the twelfth through fifteenth centuries. Reproducing the double-sided leaves of this format in woodblock print required an extremely complicated carving procedure, but here again, manuscript practice dictated print form 8 The close continuity between print and manuscript formats throughout the eleventh through thirteenth centuries troubles deterministic assumptions about the effects or roles of print. In contrast to the developmental model that tends to govern book history, the thirteenth-century Mt. Kōya printing projects suggest multivalent aims and effects. I will argue that the devotional printing model remained fundamental to the sponsorship of printing, and that print nevertheless was treated very differently than manuscript, but that to understand these differences we cannot rely on anachronistic assumptions about efficiency, or about publication as integral to printing technology Adachi Yasumori’s Printing Projects Little direct documentation of early publication activities on Mt. Kōya survives, so the history of printing has largely been reconstructed through colophons inside surviving texts. The earliest dated publication is a copy of Kūkai’s literary work Sangō shiiki 三教指歸 dated to 1253, followed by several other titles printed in the 1250 s. BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Carry, Wisdom, Own, Act, Day, Rank, Desire, Final, Aji, Seem, Part, Kenji, Forward, Junior, Goodness]

113 9 Mizuhara, Kōyaban no kenkyū , 649–50 10 Mizuhara, Kōyaban no kenkyū , 129–49 The Dainichikyō-sho , the longest text printed by the temple, was part of a second burst of publication activity beginning in 1276. Its first volume concludes with the following note: 建治三年〈丁丑〉五月四日於金剛峯寺信藝書 為續三寶慧命於三會之出世、廣施一善利益於一切之衆生、是則守 大師之遺誡偸令遂小臣之心願、謹以開印板矣 建治三年〈丁丑〉八月 日 從五位上行秋田城介藤原朝臣 Written out by Shingei at Kongōbuji on the Fourth Day of the Fifth Month, Kenji 3 (1277) In order to carry forward the wisdom of the three treasures unto the manifestation of [Maitreya’s] three assemblies, [I will] broadly extend the merit of one [act of] goodness unto all sentient beings. This is to satisfy the final vow of the Great Teacher [Kūkai] and incidentally fulfill my own heart’s desire. I humbly set these blocks for publication Kenji 3, 8 th Month, - Day Junior Fifth Rank Upper Superintendent of Akita Fujiwara no ason 9 Superintendent of Akita was the title of Adachi Yasumori 安達 泰盛 (1231–1285), a powerful official in the Kamakura military government. His name appears in several other texts published on Kōya during these years, which include two sūtras ( Vajraśekhara Sūtra and Susiddhikara Sūtra ) that seem to have been printed as scrolls, but were mostly scholastic texts printed as codices, including Goshōrai mokuroku 御請來目錄 (a bibliography of texts brought back to Japan by Kūkai), a Sillan commentary on ritual instructions in the Mahāvairocana Sutra (the Kuyō shidaihō sho 供養次第法疏 ), and two treatises on Sanskrit (the Shittan jiki 悉曇字記 and Kūkai’s Aji gishaku 阿字義釋 ). Based on the large increase in titles between Mt. Kōya printer’s catalogues dated 1260 and 1300, he likely sponsored several other works at this time as well 10 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

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114 11 Murai, Hōjō Tokimune , 79–82 12 On these laws, see Conlan, State of War , 115–16 The rise of the Adachi began with Yasumori’s great-grandfather Morinaga 盛長 (1135–1200), a follower of Minamoto no Yoritomo 源 頼朝 (1147–1199). Morinaga’s origins are unclear, though he and his descendants would frequently claim Fujiwara ancestry. The Adachi became one of the most important houseman ( gokenin 御家人 ) lineages within the Kamakura shogunate. Morinaga’s son Kagemori 景盛 (d. 1248), a favored ally of the third shogun Sanetomo 實朝 and his mother Hōjō Masako 北條政子 , married his daughter to Hōjō Yasutoki 北條泰時 (1183–1242), the third shogunal regent ( shikken 執權 ), thereby becoming grandfather to two succeeding regents. Yasumori’s father Yoshikage 義景 (1210–1253) died relatively young, but Yasumori adopted his half-sister and married her to the eighth regent, Tokimune 時宗 (1251–1284), continuing this form of marriage politics. Following the death of the powerful fifth regent, Hōjō Tokiyori 北條時頼 (1227–1263), Yasumori was able to exert growing control over the military government, his resources and familial relationship to the Hōjō allowing him to supplant their power in much the way the Hōjō had themselves supplanted the shogun. Tokiyori’s underage heir Tokimune was forced to rely on a clique composed of Yasumori, the aged Hōjō Masamura 北條政村 (1205–1273), and Hōjō Sanetoki 北條實時 (1224–1276). After the latter two men died in the 1270 s, Yasumori displayed a corresponding increase in direct power over the Kamakura government, administering the distribution of rewards to warriors returning from the 1274 Mongol invasion 11 In 1282, he claimed the title of Governor of Mutsu, an office that had previously been the prerogative of the Hōjō, making an unmistakable display of his power. This de facto authority became absolute with the death of Tokimune in 1284, and Yasumori responded by issuing a series of new laws 12 These were cut short, however, by the assassination of Yasumori and the eradication of his power base in the so-called ‘Midwinter Unrest’ ( Shimotsuki sōdō 霜月騒動 ) of 1285, one of the deadliest internal battles of the Kamakura period, killing hundreds of the Adachi and their allies over the following months. The Kōya BRIAN STEININGER

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115 13 Fukushima, Adachi Yasumori , 108–10 14 Kamakura ibun , no. 15145, 20: 8106–09. This letter is discussed in Murai, Hōjō Tokimune , 204–206. Yasumori’s father Yoshikage conspired with Hōjō Tokiyori to appoint Hōjo, the son of Kujō Michiie 九條道家 (1193–1252), to the position of abbot over the objections of rivals. See Fukushima, ‘ Adachi Yasumori to Kamakura no jiin’, 6–7 15 Yamamoto, Kichō tenseki , 298 imprints correspond to the period in which Yasumori’s power in the eastern military government was reaching its peak Yasumori’s relationship with Mt. Kōya and patronage of esoteric Buddhism was long-standing. His grandfather Kagemori took vows and retired to Kōya in 1225, receiving esoteric initiation rites from the Daigoji monk Jitsugen 實賢 (1176–1249). The Adachi temple Muryōjuin 無量壽院 , built on the grounds of Yoshikage’s manor, became a center of Shingon learning in Kamakura, absorbing the library of Zenpen Kōgyō 禅遍宏教 (1184–1255) on his death. Yasumori himself became a lay initiate into esoteric rites at ceremonies held here 13 A letter from Hōjo 法助 (1227–1284), the former abbot of the imperially sponsored Shingon temple Ninnaji 仁和寺 , to one of his students suggests that Yasumori was viewed by the capital establishment as the most important patron of Shingon in the east 14 The colophons in Yasumori’s imprints invoke the same language of devotional copying found in hand-copied sutras from the earliest surviving examples onward. As in the example above, textual reproduction is described in terms of an individual’s vow whose merit will produce benefits, usually dedicated to all sentient beings. However, most of the imprints contain not the sacrosanct sutras typically associated with devotional copying, but scholastic texts. Kūkai authored or imported many of the titles, so it is noteworthy that the colophons also frequently mention Kūkai (Kōbō Daishi), the founder of Mt. Kōya whose cult had grown over the second half of the Heian period. The choice of works associated with Kūkai for publication recalls the publication of during the same period of the three sutra commentaries attributed to Prince Shōtoku at the Shōtoku-cult center Hōryūji 法隆寺 (Nara) 15 If there is a break here from manuscript copying 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: List, Left, Stone, Path, Mile, Ring, Hall, Imperial, Six, Wooden, Pays, Landa, Kind, End, Oku]

116 16 The origin of these wooden markers is unclear, but at least by the late eleventh century they were referred to as ‘stupas’, perhaps imitating in appearance the wooden placards ( sanrōfuda 參籠札 ) often left at medieval pilgrimage sites. Aikō, Kōyasan chōishi no kenkyū , 54–59 17 Aikō, Kōyasan chōishi no kenkyū , 62–71 18 See the detailed list of sponsors in Aikō, Kōyasan chōishi no kenkyū , 90–110 patterns, it might be characterized as a kind of monumental function accorded to printing; glorifying a religious patriarch while generating merit for the world and, of course, the sponsor Kōya, Kamakura, and Kyoto The monumentalizing application of print becomes clearer through comparison with other projects sponsored on Mt. Kōya by Yasumori. The most well-documented of these is a set of stone stupas erected beginning in 1265, replacing the wooden markers along the fifteen-mile path from the mountain complex’s entryway to Kūkai’s tomb in the Inner Hall ( oku-no-in 奧院 ) 16 Over the course of twenty years, 217 stone stupas, each extending about two meters above ground and with the familiar five-ring structure ( gorintō 五 輪塔 ), were placed at one- chō intervals along the path and around the Inner Hall; most of these can still be seen there today. Yasumori seems to have been the most important sponsor of this enormous undertaking. In a 1285 prayer offered at the project’s completion by its organizer, Kakukyō 覺斅 (dates unknown), Yasumori is singled out as a ‘third-generation great contributor’ 三代大施主 , and a list of deceased at the prayer’s end pays tribute to Yasumori’s father and grandfather alongside Emperor GoSaga and several of the Hōjō 17 Each stupa contains an engraving naming a particular sponsor, and Yasumori is named on six of them—more than any other individual 18 This project was not simply infrastructure maintenance conducted by the temple: a 1265 prayer by Kakukyō at the project’s beginning emphasized the personal safety and longevity of the imperial household, the shogun, and the Hōjō regency: a group BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Kumo, Harmony, Evidence, Date, Bird, Cart, Dual, Conception, Rishu, Mash, Shine, Wheels, Major, Year, Mass, Rite, Wings, Monjo, Court, Prosper, Marker, None]

117 19 Mizuhara, Kōyasan kinseki zusetsu , 25–27 20 On the ideology of ‘mutual dependence of the law of the sovereign and law of the Buddha’ ( ōbō Buppō sōiron ) as a medieval conception of the relationship of Buddhism to worldly power, see Kuroda, ‘The Imperial Law and the Buddhist Law’ 21 On the Kamakura period’s ‘dual polity’, see especially Mass, Yoritomo and the Founding of the First Bakufu 22 GoSaga’s pilgrimage is dated to Shōka 1 and 2 (1257 or 1258) in various sources; there may have been two separate pilgrimages, but it is curious that each source gives either one year or the either, with none listing both. I am tentatively taking the later date as supported by a larger number of older sources. Detailed descriptions of GoSaga’s pilgrimage(s) to Mt. Kōya can be found in Kōyasan gyokō gyoshutsu ki , 293–94, and Masukagami , ‘Oriiru kumo’, 2:35–40. The performance of the rishu zanmai rite at the Inner Hall is recorded in ‘Kōyasan kengyōchō 高野山検校帳 ’, document no. 1661 in Kōyasan monjo , 7: 424 that expanded to include the Adachi by the project’s end in 1285 19 This discourse on safeguarding the ruling elite characterized the construction as protection of the state: Kakukyō explains that ‘when the Buddha’s law triumphs the sovereign’s law 王法 will prosper; when the sovereign’s law prospers the Buddha’s law will triumph—it is like the two wings of a bird or two wheels of a cart’ 20 The effort furthermore itself serves as evidence of the court’s unified harmony: the donations that funded the construction are attributed to ‘all the islands and provinces,’ ‘great and lowly’, and most importantly ‘capital and hinterland’— the dual polity of Kyoto and Kamakura joined through ritual 21 The intimate connection between these Kōya-based monuments and the sovereignty of the imperial household is crystalised in a special stupa erected in conjunction with the path-marker set, containing a prayer for the late Emperor GoSaga (1220–1272) on the one-year anniversary of his death. Located just outside Kūkai’s tomb, this stupa commemorates GoSaga’s pilgrimage there in 1258, when the sin-expiating rishu zanmai 理趣三昧 service was performed for the retired emperor’s benefit 22 GoSaga’s sustained efforts to strengthen imperial influence over the major temple-shine complexes is one of 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Chinese, Gates, Crux, Key, King, Paradise, Jewel, Liver, Eye, Favor, Edo, Head, Ruppert, Eyes, Grace, Virtue, Moral, Aid, Sage]

118 23 On GoSaga and Mt. Kōya, see Adolphson, The Gates of Power , 200–2. In 1248, GoSaga attempted to appoint a political enemy of Kongōbuji’s to the position of chōja 長者 or head of Tōji 東寺 , the Shingon temple in Kyoto, which would also have included jurisdiction over Kongōbuji. See Ebina, ‘Chūsei zenki ni okeru Kōyasan’, 13–16 24 Kamakura ibun , no. 11189, 15: 6044. The phrase ‘to repay virtue’ appears as 訓德 in this edition, but can be corrected to 詶德 based on the rubbing facsimile preserved in the Edo-period antiquarian collection Shūko jisshu , 2:111–12 ( 詶 is a variant for 酬 ) 25 On the role of indebtedness discourse in medieval Japanese Buddhism, see Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes , 36–42 the key themes of his career, and this pilgrimage perhaps represented a rapprochement between him and Kongōbuji, with whom he had a series of conflicts in the 1240 s 23 At the summit of the sequence of stone stupas set up along the Mt. Kōya pilgrimage path, GoSaga’s stupa serves as an avatar of the project’s most prestigious sponsor, symbolizing the mutually supportive relationship of state and samgha. However, the prayer on the stupa, offered in Yasumori’s name, devotes primary attention to the personal relationship between Yasumori and GoSaga. The prayer is couched in language of gratitude, positioning Yasumori as beholden to the favor of GoSaga for his position. This indebtedness is abstracted to a moral teaching: ‘To reward grace with goodness is the Buddha’s teaching, the golden sage’s sayings are before my eyes; to repay virtue with filial piety is mankind’s law, the uncrowned king’s [Confucius] lesson is etched on my liver’ 24 GoSaga’s favor is materialized in a fetish, a set of classical Chinese books from GoSaga that Yasumori weeps over after the former’s demise. The vow expressed in the prayer is that Yasumori’s devotional act of erecting the stone stupa will aid toward repaying his debt by easing GoSaga’s transition to paradise, with Yasumori’s personal gratitude toward the late emperor presented as an isomorphic transformation of the relationship of obligation inhering between sentient beings and the Buddha 25 In this way, the prayer recasts GoSaga from sponsor to beneficiary, inserting Yasumori at the crux of the court-temple/King-Buddha axis BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Princes, Gift, Links, Ada, Sent, Azuma, Sign, Sword]

119 26 Azuma kagami , Kangen 2 (1244)/6/17, 33:321; Yōkōki , Kangen 4 (1246)/6/15, 1: 178. For Yasumori’s military exploits, see Azuma kagami , Hōji 1 (1247)/6/5, 33: 380–81 27 Murai, Hōjō Tokimune , 77; Fukushima, Adachi Yasumori , 77 28 Kanchūki , Kōan 2 [1279]/2/2, 2:79 29 Mizuhara, Kōyaban no kenkyū , 651–52. Fukushima argues that a letter dated to the early 1270 s sent to Hōjō Sanetoki describes a meeting between Prince Shōjo and Yasumori. Adachi Yasumori , 107–08 Yasumori was a warrior whose life and career were based in Kamakura; he can only be documented traveling to the capital of Kyoto twice as a youth 26 However, as the office of shogun passed to nobility and then imperial princes, the shogunal household’s reliance on the Adachi brought the latter into contact with Kyoto circles. Yasumori took over patronage of a Kyoto temple founded by Minamoto no Sanetomo’s widow in 1272, and in 1275 helped rebuild a Hachiman shrine there associated with Yoritomo’s lineage 27 Despite his geographic basis in the east, the capital aristocracy was cognizant of Yasumori’s growing power, and he increasingly sought to exert influence directly upon them: in 1279, a courtier diary relates that Yasumori had sent a gift of horses, a sword, and fifty ryō of gold to the capital regent Takatsukasa Kanehira 鷹司兼平 (1228–1294), as he sought to induce him to sign over management of an estate in Ōmi Province 28 Yasumori’s printing on Mt. Kōya—which began in 1277, the year that fundraising for the stone stupas was completed—continued the latter’s coordination of relationships among the Shingon establishment, the imperial household, and wealthy eastern warriors, part of a larger pattern of Yasumori’s involvement in Shingon devotional acts with links to the imperial household. According to a colophon at the end of Yasumori’s Dainichikyō-sho imprint, he was able to obtain a proof text for use in publishing the work from GoSaga’s son, Prince Shōjo 性助 (1247–1283), the princely abbot ( monzeki ) of Ninnaji 29 Yasumori’s religious endeavors at Kōya served the imperial household by facilitating its sponsorship of esoteric Buddhism. The repeated discourse of ‘capital and hinterland’ or ‘sovereign’s law and Buddhist law’ surrounding his sponsorship of these rituals parallels the Ada- 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

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120 chi’s own position as an essential link in the complex negotiations of thirteenth-century power-sharing. Conclusion In content, period, and format, thirteenth-century Kōya imprints like the Dainichikyō-sho are clear examples of the turn to pedagogical and practical printing in medieval Japan. However, the text itself insists upon the soteriological motive of Yasumori’s production, not simply as an indirect support of Buddhist ritual and learning, but a noble act that in itself generates merit. Moreover, in tracing the records of Yasumori’s patronage of Shingon Buddhism, one repeatedly encounters connections with Retired Emperor GoSaga and his own ritually ensured sovereignty. Yasumori’s publication projects occurred as he was reinventing himself as the head of the Kamakura shogunate, an authority bolstered by his ability to position himself as a revered sponsor of sacred works both in his own right and on behalf of the imperial household. These soteriological and monumental aspects of the Kōya imprints seem to have been compounded by their printed format. As discussed above, devotional manuscript reproduction has a long history in Japan, specifically authorized in texts like the Lotus Sutra that insist on the merit of their own reproduction. In the case of Yasumori’s publications it seems that this aura of merit is extended to scholastic, non-ritual texts such as Sanskrit treatises through the employment of print reproduction, the engraving of woodblocks demanding recognition like the stone-carving of the path markers The discourse surrounding these printing projects suggests that this legitimation might be understood as a function of the project’s technical complexity, the numerous layers of mediation that produce the printed object (sources borrowed, texts compared, funds appropriated, prayers offered, blocks carved, etc.), each step linking the sponsor into a wider circle of patronage. Nor did this network cease with a single run of imprints: a Mt. Kōya catalog dated 1300 lists page numbers and production prices (for paper and printing) for a number of texts, including several titles that had been spon- BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Human, Kara, Mirror, Web]

121 sored by Yasumori, connecting Yasumori’s sponsorship of Shingon scholasticism to the finances of the temple 30 We might say that for thirteenth-century elites, print was important because it enabled new types of social relationships to be integrated into textual reproduction; however, it is clear that the conditions of this possibility were cultural and arbitrary, not a function of print’s ‘efficiency’, ‘economy’, or ‘reliability’ In the discussion above, I attempted the beginning of a critique of historiography of the Japanese book, which has relied on an ends-based, chronological typology of development from early devotional printing to medieval educational printing to early-modern commercial printing. The aims of Yasumori’s printing projects are overdetermined, with devotional, practical, and political goals and outcomes inextricably linked. However, they do provide some clues for an alternative framework of the historical changes in print reproduction in Japan. Most important is the ineluctable sociality of printing: as an expensive and labor-intensive enterprise, printing only occurs through group alliances, which perhaps contribute to the web of motivations seen above, but also suggest that shifts in social configurations will have immediate ramifications for opportunities and uses for printing. This consideration of the growth of printing in the medieval period and its extension to new kinds of texts therefore demands that we begin from the reconstruction of human relationships Bibliography Primary Sources Azuma kagami 吾妻鑑 [Mirror of the East]. Vols. 32–33 of Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 新訂増補国史大系 [Newly Revised and Expanded Compendium of National History (of Japan)]. Compilers unknown, ca. 1300. Edited by Kokushi taikei 30 Kūkai kara no okurimono , 88–91 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Sakurai, Inoue, Yoshikawa, Takahashi, Essence, Hideki, Tokyo, Ten, Hen, Dai, Yagi, Takeuchi, Record, Kikuchi, Author, Yoshio]

122 henshūkai 国史大系編集会 . Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan 吉川弘 文館 , 2007 Honchō zoku monzui 本朝続文粋 [Literary Essence of This Court, Continued]. National Archives of Japan (Tokyo), Jū 1-1 Kamakura ibun: Komonjo-hen 鎌倉遺文：古文書編 [Extant Texts of the Kamakura Period: Documents]. 42 vols. Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内理三 . Tokyo: Tōkyōdō shuppan 東京堂出版 , 1971–1991 Kanchūki 勘仲記 [Diary of Kadenokōji Kanenaka]. Kadenokōji Kanenaka 勘解由小路兼仲 , 1274–1300. Edited by Takahashi Hideki 高橋秀樹 , Sakurai Yoshio 櫻井彦 , and Nakagomi Ritsuko 中込律子 . 4 vols. Shiryō sanshū 史料纂集 . Tokyo: Yagi shoten 八 木書店 , 2008– Kōyasan gyokō gyoshutsu ki 高野山御幸御出記 [Record of Imperial Pilgrimages to Mt. Kōya]. Compiler unknown, 14 th century. In Zoku Gunsho ruiju 続群書類従 , vol. 28-jō, 290–97 Kōyasan monjo 高野山文書 [Documents of Mt. Kōya]. 8 vols. Dai Nihon komonjo 大日本古文書 , iewake 1. Edited by Tōkyō Teikoku Daigaku 東京帝国大学 . Tokyo: Tōkyō Teikoku Daigaku 東京帝国大学 , 1904–1912 Masukagami 増鏡 [The Clear Mirror]. Author unknown, ca. 1377. 3 vols. Edited by Inoue Muneo 井上宗雄 . Tokyo: Kōdansha 講談 社 , 1979–1983 Shūko jisshu 集古十種 [Ten Sorts of Collected Antiquities]. Matsudaira Sadanobu 松平定信 , 1800. 4 vols. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai 国書刊行会 , 1908 Yōkōki 葉黄記 [Diary of Hamuro Sadatsugu]. Hamuro Sadatsugu 葉室定嗣 , 1230–1249. Edited by Kikuchi Yasuaki 菊地康明 , Tanuma Mutsumi 田沼睦 , and Komori Masaaki 小森正明 . 2 vols. Shiryō sanshū 史料纂集 . Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū kanseikai 続群書類従完成会 , 1971–2004 Zoku Gunsho ruiju 続群書類従 [Categorized Collection of Books, Continued]. 3 rd ed. Edited by Hanawa Hokiichi 塙保己一 . 37 vols. Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū kanseikai 続群書類従完成会 , 1957–1959 BRIAN STEININGER

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Thomas, Mikael, Ann, Gifts, Hawai, Kai, Kazuma, Sono]

123 Secondary Sources Adolphson, Mikael S. The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan . Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000 Aikō Shōkan 愛甲昇寛 . Kōyasan chōishi no kenkyū 高野山町石の研 究 [Research on the Pathmarkers of Mt. Kōya]. Kōyasan: Mikkyō bunka kenkyūjo 密教文化研究所 , 1973 Conlan, Thomas D. State of War: The Violent Order of Fourteenth- Century Japan . Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies, 2003 Ebina Hisashi 海老名尚 . ‘Chūsei zenki ni okeru Kōyasan to Ninnaji omuro’ 中世前期における高野山と仁和寺御室 [Mt. Kōya and the Ninnaji Abbot in the Early Medieval Period]. Jiinshi kenkyū 寺院 史研究 [ The Journal of Buddhism Society History ] 6 (2002): 1–34 Fukushima Kaneharu 福島金治 . Adachi Yasumori to Kamakura bakufu: Shimotsuki sōdō to sono shūhen 安達泰盛と鎌倉幕府 ― 霜月騒動とその周辺 [Adachi Yasumori and the Kamakura Shogunate: The Midwinter Coup and its Context]. Yokohama: Yūrindō 有隣堂 , 2006 ———. ‘Adachi Yasumori to Kamakura no jiin’ 安達泰盛と鎌倉の寺 院 [Adachi Yasumori and Kamakura temples]. Setsuwa bungaku kenkyū 説話文学研究 [Studies in Legendary Literature Written and Spoken] 36 (2001): 1–10 Kawase Kazuma 川瀬一馬 . ‘Heian-chō surikyō no kenkyū: Tōshōdaiji-zō ippin 80-yoshu no shinhakken o ki to shite’ 平安 朝摺経の研究 ― 唐招提寺蔵逸品八十余種の新発見を機として [Research on Printed Sutras in the Heian Period: Based on the New Discovery of More than Eighty New Items in Tōshōdaiji] (first published 1940). In Nihon shoshigaku no kenkyū 日本書誌 学の研究 [Research on Japanese bibliography], 1503–50. Tokyo: Dai Nippon yūbenkai kōdansha 大日本雄弁会講談社 , 1943 Koakimoto Dan 小秋元段 . ‘Kōyaban to wa nanika’ 高野版とはなにか [What are Kōya Editions?]. In Insatsu Hakubutsukan kōenroku: kikakuten ‘Kūkai kara no okurimono’ dai-2-kai kōenkai 印刷博物 館講演録：企画展「空海からのおくりもの」第 2 回講演会 [Printing Museum lecture record: Second lecture for ‘The Gifts of Kūkai’ 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Nakanishi, Cambridge, Asuka, Shoko, Stanford, Jeffrey, Jacqueline, Asia, Bryan, Takahiro, Peter, Sekai, Toshio]

124 BRIAN STEININGER exhibition], edited by Nakanishi Yasuhito 中西保仁 , 3–26. Tokyo: Insatsu hakubutsukan 印刷博物館 , 2013 Kornicki, Peter. ‘Manuscript, not Print: Scribal Culture in the Edo Period’. Journal of Japanese Studies 32, no. 1 (2006): 23–52 Kūkai kara no okurimono: Kōyasan no shoko no tobira o hiraku 空海 からのおくりもの：高野山の書庫の扉をひらく [A Gift from Kukai: Opening the Door to the Koyasan Library]. Tokyo: Toppan insatsu insatsu hakubutsukan 凸版印刷印刷博物館 , 2011 Kuroda Toshio 黒田俊雄 . ‘The Imperial Law and the Buddhist Law’. Translated by Jacqueline I. Stone. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 23, no. 3–4 (1996): 271–85 Lowe, Bryan. Ritualized Writing: Buddhist Practice and Scriptural Cultures in Ancient Japan . Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2017 Mass, Jeffrey P. Yoritomo and the Founding of the First Bakufu: The Origins of Dual Government in Japan . Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999 Mizuhara Gyōei 水原堯榮 . Kōyasan kinseki zusetsu 高野山金石 圖説 [Illustrated Explanation of Mt. Kōya Epigraphy]. Vol. 6 of Mizuhara Gyōei zenshū 水原堯榮全集 [Collected works of Mizuhara Gyōei], 11 vols, edited by Nakanishi Zenkyō 中川善教 . Kyoto: Dōhōsha 同朋舎 , 1981–1982. ———. Kōyaban no kenkyū 高野版の硏究 [Research on Kōya Editions]. Vol. 5 of Mizuhara Gyōei zenshū 水原堯榮全集 [Collected works of Mizuhara Gyōei], 11 vols. Kyoto: Dōhōsha 同朋舎 , 1981–1982 Murai Shōsuke 村井章介 . Hōjō Tokimune to Mōko shūrai: jidai sekai kojin o yomu 北条時宗と蒙古襲来 : 時代・世界・個人を読む [Hōjō Tokimune and the Mongol Invasions]. Tokyo: Nihon hōsō shuppan kyōkai 日本放送出版協会 , 2001 Ruppert, Brian. Jewel in the Ashes: Buddha Relics and Power in Early Medieval Japan . Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2000 Sango, Asuka. The Halo of Golden Light: Imperial Authority and Buddhist Ritual in Heian Japan . Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015 Sasaki Takahiro 佐々木孝浩 . Nihon koten shoshigakuron 日本古典書

[Find the meaning and references behind the names: Nakajima]

125 13 TH-CENTURY TEXTUAL CULTURE BETWEEN KŌYA AND KAMAKURA 誌学論 [The Bibliographical Study of Classical Japanese Texts]. Tokyo: Kasama shoin 笠間書院 , 2016 Sumiyoshi Tomohiko 住吉朋彦 . ‘Nihon chūsei no hangi to hanpon’ 日本中世の版木と版本 [Medieval Japanese Woodblocks and Printed Books]. In Chūsei o owaraseta ‘seisan kakumei’: Ryōsanka gijutsu no hirogari to eikyō 中世を終わらせた「生産革命」 ― 量 産化技術の広がりと影響 [The ‘Production Revolution’ that ended the middle ages: the spread and influence of technologies of mass production], edited by Nakajima Keiichi 中島圭一 , 65– 81. Tokyo: Kagaku kenkyūhi hojokin kenkyū seika hōkokusho 科 学研究費補助金研究成果報告書 , 2015 Uejima Tamotsu 上島有 . Chūsei ākaibuzu-gaku josetsu 中世アーカイ ブズ学序説 [Prolegomena to Medieval Archive Studies]. Kyoto: Shibunkaku shuppan 思文閣出版 , 2015 Yamamoto Nobuyoshi 山本信吉 . Kichō tenseki, shōgyō no kenkyū 貴 重典籍・聖教の研究 [Research on Rare Books and Ritual Texts]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan 吉川弘文館 , 2013.

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