Transformation of the Udayana Buddha: from Mortal to God

by Akasya Benge | 2016 | 11,159 words

Summary: Transformation of the Udayana Buddha: From Mortal to God by Akasya Benge

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts; Institute of Fine Arts; New York University.

May, 2016

Source 1: exoticindiaart.com
Source 2: academia.edu

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I. Preface

Beginning in India with the earliest legends and depictions of Buddha, the Udayana image traveled beyond the footsteps of the historical Buddha to the mountains and valleys of China, passing through Tibet and finally reaching Japan. One result in Japan was a Buddha with its own tradition: the Seiryoji Buddha. The features of what is often called an Udayana Buddha are: a standing position with bare feet, a rounded collar, and one hand positioned in an upward mudra with another positioned in a downward mudra. Materials used to create Udayana icons include bronze, sandstone, and wood, though there are no specified limitations for Udayana mediums. The word Udayana can mean exit, conclusion and means of redemption. This type of statue has been continuously created with changes in material, stance and meaning. This thesis will delve into those conscientious changes, both small and great.

The Seiryoji Buddha peers from half-lidded eyes through darkened rooms and doorways, acknowledging visitors to the temple. The hidden cavity within the Buddha contains the secrets of its powerful lineage and ancient devotional objects. Even the very timber it was carved from remains a mystery to scholars. Is it the luxurious, coveted sandalwood of Indian icons, or the haku wood the Japanese deemed an acceptably sacred alternative? This paper explores the powerthat was sustained and sometimes accumulated during replication of the Udayana Buddha statues first in India, China, Tibet and finally Japan, tracing out both their transformed materiality and the narrative history.1

This paper will begin by covering the legend of the Udayana, and then proceed to define terminology and concepts developed for this discussion. From there, formal stylistic analysis will

1 Shen, Hsueh-Man. "Between One and Many: Multiples, Multiplication and the Huayan Metaphysics." Proceedings of the British Academy 181, (2012): 213-214, 257-258.

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be utilized to systemically observe the transformation of the Udayana statue across time and place. The changes will be noted and the significance of new elements will be discussed. The trail of the Udayana image has a stopping point at the Seiryoji Buddha, where the contents, legends and pilgrimages associated with that sculpture will be explored. The heritage of the “copies” particularly of the Seiryoji Buddha, will conclude this partial account of the lineage of the Udayana.

II. Introduction

The historical King Udayana, ruler of Kaushambi, was a living contemporary of the Buddha, who himself is proposed to have been born circa 563 B.C.E to c. 480 B.C.E. and to have died circa 483 B.C.E. to c. 400 B.C.E.2 Though the entirety of the legend came to fruition in China, the Udayana theme has its roots in India, and is an important subject in Indian literature. Two fourth century plays, the Svapnav-savadatta and Pratijna-yaugandharayana have the Udayana legend as the central theme and the King is the hero of two more Indian plays.3 Multiple versions of King Udayana’s conversion to Buddhism and subsequent commission of the statue are found in various sources. The earliest, Samyutta Nikāya, records the king converting after visiting the monk Pindola Bharadvaja. Another, the Commentary on Sutta Nipāta, relates the king setting red ants upon the same monk after discovering him preaching to the ladies of the harem in his garden.4 The monk escaped unharmed and returned later to convert the king.5 From

2 Carter, Martha L. The Mystery of the Udayana Buddha. Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1990, 4; Cousins, Lance S. "The Dating of the Historical Buddha: A Review Article." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1996, 57-63. Accessed December 1, 2015. http://indology.info/papers/cousins/, 1-4; Norman, Kenneth R. A Philological Approach to Buddhism: The Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai Lectures 1994. Vol. 5. London: University ofLondon, 1997, 33.

3 Davane, Gulab V. "Legend of the Udayana." Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute 18 (January 1957): 344-73. Accessed September 08, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42930814, 344.

4 Carter, Mystery of the Udayana, 4.

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there a Chinese translation of Ekottaragama-sutra completed in 385 C.E. by monk Dharamanandi tells of the sadness of King Udayana after the temporary absence of the Buddha who had traveled to heaven to preach to his mother.6 King Udayana commissioned a five foot sandalwood statue made in likeness of the Buddha, which another king, Prasēnajit, immediately had copied in gold.7 The first mention of King Udayana within Chinese literature is in the fifth century Mingxiang ji, which recounts a story beginning with Emperor Ming’s dream about a divine man (58-75 C.E.).8 This divine man was golden, over twenty feet in height with a halo about his head.9 The emperor awoke and one of his courtiers recognized this “divine man” as a deity in India.10 The king sent an embassy to India, which returned with the painted image of the Buddha that had been completed during the Buddha’s and King Udayana’s lifetime.11 These are the legendary beginnings of Buddhism in China, though in fact Buddhism had reached China somewhat earlier.12 An expanded version of the story is found in the sixth century Kao-seung chen, a collection of writings by Buddhist monks in China, in which the painting brought toChina was one of four copies, rather than the original itself.13 However, Indian sources confirm the original statue was made of sandalwood. The author of the Mingxiang ji was affected by the

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid., 6.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid., 1.

9 Ibid., 1.

10Ibid., 1.

11Ibid., 1.

12Ibid., 3.

13Ibid., 2.

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fact that painting was held in higher regard in China than statuary.14 Faxian records in his A Record of the Buddha’s Journeying in India, a manuscript written after his own return from Indiain 414 C.E. that the Buddha statue of legend was carved with thirty-two perfect attributes, and that when Buddha returned from heaven and saw the sandalwood statue, he prophesied this image would be found throughout China in a thousand years.15 This date puts the Seiryoji Buddha roughly at the time and place of the Buddha’s prediction. Though the detail was most likely added to the Udayana legend at a later date, during the period when the Udayana tradition was already flourishing in China, this legend could not fail to add to the momentum of the tradition and subsequent creation of the Seiryoji Buddha.

III. Art Historical Theory &Terminology

Walter Benjamin’s interpretation of ‘aura’ is commonly used by art historians, but for the purposes of this paper a different definition will be used.16 “Aura” and “power” are used interchangeably within this paper and are here defined simultaneously as the perceived abilities of a Buddha statue to perform miracles and perpetuate legends to add further to their complex narratives. Rather than deny as Walter Benjamin did that multiplicity of an icon created a lack of aura, this paper seeks to establish the reverse concept; that an object can become more powerful as a copy and when more copies are made from that copy.

14Ibid., 3.

15Ibid., 7.

16Benjamin, Walter and Hannah Arendt. In Illuminations. “Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical

Reproduction.” New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968, 1968. “quality of presence”, 221; Benjamin and Arendt, “Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”, 221, “By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence.”

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Hans Belting introduced the same concept that the power of an image can accumulate over time, as exemplified in the Western Christian tradition, though the church often sought to strip imagery of its power, rather than amplify it.17 These images became a direct connection to God, and giving life to the statuary.18 There is documentation of the statuary crying and bleeding upon desecration, almost as if a spirit had inhabited the statuary and lived and breathed through the dead materials.19 The word used to describe this supernatural power was dynamis in the Christian tradition.20 These descriptions have parallels to examples of Udayana sculpture discussed later in this paper. The transformation of veneration to worship is one that is shown not only through textual evidence, but also through the imagery itself, in both Buddhism and Christianity. The groundwork laid by Belting helps to establish that the accumulation of aura is not unique to Buddhist sculpture.

To avoid confusion, the term “prime object” has also been introduced, to distinguish an Udayana statue that begins another set of statuary copies. This term has been borrowed from The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things, by George Kubler.21A copy may become aprime, though many discussed here and elsewhere do not. For example, the Seiryoji Buddha became a prime as it was the first of its kind and inspired a tradition of statuary, discussed later. Included in these “copies” was the Saidaiji Buddha. Although the Seiryoji Buddha began as a

17Belting, Hans. Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994, 1.

18Ibid.

19Ibid.

20Ibid., 6.

21Kubler, George. The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962, 39-42.

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“copy” it became “prime” because it established its own statuary tradition. This distinctive and unique vocabulary is necessary for this discourse.

IV. Stylistic Analysis of Udayana Buddha

The Seiryoji Buddha, carved in 985 C.E. is the only significantly large extant Chinese Udayana sculpture from the tenth century.22 To gain a complete perspective on the late version of the Udayana Buddha, Indian, Chinese, Tibetan and Japanese examples will be chronologically examined here. The tradition of the Udayana Buddha began with the Gandharan tradition of depicting the Buddha in a standing position with clinging robes, round collar, bare feet, the one hand positioned in an upwards mudra (usually the abhaya mudra), and the other in a downwards mudra (most often the varada mudra). These two mudras have specific definitions in the seventhcentury Japanese text the Dainichikyo. The varada mudra, the gesture of offering and charity of the Buddha, in Chinese is known as shi-yuan-yin and in Japanese as segan-in.23 The hand should be pointed downwards, palms outward and completely exposed to the viewer, though the fingers may be bent slightly as if to support a round object.24 The abhaya mudra, the gesture of the absence of fear, is known as shi-wu-wei-yin in Chinese, and semui-in in Japanese.25 Another seventh century Japanese text Shugokokkaishudaranikyo describes the gesture very precisely as “The right hand exposes the palm; the five fingers, stretched vertically at the level of the shoulder, face towards outside.”26 Although the definitions of the two mudra are meticulously

22Borengasser, Daniel. “The Presence of the Buddha: Transmission of Sacred Authority and the Function of Ornament in Seiryoji’s Living Icon.” (M.A. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014), 5.

23Saunders, Earnest Dale. Mudra. Surrey: Princeton University Press, 1985, 51.

24Ibid.

25Ibid., 55.

26Ibid., 56.

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defined in these Japanese documents, the iconography took time, distance and ideology to become truly solidified.

The Udayana statuary tradition was originally Greco-Hellenistic, but developed over the first three centuries of the Common Era in Gandhara, eventually becoming more influenced by Indian sculptural tradition.27 Each physical aspect of statuary draws on a traditional Indian artistic form; the head draws on the form of an egg, the eyebrows on the Indian bow, and the eyes on the lotus bud.28 The Udayana Buddha is tied to the legend of King Udayana, who commissioned a sandalwood sculpture during the lifetime of the Buddha. From this sandalwood statue, copies arose in various materials and sizes in several neighboring regions. This section will trace this development to create a coherent narrative of the Udayana Buddha (fig. 1.).

V. Gandharan Tradition

The Gandharan tradition, the oldest of the styles discussed within this paper, was not the first to make Udayana-type Buddhas but began producing these at a later date and became a source from which other Udayana traditions were derived. The first statue is a first century stone Gandharan Buddha with hands missing and repairs done to the neck (fig. 2). It stands at 99.06 cm tall, and is very heavily Hellenistic influenced, indicated by the attention to the folds of the robe. Many of the earliest statues were done in different stone, including blue and grey schist. This robe does not cling tightly to the body, but hangs loosely, with the drapery deeply carved to give an impression of tangibility of the fabric on the body. The face itself is further indication of Hellenistic influence as seen by the lack of defined pupils, with a smooth oculus. The idealized effect contrasts with the realistic body. The hair is not tightly defined by curls but instead has

27Huntington, Susan and John C. Huntington. The Art of Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain. New York: Weatherhill, 1985, 116;Saunders, Mudra, 14.

28Saunders, Mudra, 14.

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loose waves, swept up into a bun. This treatment of the hair is tied to the robe, also precisely defined to give it tangibility so that both hair and body frame the face. The ears are large, but not elongated. Another sign of classical influence is the statue’s contrapposto stance; the left knee is bent out without disturbing the overall vertical thrust of the figure. He is broad-shouldered, and therefore appears stocky and solid, rather than sloping and gliding.

The second example of early Gandharan sculpture is dated to 100-300 C.E. and includes an unadorned halo surrounding the head (fig. 3). The eyes, as well as the face are positioned downwards, indicating this statue may have been viewed from a lower vantage point. The hair is created from a series of shallowly waving lines. Together, the patterning of the robe and the lines of the hair frame the face, which attracts further attention due to the halo surrounding the head. The robe is created out of diagonal sloping folds that create a circular pattern down the lower front of the form. The loose robes fail to conceal the slightly curving belly of the Buddha. This, along with the softness of the face creates a Buddha, benevolent and approachable. The right knee is raised, and he seems about to take one step forward, rather than simply shifting his weight on one hip or the other. His remaining hand on the left side, weighty clutches at the folds of his robe, reminding us of the lingering Hellenistic influence.

A circa 500 C.E. Gandharan bronze statue is also made of bronze, and stands at 33 cm (fig. 4). This statue appears dark and smooth, with tangibility to the robes and hair due to heavy and well-defined drapery. The hair is a series of circular lines, creating a contrast between face and hair that frames the face between robe and hair. The hip juts out in a sensuous contrapposto and the body appears pronounced through the folds. The Gandharan tradition does not contrast the body to the surface. The figure is presented as one whole, rather than in competition with its decorative elements, such as the halo.

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A second example of 550-599 C.E. Gandharan bronze statuary found in Pakistan stands at 34.9 cm; however, the stupa and halo add to the overall height of the image, making it about 15.2 cm shorter (in total: 19.7 cm) (fig. 5). This vertical figure had a double halo surrounding its head, while the Mathuran tradition (discussed below) retained only one halo. It has a clinging robe that displays much of the body underneath, including legs and torso. The robe with a rounded collar is well defined with folds to create an illusion of tangibility for the body. The hair style consists of simple knots that form a regular smooth pattern. Many of these stylistic choices reappear in the Mathuran tradition.

VI. Mathuran Tradition

One of the earliest examples from an almost equally old tradition of Udayana-type Buddhas is a 400-500 C.E. Mathuran sculpture; its height is unknown (fig. 6). It is a standing Buddha that is depicted with a clinging robe and rounded collar, with the right hand positioned upwards, and the left positioned downwards. The feet would have presumably been bare. The material is red sandstone, which was used to create all Mathuran Buddhist sculpture during the period 100 C.E. to 600 C.E. The robe is depicted in raised waved lines, and the hair is a series of knotted circles, creating a geometric framework that contrasts with the face of the Buddha. The treatment of the surface is deliberately restricted to shallow relief, and the sense of the mass of the form sets up a contrast to this. The legs are heavily accentuated under the folds of the robe, and the face of the Buddha is framed by a large circular halo. This single halo mandala can be compared with the double-halo mandala of contemporary Guptan examples, discussed below.

A second Mathuran from circa 400 C.E. possesses the clinging robe, the circular collar, and the standing stance (fig. 7). Waving lines in the robe are also present, along with the circular

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knots of the hair that create a geometrical patterning contrasting to the face. The tangibility of the robe creates the effect of a linen robe, worn to the ground, and perhaps even covering the feet.

VII. Guptan Tradition

The Guptan tradition drew on both Mathuran and Gandharan stylistic choices. My first example is a Buddha of Guptan style made of red sandstone, and it was produced circa 300 C.E.–500 C.E., in a tradition that incorporated many Mathuran elements (fig. 8). The statue has waving lines and circular knots of hair, and a circular halo in the back. However, it also shows the chest muscles underneath, something that the two previous examples of Mathuran statuary overlooked, to focus on the accentuation of the legs underneath the fabric. Long and slender bodies, refined halos and facial features are considered a measure of quality of Guptan art.29 This sculpture exemplifies those traits, from the refined features of the face to the curling ends of the robe, meticulously carved to show the greatest amount of detail possible.

Similar statues were made in a copper alloy. This example, circa 500-600 C.E., and is slightly earlier than Bihar examples, discussed below (fig. 9). It shows many commonalities with the previous sculpture, including the same hand positioning, waved robe, and circular knotted hair style. It also appears to be holding a piece of cloth unconnected to the robe, which has elaborate detailing at the bottom.

VIII. Bihar Tradition

The Bihar copper alloy Buddhas shown here date from 550-650 C.E., later in date than the previously shown Guptan examples (fig. 10, 11). The first stands at 68.58 cm, while the measurements of the other are 15.6 cm. These statues developed out of the Gandharan tradition. They both show exquisite detailing of the robes and hair, with the continuation of the circular knots and the waved folds of the robe. The hands are held in the same manner, the right

29 Huntington and Huntington, Art of Ancient India, 201.

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positioned in abhaya mudra and the left in a variation of the mukura or bhûtadâmara mudra, the gesture that wards off evil. The second one appears to be holding something, which may have been the remnant of other traditions that show the Buddha holding the ends of the robe, but here it just appears as an extra piece of cloth. These smaller bronze sculptures also adopt some of their stylistic traits from Guptan sculpture, for example; the use of copper alloys, the tightly clinging robes that accentuate the legs and the circular lines that trail down those robes.

IX. Post-Guptan Tradition

The Guptan tradition remained active for at least two centuries, and other Buddhas continued to be made after the Guptan tradition ended. An example is a bronze post-Guptan Buddha dating to 700-800 C.E. (fig. 12). The waves of drapery of the Guptan statuary have now become circles that cut straight across the robe of the Buddha, so rather than creating the impression of folds they register as pure geometric patterns. The impression of the robe has become even tighter against the body, so that the figure of the Buddha pops out against the fabric. Though navels could be seen on the other statuary, this example has a concave navel, the robe pressed almost flush against the skin. The contrapposto stance does not retain movement, but instead shows a rigidity not found in earlier examples.

X. Northern Wei Dynasty Buddhas

The first Udayana Buddhas of China appeared during the Northern Wei Dynasty. There is continuity with the Indian traditions discussed earlier by carrying over all the elements that compose an Udayana Buddha: rounded collar, bare feet, standing position, one upward mudra and a downward mudra. Other elements that link the two are the contrapposto stance, clinging fabric and heavy detailing of the robes. The Northern Wei example analyzed here is the famous Metropolitan Museum statue, dated 486 C.E., closely related to the Central Asian tradition of

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Northern Liang clay sculpture (fig. 13). This is a gilt bronze statue, cast in pieces and with traces of polychromy remaining on the surface. It stands at 140.3 cm high. This figure is wide open, its body relaxed and it stands in a very slight contrapposto, the right knee now accentuated. The hands are not positioned in a mudra that is a part of the codified system, but rather give the impression of the abhaya mudrā with another hand reaching downwards. The folds of the robe are still highly defined, but are more regular and cling to the body. The cloth that hangs down from the arm gives fluidity to the Buddha, but its body remains pronounced against the folds. The feet are planted firmly, yet the overall impression is of a figure who had been walking but has now come to a complete stop. The ears are elongated, curved outwards, square-like from the frontal view, and the face is round and slightly smiling. The outline of the Buddha, suggested by the points at the end of the hands, robes, and top of the hair is an oval, rather than a polygon. This is due to the missing mandala that would have framed the statue’s form. The hair is in a strong whorl, but without the knots, and rather patterned in appearance, like the folds of the robes so that this Buddha also frames the face by associating both hair and robe through their pattern.

XI. Northern Qi Dynasty Buddhas

The Udayana iconography was also found in Northern Qi (550-577 C.E.) statuary created almost contemporarily with the Guptan examples.30 There are three sub-types of Northern Qi Udayana Buddha. The first sub-type has clinging robes, with a round collar, and robes that appear like ripples in a pond across the front of the Buddha (fig. 14). The mantle is draped in such a way that it dips below the breastbone to expose the robe underneath, creating a layered effect. The arms have been pulled into the body, and the Buddha stands rigidly. Despite the clear

30Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002,

154.

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folds sculpted meticulously, an almost brick-like pattern is painted over the Buddha, without attention to the sculpture underneath. The effect is as if two artists worked on the same piece with completely different concepts of what should be emphasized. The robes continue to cascade down the middle of the legs of the Buddha. The face is calm, its downward gaze depicting its introspection, or perhaps an audience at a lower level. It stands rigidly, no knee emphasized over the other, a truly vertical form.

A second, more common sub-type of Northern Qi Buddha is devoid of any sort of sculptured detailing of the robe (fig. 15). Though the robe clings tightly to the slim, graceful body, it shows no treatment of the folds whatsoever. The overall figure is entirely vertical, and nearly symmetrical, except for the rigid arms positioned in formulaic abhaya mudra (the right hand) and the veranda mudra (the left). Here the patchwork pattern of the paint becomes the focus, rather than the sculpture itself. This Buddha has an overall more youthful, joyous appearance, displaying long ears, a soft face and barely opened lips in a graceful smile. The eyes are half closed but appear to curve upwards ever so slightly at the ends, and the face is carved to give the slightest impression of a double-chin. The whorls on top of his head appear to disappear into the head, a slightly etched carving, more like lines in a painting than relief on a sculpture.

A Buddha with the remnants of his halo mandala represents the third sub-type of Udayana Buddha (fig. 16). The head halo itself has seven small seated Buddhas, separated at equal points around the head, with the petals of the lotus bloom directly behind the head. This type of halo has not been seen before in the canon of Udayana Buddhas, and thus can be considered an elaboration of the original formula associated with this Buddha type. The entire piece appears to be carved from a single piece of stone. This Buddha stands relaxed; his shoulders lean slightly back, but his legs are still parallel to one another. While benevolent as

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indicated by the slight smile and mild double-chin, his gaze also indicates knowledge, as indicated by the slightly lowered eyes. Other signs of wisdom include the perforated, elongated earlobes. The treatment of the folds appears as simple, circular lines, carved shallowly but deliberately into the relief, cascading down his otherwise smooth robe. However, the folds of the sleeves are meticulously articulated by a series of parallel lines. The hair appeared almost as a perfect pattern of smooth stones. In combination with the robes, it creates a frame of decoration that surrounds and frames the face of the Buddha. The expansion of the importance of the mandala would be continued in Tang Dynasty statuary.

XII. Tang Dynasty Buddhas

This tradition of Udayana Buddhas was continued during the Tang dynasty. This standing Maitreya from the Shaanxi Historical Museum is cast in bronze and gilded (fig. 17). It stands at 53.5 cm. Its rounded collar consists of three raised circular bumps. The robe lies nearly flush against the body, and the pattern of three circular bumps is repeated, framing the stomach. The legs, rather than being defined by the tightness of the robe, are created by two curving indentations that form the impression of the legs. The texture of the hair is created by a series of miniscule bumps, and appears heavily patterned in contrast to the face and robe. The effect of raised bumps is extended to the body, with the double fold of the neck sitting plumply just above the circular collar of the robe. The already small statue stands on a pedestal, so that the body is about 38 cm, rather than 53.5 cm. The face of the Buddha is enigmatic, with the thinly slit eyes, with highly arched eyebrows in an expression of surprise, and the lips neither smiling nor frowning. The hands are positioned in a slight variance of the abhaya mudra (right hand) and the varada mudra (left hand), with hands slightly forgiving and curved, rather than completely flat.

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A white marble Udayana Buddha dating from the Tang Dynasty (618-906 C.E.), though missing its head and hands, presents a figure of interest (fig. 18). The statue, though it stands vertically, appears to be leaning back, hips forward, with a rather sizable stomach becoming the focus of the piece. The treatment of the robe is formed of regular, circular and shallowly carved lines. The many layers of cloth are creating by the fluttering effect of the ends of those robes, pulled back from the clinging fabric of the front robe, which clearly shapes not only the belly, but also the legs.

A second example of Tang Dynasty sculpture is made of gilt copper alloy, and stands at 11.5 cm (fig.19). Despite its diminutive size it possesses many of the same details as larger images. The treatment of the fabrics mimics a naturalism of form, resembling the ripples in a pond, perfectly centered starting at the top of the robe and growing larger and further apart at the base. The face appears uplifted, cheerful with the cheeks rounded as if smiling. The positions of the arms are relaxed, but the hands are clearly in abhaya and varada mudra. The hairstyle is created by raised bumps spaced in horizontal lines, without any deviation from the pattern. The feet, rather than sticking out from the underneath the robe are instead created as a raised detail against the bottom of the folds.

XIII. Northern Song Tradition

This Northern Song wood example, is very much drawn in, the figure stands straight, with arms fully pulled in towards the body with the left hand positioned in abhaya and the right in clear varada mudra. This is an example from circa 960–1167 C.E., linking it to the Seiryoji Buddha, which was carved in China in the late tenth century as a replica of an earlier tenth century statue from the Wu-Yue Kingdom (fig. 20). The wood and dimensions are unknown, but it appears small, possibly used as a personal, portable icon. The wood may be the same substitute

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sandalwood as the Seiryoji Buddha, or perhaps because of its petite size, composed of the rare sandalwood fragments. The folds are raised in perfect symmetry over the entire body and highlight the knees underneath. This statue marks the end of the evolution of this statuary in China, but gave foundation for the development of the Udayana tradition in Japan.

XIV. Tibetan / Kashmir Tradition

Returning West to the Himalayan region, examples of the Udayana image appeared in Kashmir and Tibet from 600 C.E. onwards. This statuary tradition most closely resembles Bihar and post-Guptan Udayana sculptural traditions. My first example is a tenth-century product of the Kashmiri schools, which would find their traditions also continued in Tibet (fig. 21). The statue stands in slight contrapposto to the left and the folds in the robe, perfectly rounded, mimick those in the neck, and these folds extend to the arms. Rather than heavily lidded the eyes appear shut, so that the entire face is relaxed and contemplative. The left hand is held up in abhaya mudra, and the right could be confused for varada mudra but the Buddha clutches aportion of his robe in one hand. This style makes a return to a more open and relaxed Buddha form, while maintaining the overall rigidity of form.

A second example of Kashmiri-style sculpture is from Western Tibet, cast in brass and also tenth century in date (fig. 22). The statue is mounted on a lotus pedestal, a detail borrowed from Chinese sculpture. This statue is otherwise very similar to the contemporary example from Kashmir, though the contrapposto is to the right this time. This Buddha delicately clutches the end of his robe as well, gazing at his audience. The ripples of the circular design remain on the chest, with the arms and legs left perfectly smooth and without detail.

My final example is an eleventh or twelfth century brass Buddha from Tibet (fig. 23). This sculpture incorporates a full length mandala–though it is unclear whether this is a

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throwback to the Gandharan tradition or a borrowing from another more recent sculptural iconography. The detailing on the mandala remains simple, so that it creates the effect of a halo and glow around the form. The outer rim is patterned like flames, adding another dimension to the statue’s presence. The rounded folds are embedded on the chest and arms, with the legs again left smooth and without detail. The figure again holds the bottom of the robe in the right hand, with the left positioned in abhaya mudra. Though this sculpture shows a direct relationship with Indian tradition it is not uninfluenced by contemporary Northern Song Chinese sculpture, as seen in the face and the upper body.

XV. Changes to the Udayana Tradition

The tradition of the Udayana Buddha underwent many changes over its thousand-year history. From post-first century Gandharan sculpture, the ears change from the classic Greco-Roman form that imitates natural human ears, to elongated lobes, a symbol of wisdom in India. Simple mandalas also appear during this time, from the simple unadorned halo in the stone statue to the elaborate full length mandala in bronze statuary. As the Buddha is copied from location to location, it closes in on itself, becoming rigid and losing the former contrapposto and openness of form. As mentioned before, in the Chinese text Mingxiang ji the descriptions begin to include the divinity of the statue, not just the role of the Buddha as a teacher. Other significant changes occur during the Northern Qi period, with the development of a more rigid, columnar form and introduction of seated Buddhas as decoration of the mandala. By the Northern Song Dynasty, the form of the standing Udayana Buddha is completely rigid, and sheds the role of a teacher in favor of that of a divinity. Northern Qi statuary marks the beginning of highly intricate mandalas, which would be incorporated into the later Chinese and Japanese copies, including the Seiryoji Buddha, which in addition to extensive floral detailing in its mandala also incorporates the seated

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Buddha motif.31 In Japan, mandalas are often of considerable artistic quality, using Buddha or Bodhisattva images, Sanskrit signs or symbolic attributes.32 The last two are supposed to possess a magical power just as effective as that of a Buddha image, meaning that a completed statue with Buddha and mandala has double the power and aura of a Buddha icon without one. A final point to note is that although wood statuary is discussed earlier in Chinese and Indian tradition, wood is more easily damaged. Pre-tenth century wooden statuary is difficult to find.

A separate series of changes concerns the hand gestures or mudra. Iconographically, mudra are used to evoke specific episodes of Buddhist legend or to identify specific divinities. Inthe Udayana tradition the abhaya mudra and varada mudra specifically denoted the Buddha Shakyamuni.33 Just as the seal (Chinese: yin) guarantees authenticity of documents in China, the mudra (Chinese: yin) on a mystic and religious level eliminated the possibility of error or lie, thus signifying it to be a specific icon.34 Mudra were introduced into Japan by Kobo Daishi, and from that point gained in number and significance.35 In the sixth century the Japanese text Murimandarajukyo mentions a mere sixteen mudras, but the seventh century Daranjikko mentions more than three hundred.36 The very loose, open gestures that were first seen in India gradually take on definitive positions and meanings, as the abhaya and varada mudra did in Japan, as exemplified by the Seiryoji Buddha (itself made in China). If each Udayana statue from across time and space were drawn onto the corner of a flipbook, the hands would appear to

31Saunders, Mudra, 24.

32Ibid., 24.

33Ibid., 3.

34Ibid., 8.

35Ibid., 5.

36Ibid., 3.

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gradually move in a circular motion to eventually become vertical and rigid (fig. 24). This demonstrates that as time went on the hand gestures were codified, though their first forms manifested in Gandharan statuary.37 Japan is considered a terminus of the Buddhist tradition, and therefore makes excellent examples of completely codified mudras. As the mudras transformed, so did the entire form of the Buddha, culminating in the Seiryoji Buddha.

XVI. The Seiryoji Buddha

The starting point for this study was the Seiryoji Buddha, a statue commissioned in 985 C.E. by the monk Chonen on his pilgrimage to China.38 The statue has a height of 154.94 cm.39 It was a copy of a recent copy of the Udayana Buddha, of which an “original” was believed to have been created during the lifetime of the Buddha, with the Buddha’s own physical appearance as the referent.40 The Seiryoji Buddha is made of “fragrant sandalwood,”41 a wood valued for its spiritual power both in Buddhism and in Japanese culture. Sandalwood is cladeas lotus, otherwise known as euricots, and the scent is believed to alleviate desire and maintain alertness during meditation.42 The Seiryoji Buddha was constructed using a technique in Japan known as yosegi zukuri, which involved combining many smaller pieces of wood to create a whole.43Thevisual impact of the finished sculpture is that of a seamless creation (fig. 25, 26). The wood looks

37Ibid., 10.

38Borengasser, “Presence of the Buddha,” Preface.

39Henderson, Gregory and Leon Hurvitz. "The Buddha of Seiryoji: New Finds and New Theory." Artonis Asiae 19, no. 1 (1956): 4-55. Accessed January 24, 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3248538, 15.

40Ibid.

41McCallum, Donald. "The Saidaiji Lineage of the Seiryoji Shaka Tradition." Archives of Asian Art, 49 (1996): 51-67.

42A botanical classification group.

43Faure, Bernard. "The Buddhist Icon and the Modern Gaze." Critical Inquiry 24, no. 3 (1998): 768. Accessed July 9, 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1344089, 796.

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smooth, but has not retained consistency of color, having darkened in some areas over time. It carries the iconic and auspicious marks of the Buddha, including the braided top knot, elongated ears, and uṣṇīṣa on its forehead, physically marking the connection between it and the real Buddha as well with as the prime icon located in India. The hair is made of a clay composite, and it is conceivable that at one time the entire statue was lacquered red, though now the statue’s natural wood surface is visible.44 If the Buddha had been lacquered red, it would have been a unique addition to the Udayana tradition, one that created a visually compelling Buddha. The Buddha wears three robes, determinable by the three hems visible.45 Internally, the statue was filled with sacred objects, including silk intestines and pathways of silk nerves, corresponding to the Buddha’s potential “inhabiting” of the statue–thus the term “living statue.”46 The content also include a group of documents, including the oath to create the Buddha, a catalogue of objects, a biography of Chonen’s journey, woodblock prints, handwritten sutras, thirty-seven Chinese coins, a mirror and other miscellaneous devotional offerings.47 These offerings include over four hundred pieces of textile, most likely given by many priests and nuns from their own robes, a small brass bell, a rock-crystal, small silver pieces, a piece of agate, wooden rosary beads and some small flecks of gold mica. Rather than making up a prescribed set of objects, the ensemble is deeply reflective of the personal nature of the offerings.48 This Buddha, upon its completion, immediately created its own legacy with its own myth. The aura of this statue was so

44Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 12.

45McCallum, “The Saidaiji Lineage,” 52.

46Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 22.;Kumagai Takafumi, “Shogon kenkyu no tame no oboegaki: shiso to zokei no sokan o meguru kenkyushi oyobi tenbo.” In Bukkyo Daigaku Sogo Kenkyujo kiyo, 20 (2013): 49-64.

47Ibid., 25-33.

48Ibid., 32-34.

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potent that it became the focus of its own cult, termed in Japanese as Seiryojishiki Shaka; all statues that are copied from the Seiryoji Buddha belong to this cult.49

XVII. Zonai Nonyuhin

The practice of placing relics inside Buddhas, known as zonai nonyuhin in Japanese, was a way of validating and amplifying the icon’s power, a practice begun as early as the Gandharan period.50 The devotional contents of these statues, whether material or textual, had their own individual element of “aura” they contribute to the object. If the contents themselves were copies of sutras or copies of organs, by placing a copy within this copy the aura of the Buddha was further enriched. Furthermore, textual histories or legends could strengthen connections to an original.

The ceremonial act of sanctifying Buddhas by creating silk organs to allow the spirit of the Buddha to temporary possess the statue is a practice that has meaning beyond even this ontological element. Other forms of offerings included real organs from the monks themselves.51 Whole tongues, hands, ears, nose, and eyes were arranged in formal vessels.52 The offerings represented the mediators’ abandonment of their earthly self in front of the icon. Surrounding these offerings is the legend of the Buddha who himself fed his own injured body to the nursing tigress and her cubs. Monks would also practice chöd, a term from Hindi and Tibetan which meant a ritual of visualization. It was accomplished by climbing mountain to engage in a

49See Figure 27, 28, 29, 30.

50Richard Goepper, “Icon and Ritual in Japanese Buddhism.” In Enlightenment Embodied: The Art of the Japanese Buddhist Sculptor (7th-14th Centuries), (1997): 73-77.; Tanabe Saburosuke, “Zonai nonyuhin.” In Zonai nonyuhin, Juyo bunkazai bekkan vol. 1 (1978): 30.

51Ibid., 24.; See Figure 31.

52Rawson, Phillip S. Sacred Tibet. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1991, 21.

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“spiritual reenactment” of giving up these organs, imagining unbelievable pain to become closer to the Buddha.53 The Seiryoji Buddha contains one “human” offering that is only detectable through x-ray.54 It is a tooth, inserted in the mouth of the statue and hidden from view. Since there is no accompanying text to explain its origin, it is yet another method of “animating” the Buddha, furthering consecrating it is as a living Buddha, capable of spiritual habitation at any moment.55 Another, much stranger human offering that is a combination of documentation and physical offering is the birth certificate of Chonen, the priest who traveled to China to commission the object. It is tied with his umbilical cord.56 This was a way to tie both himself and his mother to the “aura” of the Buddha, attesting to the strength of his belief in the as yet untested Seiryoji Buddha. He also included his and Gizo’s oath sealed with hand printings in their own blood, which stated that the two would one day to establish a temple on Mt. Atago.57 Although the silk organs created for the Seiryoji Buddha lack, the physical sacrificial requirement, the stories of physical sacrifice recalled by such representational offerings must have contributed to the aura surrounding these statues.

Devotion to an object is an indication of the impact of the object on its audience. Documentation of increased devotion or physical descriptions that legitimize an art object, lend power to the statuary. If the statue has the power to perform miracles or allow followers to directly reach the ears of the Buddha, the icon would be deemed inconsequential, an empty vessel unworthy of being inhabited by the spirit of the Buddha. The following paragraphs

53Rawson, Sacred Tibet, 21.

54Borengasser, “Presence of the Buddha,” 109.

55Ibid.

56Ibid., 121.

57See Figure 32; for a full translation of the oath, see Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 45-47; Takeuchi Rizo, Heian ibun vol. 9 (1963), 3480-3481.

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describe incidents in the Seiryoji’s history that could be deemed miracles. When there are tangible manifestations of belief, such as creating copies of the powerful statue to use its power, or rituals surrounding the legend of a miracle it proves that this statue lives for its believers. Simply, a copy of statue carries over the original power of a prime statue and adds to the power or energy of the prime by creating these narrations, and by strengthening the materiality of the object either in terms of shape or size. The Seiryoji Buddha has an entire specific series of copies called the Seiryojishki Shaka, which in turn influenced and inspired other Buddha sculptures, including an Amida Buddha of the Heian period (fig. 27, 28, 29, 30). The Amida Buddha also displays the rigidity, bare feet, standing position (unusual to an Amida Buddha) and rounded collar that define an Udayana Buddha (fig. 30).58 This shows the scope and influence the Seiryoji Buddha had, not only through direct copies but through other traditions.

XVIII. Legends and Pilgrimage

Manifestations of a statue’s power included indicators such as higher conversion rates to Buddhism, the commissioning of copies of the statue by government or individual followers, descriptions of the statue’s power, donations to the temple, references to increased devotion from followers after seeing a copy of the statue and wishing to view the original, and pilgrimages to see other Buddhas after viewing the statue.

A sixteenth century scroll painted by Kano Motonobu, the Origin Tale of the Shaka Hall (Shakado engi) recounts that the Seiryoji Buddha switched places with the original Udayana

58Crothers, Wayne. "Japanese Amida Buddha." The Art Journal of the National Gallery of Victoria 50 (2011). Accessed April 19, 2016. The Art Journal of the National Gallery of Victoria.

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when it was first created, moving through its own volition and power.59 This is the first pilgrimage of the Seiryoji Buddha, in which it journeys through time and space in a single night to temporary replace the “first” Udayana Buddha. Since the legend began with the completion of the Seiryoji icon, it benefited the statue’s narrative. Not only did the tale establish the Seiryoji Buddha’s place in the lineage of the Shakyamuni Buddha, it also added to and displayed the Seiryoji icon’s own superior power.

Further evidence of the perceived power of the Seiryoji Buddha comes from a legend, written during the thirteenth century, that tells of a devout young woman guided by dreams of the statue who gained the miracle of her mother’s rebirth in Amida’s Pure Land.60 She prayed to the Buddha after her mother’s death, and found that her mother had been reborn in a hell; through the daughter’s prayers the mother gained rebirth as an ox. The daughter originally pampered the animal, but the Buddha scolded her in abnother dream, and told her she must let the oxen experience the hardships of her existence, to gain rebirth into the Pure Land. When the oxen died, the daughter wrapped the body in a shroud of the Seiryoji Buddha, and witnessed the body transform into smoke as it ascended into the heavens. This miracle is celebrated to this day with the Body-Cleansing Ceremony, which now takes place every year at the temple.61

Another example of the modern-day devotion that the statue receives is the Lighting of the Pines, which occurs every year on March 15th, the day the Japanese believe the Buddha was

59Horton, Sarah J. Living Buddhist statues in early medieval and modern Japan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, 30.

60Dobbins, James. C. Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context. Edited by

Elizabeth and Robert H. Sharf. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001, 29.

61Ibid.

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cremated.62 The ritual itself is visually rich, and the doors of the shrine holding the statue Seiryoji Shakyamuni are opened so that Shakyamuni can gaze upon the world and hear the prayers of the faithful. “Three huge pillars made of bound pine branches, each about three meters tall, are set on fire, the sparks illuminating the cold night sky. As they burn down, flaming limbs and ashes fall dangerously close to the onlookers.”63

A final example of the prestige of the Seiryoji Buddha comes from an 1837 account. Santo Kyozen, brother of Santo Kyoden, the famous author, wrote, “the Buddha from Seiryoji was unveiled at Ekoin, and many people crowded around—such that if you called it a morning pilgrimage, you would be ruining your evening. The officials prohibited this [crowding].”64 As this description proves, the power of the Seiryoji Buddha did not diminish over time, but indeed grew to an extent that the government had to become involved to limit the amount of traffic it created. These legends, and the legends of its predecessors, were a part of the statue’s history and, therefore, also became a part of the histories of any subsequent copies of the Seiryoji Buddha.

Even the biography of the monk Chonen as he made his pilgrimage to create the Seiryoji Buddha is permeated with legends. “Chonen’s Record is less a historical document than a selective account of miraculous encounters and auspicious events that defined Chonen’s pilgrimage.”65 Though this document was sealed within the Seiryoji Buddha, it is possible that more copies were made and circulated among the devotees, priests and nuns who came and saw the Buddha. Even if the story was diffused verbally, the aura of the statue would have been

62Ibid., 30.

63 Ibid., 30.

64Davis, Julie Nelson. Partners in Print: Artistic Collaboration and the Ukiyo-e Market. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2015, 180.

65Borengasser, “Presence of the Buddha,” 24.

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increased by the epic tale surrounding it. Rather than placing the emphasis on the creator of the object, a phenomenon that arose with the modern era, the story emphasizes the object itself–where it has come from and what it has done.

XIX. Seiryojishiki Shaka

The Seiryoji Buddha, though itself a copy, in Japan became an original from which numerous copies were made. These copies still exist today and are termed the Seiryojishiki Shaka (fig. 28, 29). The most important is the Saidaiji Buddha, which in turn also attained thestatus of a prime object (fig. 27). These images, including the Gokurakuji Shaka, another important copy, are located in temples around Kyoto and Kamakura.66 The Saidaiji Buddha has a more rounded, softer face shape than the Seiryoji original, without the original’s penetrating gaze. It stands at 1.67 meters, a little larger than the Seiryoji Buddha and though it lacks ear crystals, its uṣṇīṣa is made of crystal rather than metal.67 It was made from the native hinoki wood rather than the illustrious sandalwood, and was completed in 1249 C.E.68 It exhibits “Japanization”, in other words a style to which the Japanese would have been more receptive, thus increasing the strength of the relationship between icon and Japanese worshippers.69 The choice of wood reflects this appeal to Japanese worshippers as it is a sacred wood prized and used for religious buildings and relics.70 The commissioner, Eison, like Chonen, placed his faith in the historical Shakyamuni rather than the Amida Buddha, connecting the Saidaiji Buddha to the Seiryoji

66"Shakyamuni - the Historical Buddha." Shakyamuni - the Historical Buddha. Accessed December 5, 2014. http://www.taleofgenji.org/shakyamuni.html; McCallum, “The Saidaiji Lineage,” 62.

67McCallum, “The Saidaiji Lineage,” 59.

68Ibid., 58.

69Ibid.

70Rondeau, James and Jenny Gheith. "Hinoki." Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies, 35, no. 2, 54-55,

94. Accessed December 12, 2014. http://ezproxy.library.nyu.edu:2100/stable/40652410.

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Buddha.71 The Saidaiji Buddha contains devotional texts within it, and shares the same positioning of the hands (in abhaya and varada mudra) as the Seiryoji Buddha. These similarities are meant to connect the Saidaiji Buddha to the Seiryoji Buddha, but the major changes in physicality show that Eison, like Chonen was attempting to establish a new lineage for the Saidaiji Buddha, which he ultimately succeeded in doing.

XX. Power of the Udayana Copy

Not only was the Udayana statuary lineage enhanced by original legends, but there was also a cycle of prime objects generating copies that in turn became prime objects, as in the case of the Seiryoji and Saidaiji Buddhas. The process of becoming “an original” was two-fold. The first requirement was to inspire copies specifically with the prime as a reference. The second requirement was the addition of some new element, whether it be size, material or a narrative associated with the statue, that allowed it to be at once a part of the Udayana lineage but also able to establish a new branch. When the role of the object is fluid and forever changing, the order in which examples were created becomes less important than the influence a specific example has now. If a later creation has more veneration, more visitors, more story behind it, it is more powerful, regardless of its place in the lineage.

The documents contained within these living Buddhas are varied and without seeming pattern. There are birth certificates, historical documentation, oaths, catalogues, itineraries and sutras. Those most relevant to the strength of the copy are those documents that are copies themselves, which are in fact sutras. Sutras are “one of the discourses of the Buddha that constitute the basic text of Buddhist scripture.”72 To recite or transcribe them is to create blessing,

71McCallum, “The Saidaiji Lineage”, 57.

72 Merriam-Webster. “Sutra,” Accessed December 2, 2014.http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary.

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power and become closer to the release from the cycle of life and death. In Tibetan Buddhism sutras create this power by being spun again and again inside a prayer wheel–whether mechanical or by human force alone. However, prayer wheels are rarely used in Japanese Buddhism, and the primary method of gaining merit in Japan is copying by hand, which is of equal merit.73 In the Seiryoji Buddha there are three types of sutra, including five woodblock prints. These woodblock prints are mainly pictures, one with the Buddha preaching the Diamond Sutra (Vajracchedikā in Sanskirt, Kongou-kyou in Japanese) another depicting the Shakyamuni Buddha preaching the Lotus sutra (Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra in Sanskrit, Myouhou-renge-kyou in Japanese) a woodblock print of Monjushiri (Manjusri Bodhisattva in Sanskrit) and one of Fugen (Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Sanskirt).74The print that depicts the Buddha preachingthe Diamond Sutra specifically denotes its use as an object of everyday use.75 But since these items were sealed away to be ostensibly never seen or used again by anyone, let alone the public, their function inside the Seiryoji statue must instead have been to magnify the aura and power of the statue; even though not seen, their power was potently present. There are also two handwritten sutras, including the Lotus Sutra.76 It seems that not just one technical method of copied sutras was enough for this Buddha, but another method was required to complete the devotional set. Since variation is an essential piece of creating the aura to not only reestablish the potency of the “original” but add power to the new copy, various sutras and copies of these sutras were found necessary to make this Buddha both powerful and unique–from inside out. Furthermore, the idea of creating copies and perpetuating blessing by creating copies and then

73There is an example of prayer wheels in Japan at Kodaiji Temple in Kyoto.

74Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 28-30.

75Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 28.

76Henderson and Hurvitz, “The Buddha of Seiryoji,” 30.

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more copies in a fractal-like process of endless subdivision is reflected not only in the sutras themselves but in the statue that contain them, which they “imbue” with power.

XXI. Conclusion

The history of the Udayana Buddha creates a visual journey through the transformation of one form of representation of the Buddha Shakyamuni. The process that began in India moved in one direction to the Himalayan world and another through Central Asia to China, and finally reached Japan. Though not discussed here, a third part of the process took the image to Southeast Asia. We see the portrayal of a man, a mortal and a teacher become the depiction of a god, one whom has powers and can hear and answer prayers. The art historian Nagaoka Ryusaku says “the creation of Buddhist images can be understood as physical manifestations of personal prayer.”77 The Seiryoji Buddha came to reflect the internal image of the Japanese, just as the other Udayana sculptures reflected the thoughts of the sculptors and viewers. The components that were added internally to this codified icon–devotional objects and copies of sutras add yet another dimension to the aura of the living images of Japan, beginning with the Seiryoji Buddha. This layering of copies, copies within copies, prime objects, and prime objects that spawn their own copies are all ways in which the Buddhas magnify their aura and power, enriching the ontological element of creating an Udayana Buddha, and later a Seiryojishiki Shaka. This seemingly never ending cycle of copying creates fractal visualization of the Buddhas within Japan, creating multiplicity. The state of being one of many multiples is amplified by the physical number of Buddhas, the manifold religious sutras within the Buddhas, and the numerous narratives and rituals associated with the statue. How much multiplicity a single statue can create is directly reflective of its power. With the right legends surrounding its birth a copy

77Nagaoka Ryusaku, Nihon no butsuzo: Asuka, Hakuho, Tenpyo no inori to bi (1988), 5.

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can become more powerful than the original source, as the Seiryoji Buddha did almost upon its creation when it took over the place of the original Udayana Buddha in India. In practical terms as well, the fact that this “copy” survived while its original source did not is telling. This Buddha had followers and priests attending to it, caring for it in Japan because it carried more power than the original in India. “Many Buddhist statues in Japan…possess biographies that include a sort of transmission from one physical form to the next. Indeed, the replacement of one statue with another does not appear to matter to devotees…Those few worshippers who are aware that the statue is not original still believe it to be fundamentally the same.”78 These statues were created to be the same as their models, but I argue that they can situationally gain even more power than their originals; hundreds if not thousands were made in India, China, Tibet and finally Japan. We look to understand the past of the Buddhas that can no longer be accessed because they were destroyed by fire, water and time. The “original” Udayana Buddha, an idea more than a physical object, lies inside the Seiryoji Buddha, its lineage reflected in its wood and the writings inside. Yet the Seiryoji Buddha has its own history and traditions and most importantly it still exists today. It continues to be a physical manifestation of the prayers and beliefs of the people who built it, those who venerated it in the past, and those who continue to worship it today. It survived as the original Udayana image did not.

78Groner and Brock, Living Images, 5.

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List of Illustrations

1 Author, Udayana Chart.

2 Standing Gandhara Buddha, circa 0–100 C.E., stone, 39 in. (99.06 cm). BusaccaGallery.

3 Standing Gandhara Buddha, circa 100–300 C.E., stone. Museum für Asiatische Kunstder Staatlichen.

4 Standing Buddha, circa 500 C.E., bronze, 13 in (33.02 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

5 Standing Buddha with Radiate Combined Halo, circa 500 C.E., bronze, 13.75 in. (34.92cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

6 Mathuran Buddha, circa 400–500 C.E., red sandstone. Archaeological MuseumMathura.

7 Torso of a standing Buddha from Jamalpur, circa 400 C.E., sandstone, 44.9 in. (112 cm).Archaeological Museum Mathura.

8 Gupta Buddha, circa 300–400 C.E., red sandstone, 33.68 x 16.75 x 6.5 in. (85.5 x 42.4 x16.5 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

9 Buddha Shakyamuni, 500-600 C.E., copper alloy. Victoria and Albert Museum.

10 Bihar Buddha, circa 575–599 C.E., copper alloy, 27 in. (68.6 cm). Asia Society.

11 Bihar Bronze Buddha, circa 575–625 C.E., bronze, 18.5 x 6.12 x 5.62 in. (47 x 15.6 x14.3 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

12 Standing Sultanganj Buddha, circa 600–700 C.E., bronze. Birmingham Museum andArt Gallery.

13 Maitreya Buddha, 486 C.E., gilt bronze with traces of pigment, 55.11 in. (140.3 cm).Metropolitan Museum of Art.

14 Northern Qi Buddha with Folds in Robes, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 49.41 in. (125c.m.) From: Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 155.

15 No Folds Northern Qi Buddha, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 38.18 in. (97 cm). From:Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 162.

16 Haloed Northern Qi Buddha, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 44.66 in. (116 cm). From:Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 174.

Benge 39

17 Standing Maitreya, casted bronze, gold-plated, 21 in. (53.5 cm). Shaan Xi HistoricalMuseum.

18 Tang Dynasty Buddha, circa 618–906 C.E., white marble. Victoria and Albert Museum.

19 Tang Dynasty Buddha, circa 600–700 C.E., gilt copper alloy, 4.5 in. (11.5 cm). ArtInstitute of Chicago.

20 Northern Song Dynasty Buddha, circa 960–1127 C.E., wood. Private Collection.

21 Northern Indian Buddha, circa 1000 C.E., brass. Rubin Museum of Art.

22 Kashmiri Standing Buddha, circa 900 C.E., brass, 51.9 in. (72.5 cm). From: Schroeder,

Ulrich Von. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. I. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma, 2001, 133.

23 Western Tibet Kashmiri Udayana, circa 900 C.E., brass, 29.72 in. (75.5 cm). From:Schroeder, Ulrich Von. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. I. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma, 2001, 147.

24 Author, Changes of the Udayana Buddha’s Mudra (500 Year Period).

25 Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., sandalwood, 61 in. (154.94 cm). Seiryoji Temple.

26 Close up of Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., sandalwood, 61 in. (154.94 cm). Seiryoji Temple.

27 Zenkai, Saidaiji Temple Shakyamuni Buddha, 1249 C.E., wood, 65.74 in. (167 cm). Saidaiji Temple, Nara.

28 Seiryoji Copy, 1193 C.E., wood.

29 Kamakura Seiryoji Copy (Nyorai Buddha), circa 1185–1333 C.E., wood. Nara NationalMuseum.

30 Heian Period Amida Buddha, circa 1175-1199 C.E., wood. National Gallery of Victoria.

31 Internal silk organs of Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., silk. Seiryoji Temple, Japan.

32 Gizō and Chōnen’s Oath of Karmic Bond Sealed in a Handprint

Benge 40

33 Author, Udayana Chart79

79"The Gupta Style of the Buddha & Its Influence in Asia." Victoria and Albert Museum.

Accessed December 1, 2015. http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/g/gupta-style-of-the-buddha-and-its-influence-on-asia/.

Benge 41

2 Standing Gandhara Buddha, circa 0–100 C.E., stone, 39 in. (99.06 cm). Busacca Gallery.

Benge 42

3 Standing Gandhara Buddha, circa 100–300 C.E., stone. Museum für Asiatische Kunst der Staatlichen.

Benge 43

4 Standing Buddha, circa 500 C.E., bronze, 13 in (33.02 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Benge 44

5 Standing Buddha with Radiate Combined Halo, circa 500 C.E., bronze, 13.75 in. (34.92 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Benge 45

6 Mathuran Buddha, circa 400–500 C.E., red sandstone. Archaeological Museum Mathura.

Benge 46

7 Torso of a standing Buddha from Jamalpur, circa 400 C.E., sandstone, 44.9 in. (112 cm). Archaeological Museum Mathura.

Benge 47

8 Gupta Buddha, circa 300–400 C.E., red sandstone, 33.68 x 16.75 x 6.5 in. (85.5 x 42.4 x 16.5 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Benge 48

9 Buddha Shakyamuni, 500-600 C.E., copper alloy. Victoria and Albert Museum.

Benge 49

10 Bihar Buddha, circa 575–599 C.E., copper alloy, 27 in. (68.6 cm). Asia Society.

Benge 50

11 Bihar Bronze Buddha, circa 575–625 C.E., bronze, 18.5 x 6.12 x 5.62 in. (47 x 15.6 x 14.3 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Benge 51

12 Standing Sultanganj Buddha, circa 600–700 C.E., bronze. Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery.

Benge 52

13 Maitreya Buddha, 486 C.E., gilt bronze with traces of pigment, 55.11 in. (140.3 cm).

Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Benge 53

14 Northern Qi Buddha with Folds in Robes, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 49. 41 in.

(125 c.m.) From: Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries.

London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 155.

Benge 54

15 No Folds Northern Qi Buddha, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 38.18 in. (97 cm). From: Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 162.

Benge 55

16 Haloed Northern Qi Buddha, circa 550–577 C.E., limestone, 44.66 in. (116 cm). From: Nickel, Lukas. Return of the Buddha: The Qingzhou Discoveries. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2002, 174.

Benge 56

17 Standing Maitreya, casted bronze, gold-plated, 21 in. (53.5 cm). Shaan Xi Historical Museum.

Benge 57

18 Tang Dynasty Buddha, circa 618–906 C.E., white marble. Victoria and Albert Museum.

Benge 58

19 Tang Dynasty Buddha, circa 600–700 C.E., gilt copper alloy, 4.5 in. (11.5 cm). Art Institute of Chicago.

Benge 59

20 Northern Song Dynasty Buddha, circa 960–1127 C.E., wood. Private Collection.

Benge 60

21 Northern Indian Buddha, circa 1000 C.E., brass. Rubin Museum of Art.

Benge 61

22 Kashmiri Standing Buddha, circa 900 C.E., brass, 51.9 in. (72.5 cm). From: Schroeder,

Ulrich Von. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. I. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma, 2001, 133.

Benge 62

23 Western Tibet Kashmiri Udayana, circa 900 C.E., brass, 29.72 in. (75.5 cm). From: Schroeder, Ulrich Von. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. I. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma, 147.

Benge 63

24 Author, Changes of the Udayana Buddha’s Mudra (500 Year Period)

Benge 64

25 Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., sandalwood, 61 in. (154.94 cm). Seiryoji Temple.

Benge 65

26 Close up of Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., sandalwood, 61 in. (154.94 cm). Seiryoji Temple.

From: Kuno Takeshi. Jingoji to Rakusei Rakuhoku no koji. Nihon koji bijutsu, vol. 9. (1981), 27.

Benge 66

27 Zenkai, Saidaiji Temple Shakyamuni Buddha, 1249 C.E., wood, 65.74 in. (167 cm).

Saidaiji Temple, Nara.

Benge 67

28 Seiryoji Copy, 1193 C.E., wood.

Benge 68

29 Kamakura Seiryoji Copy (Nyorai Buddha), circa 1185–1333 C.E., wood. Nara National Museum, Japan.

Benge 69

30 Heian Period Amida Buddha, circa 1175-1199 C.E., wood. National Gallery of Victoria, England.

Benge 70

31 Internal silk organs of Seiryoji Buddha, 985 C.E., silk. Seiryoji Temple, Japan. From: Tanabe Saburōsuke, “Zōnai nōnyūhin.” In Zōnai nōnyūhin, Jūyō bunkazai bekkan vol. 1 (1978), 31.

Benge 71

32 Gizo and Chonen. Gizō and Chōnen’s Oath of Karmic Bond Sealed in a Handprint. Heian Period, 972 C.E., blood and ink on paper. 31.9 x 47.1 cm. Seiryoji Temple, Japan. From: Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, Tokubetsu tenrankai: Shaka shinko to Seiryōji (1982), 33.

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