Part XVI

We have still to cpnsider a phase of the engraver's art represented by the thousands of so-called seal cylinders, ranging from the earliest to the latest period of Babylonian-Asyrian history. These seals, serving as seals still do in the modern Orient as a means of identifying property or as an attest to a legal document, vary in shape and size from that of a large, thick, and clumsy spool to a graceful and elongated cylinder, with the tendency to become smaller as we pass down the ages until in the Persian period they become cone shaped.

The feature common to the Babylonian-Assyrian seals of all ages is the perforation through which a thread or wire was passed, so that the seal might be worn around the neck or carried on the wrist. Herodotus is our witness ^[1] that in his days a seal and a walking stick still formed part of the outfit of a Babylonian man of affairs.

The materials of which the seals were made cover likewise a large variety of materials, shell being the earliest known material, and hematite the most common, but chalcedony, obsidian, agate, jasper, lapis lazuli, marble, serpentine, quartz, carnelian, crystal and other mineral substances were also largely used. In the case of soft stones, the engraver's tool was probably made of flint, for the harder ones probably of corundum.

PLATE LXXII

Figs. 1 and 2, Symbols of the Gods on Babylonian boundary stones

PLATE LXXIII

Figs. 1 and 2, Winged and non-winged Hippocentaurs on babylonian boundary stones

Dr. Ward ^[2] has shown that in the earlier periods the seals were entirely made by hand, and that drilling was not introduced till the later periods, though exactly when it is impossible to say.

In addition to mythological designs, the seal cylinders frequently contain the name of the owner or a dedicatory inscription to some deity. Through the character of the writing, and in the case of royal seals or those of high officials through the names a means can be found of dating some of the seals, while through the occurrence of certain designs impressed on clay tablets bearing a date, a further control is secured for the age of these designs.

The art in the earliest seals is exceedingly crude, so crude as frequently to border on grotesqueness, but in the course of centuries the progress made was considerable until we reach a time when the delicacy of the execution reaches a truly remarkable degree of perfection. By way of illustration we may choose the representation of two deities facing one another, each reaching out a hand to grasp a tube through which to drink a liquid placed in a bowl standing on a high table.

The scene is presumably a sacrificial one, though it may also represent an episode in some myth. The faces are indicated in bare outline. The drawing throughout is rough and irregular, and the artist found difficulty even in representing the two figures as actually seated on the stools beneath them. The crescent as a symbol of the moon suggests that the two deities are Sin and his consort Ningal. Contrast with this the design on a cylinder also belonging to an early period, ^[3] representing a mythical figure, Enkidu, fighting with a lion.

The design is repeated, as is frequently the case on cylinders. While the attitude of both man and lion leaves much to be desired, the drawing of both figures is remarkably good. Note particularly the shaggy mane of the lion and the carefully drawn strands of Enkidu's beard. The roar of the lion as Enkidu plunges the weapon into the lion's breast is admirably suggested by the open mouth. In the case of both man and animal the attempt at least is made to indicate the muscles of the body.

Even finer in execution is the representation of the sun-god Shamash with streams of water issuing from his shoulders, into whose presence a two-headed figure is introducing two others, the one carrying a bunch of dates on a staff slung over his shoulder, the other carrying a bound man strung up by the heel on the club, likewise slung over his shoulder. The three figures move towards the god in a most graceful fashion, the position is easy, the garments fit admirably to the bodies, while in the case of Shamash, there is, despite the conventionality in the drawing of the flounced skirt and upper garment, a certain dignity about the figure as a whole which suggests a superior being (Plate LXXV, Fig. 3).

The most striking feature of these seal cylinders is the variety of the designs. Through them we obtain an insight into the manner in which Babylonians and Assyrians represented their gods and goddesses. The rich symbolism of the cult also finds an illustration in the various designs, and lastly the current myths and popular tales are revealed to us in a most graphic manner through the engravings on the seal cylinders.

Episodes in popular tales formed a favorite subject for the artists who, while bound to certain conventionalism, yet astonish us by the variations which they introduce in the portrayal of one and the same subject. A large number of seal cylinders of the earliest periods show a contest among wild beasts lions, ibexes, bulls, antelopes.

PLATE LXXIV

Figs. 1, 2 and 3, Engraving on bone and shell

No two are exactly alike, and it is interesting to note even in this early age the endeavor to reproduce a continuous story by a division into registers ^[4] as in the case of sculptured plaques, though at times the two divisions are not even separated by a dividing line. An example which illustrates the thoroughly archaic character of the art shows in the upper portion an eagle, the heraldic standard of the city of Lagash, ^[5] clutching with one of his claws a bull lying prostrate. The bull has evidently been killed and a vulture is seen feeding on his body. In the lower section a hunter appears in the midst of lions and ibexes fighting with one another. The star and the scorpion to one side are symbols of gods.

Closely allied with these episodes in some popular tale are the numerous variations on seal cylinders of the episode in the adventures of the great hero Gilgamesh who with his companion Enkidu engages in a contest with wild beasts. ^[6]

In the earliest specimens both figures appear entirely nude. Gilgamesh is always distinguished by his abundant and usually carefully arranged hair and beard, while Enkidu has horns on his head as a symbol of his divine character. The variations of the scene are again numerous, though not to the same extent as in the case of the contests of wild beasts.

Another favorite scene was the representation of the semi-divine beings in front of the sacred tree, ^[7] appearing again in many variations. ^[8] In archaic examples the two figures are without wings, and it is a distinguishing mark of cylinders of Assyrian origin to attach the wings.

As on the sculptured bas-reliefs we also find the king before the tree, accompanied by the eagle-headed winged creature with the standard of Ashur over the tree. Among the variations two call for special mention, the winged figures standing on winged sphinxes and the priest of the water deity Ea clad in fish scales in place of the winged being, ^[9] of which we again have quite a number of variations according as a king is added to the scene or not. The conventionalism of the art obtrudes itself in these scenes in a more pronounced degree than usual so as to give to the tree more particularly most fantastic forms.

The pose of the kings and of the winged or wingless beings plucking the fruit of the tree of life is always the same, and generally very stiff and void of all grace. On the other hand the dress is commonly most carefully worked out to smallest details, the execution being delicate as well as accurate (see Plate LXXVI, Figs. 2 and 3).

Of the gods represented on the seal cylinders, the moon-god Sin and the sun-god Shamash are the ones fjmost frequently selected. While it is certain that the appearance of the moon's crescent on or near the figure of a seated deity into whose presence a worshipper is being led is not always intended as the moon-god, in many instances Sin is certainly intended. A good Specimen of an early period is the seal cylinder of Ur-Engur of the Ur dynasty who is being led by a female perhaps the consort of Sin followed by another goddess with uplifted hands, the gesture of intercession.

The human figure is no doubt intended for the king himself who is represented, in accordance with early religious usage in approaching a god, as shaven and beardless. Despite its crudity, the figure of the seated god in an easy posture conveys the impression of a certain dignity. The throne on which the god sits is a graceful piece of work, and the artist has not stopped short of such a detail as the carving of one of the legs of the throne in imitation of an ox's leg.

In a most skilful manner he has also succeeded in conveying the femininity in the expression of the two goddesses especially of the first one in contrast to the greater strength of the face of the god and of the worshipper (see Plate LXXVII, Fig. 2).

PLATE LXXV. SEAL CYLINDERS

Fig. 1 (left), Man and Woman, drinking through tubes
Fig. 2 (right), Monstrous being, figting lion — symmetrically repeated

Fig. 3 (left), The Sun-God Shamash, with divine attendants
Fig. 4 (right), Gilgamesh, fighting lion — symmetrically repeated

A favorite manner of representing the sun-god was in the act of rising over the mountains. The god is naively portrayed as stepping on a mountain peak and about to pass through a gate symbolizing sunrise, while the other gate is the one through which, after having run his course, he enters the heavens at evening. In this case again we find the design with many variations ^[10] used from the oldest to the latest period an interesting proof of the continuity of artistic tradition in the Euphrates Valley.

The art, to be sure, does not rise beyond a very primitive level in the specimens preserved, though in some instances the influence of conventionalism is not so marked as, for example, in those where the mountain has been reduced to a mere footstool on which the one foot of the god rests, while instead of the gate we find a worshipper led^into the presence of Shamash by the god's consort, A, whose uplifted hands portray her in the usual role of interceding on behalf of the worshipper who approaches his god with a sacrificial offering.

Superior from an artistic standpoint are some of the representations of the seated sun-god with a worshipper before him. The distinguishing marks of Shamash in these designs are the rays issuing from his shoulders or streams flowing from his shoulders. This combination of rays and streams is also found attached to the solar disc which is the common symbol of the god Ashur, the rays symbolizing the beneficent warmth of the sun, and the water the fertility which is within the province of the great orb, whose favor is so essential to the well-being of the agriculturist.

Another interesting group of seal cylinders chiefly Babylonian is formed by those showing a deity in a conflict with a dragon. The underlying tale appears to be the myth of the sun-god driving away the storms and rains of the winter season. This season was depicted as a time of lawlessness and utter confusion for which a monstrous being in control of the wild elements of nature seemed to be the appropriate symbol.

This myth became the basis of the scheme of world creation in Babylonia, the role of creator being assigned in each of the large centres to the chief deity Ea in Eridu, Enlil in Nippur, and Marduk in Babylon. When through the political supremacy of Babylon, the god Marduk became the head of the pantheon, the functions of other gods were assigned to him. He thus becomes in the later forms of the myth the vanquisher of primitive chaos, known as Tiamat. ^[11]

The springtime when nature celebrates a revival was appropriately regarded as the time of the creation of the world. Crude as most of the representations of this conflict are, ^[12] there is nevertheless in some of them much force and vigor in the attitude of the god pursuing the monster with bow and arrow or despatching him with a powerful weapon. It is particularly interesting to see how in the course of the endeavor to vary the scene, elements of other myths are introduced particularly of the one illustrating the contest with wild beasts, ^[13] which may at bottom indeed represent the same idea the portrayal of a time of chaos and confusion, preceding the reign of law and order in the world (see Plate LXXVI, Figs. 1 and 4).

PLATE LXXV1. SEAL CYLINDERS

Fig. 1 (left), Contests with wild beasts
Fig. 2 (right), Winged being before the tree of life  — symmetrically repeated

 

 

Fig. 3 (left), Winged being, plucking the fruit of the tree of life
Fig. 4, Conflict with the dragon Tiamat

Of special interest is a physician's seal, containing the name of the owner Ur-Lugal-Edina (i.e., the man of the god Lugal-Edina), with a dedicatory inscription to a deity, Edina-mugi, ^[14] and shows, as the symbols of his profession, a physician's scalpel and lancets (or knives) and cups. These instruments are exceedingly well drawn, while the picture of the deity no doubt the one mentioned in the inscriptiondespite the archaic delineation of the feet, is a good specimen of the delicacy of the engravers' art at the early period to which the seal reverts (see Plate LXXVII, Fig. 3).

As the last specimen, a curious design may be given representing a male and female figure sitting opposite one another with a tree between them, while behind the female figure is an upright serpent. The resemblance of the scene to the famous story in the third chapter of Genesis has aroused considerable discussion. We have the same elements in both cases, the man, the woman, the serpent and the tree. The horns, however, with which both figures on the seal cylinder are provided show that they are intended to represent deities. The tree is no doubt the tree of life as in the case of the designs above discussed. According to Babylonian beliefs, the gods alone can pluck the fruit of the tree of life.

The serpent is a very common symbol, ^[15] constantly appearing on the so-called boundary stones.

Its particular significance on the seal cylinder in question escapes us, but it may well be that the myth of which the entire scene is an illustration is the prototype of the story in Genesis. It would be quite natural in the course of the adaptation of old folk-tales to later aspects of religious beliefs, for the deities to become Human figures, and the primitive myth, whatever its original significance may have been, to become a tale intended to illustrate that man forfeited immortality the prerogative of the gods by an act of disobedience. ^[16]

Man, according to the earlier form of the story, would thus be regarded as a god fallen from his high estate. From this as a starting point, the step would be a natural one to make the real fall of man consist in his having disobeyed a divine command.

PLATE LXXVII. SEAL CYLINDERS

Fig. 1 (left), Shamash, the rising Sun-God, stepping over the mountain
Fig. 2 (right), Sin, the Moon-God, recieving a worshipper

Fig. 3, Seal of a Babylonian physician
Fig. 4, Divine beings, seated before the tree of life

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Book I, 195.

[2]:

Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 9. This is the most comprehensive investigation of the subject, and one that will for many years retain its place as the authoritative work.

[3]:

Ward, Cylinders and Other Ancient Oriental Seals in the library of J. Pierpont Morgan (N. Y., 1909), No. 60.

[4]:

See the illustrations in Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Chapter IV.

[5]:

Above p. 389 and Plate XLIX, Pig. 1.

[6]:

Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Chapter X.

[7]:

Above Plate XXXIII.

[8]:

Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Chapter XXXVIII.

[9]:

Ward, I.e., No. 679 and 687.

[10]:

Ward, l.c., Chapter XIII.

[11]:

See the translation of the tale of Marduk 's conquest of Tiamat pp. 428-443. See also Plate XXVIII, Fig. 1.

[12]:

Ward, I.e., Chapter VIII.

[13]:

Ward, I.e., Chapter VII.

[14]:

The deity is designated as the messenger of Gir, one of the designations of the god of pestilence Nergal which suggests a grim sense of humor on the part of the physician who thus chooses as his protecting deity the "messenger of death", against whom the healer of disease is supposed to direct his efforts.

[15]:

See an elaborate monograph on the serpent as a symbol by Paul Toscanne, "Etudes sur le Serpent, figure et symbole dans l'Antiquite filamite" in Delegation en Perse, Memoir cs, Vol. xiii, pp. 153-226.

[16]:

See Frazer, Belief in Immortality i, p. 73, seq., for many other illustrations among primitive peoples of stories intended to explain the presence of death in the world, due either to eating of a forbidden fruit, or to the failure to eat it. Both motifs are found in these primitive tales.