International Affairs: A Survey

Prof. M. VENKATARANGAIYA, M.A.

The situation today in Indonesia is typical of the conditions which are developing in very many countries of Asia and Africa which were till recently under colonial rule and which have newly won freedom. They have claims to territories which are still under the rule of foreigners in some cases or under the rule of indigenous peoples in other cases whose title they dispute. The acquisition of these territories has become a cardinal aim of their foreign policies and many of their activities are directed to the realisation of this aim even though they have serious domestic problems to face. This is considered by the parties in power as highly useful in diverting the attention of the people away from the domestic issues which they are unable to solve. Despots and dictators have been found in history as following a policy like this and it has had rightly or wrongly a large amount of influence on the policies of the new States in Asia and Africa. Another aspect of the conditions in these States is the difficulty created by nationalism not having taken a sufficiently deep root. In many of them regionalism of a disruptive character exercises a powerful sway. The artificial political unity which the foreign rulers created seems to be losing much of its strength. There is a sort of struggle between unitarism and federalism, between centralisation and provincial autonomy. To add to this there is a conflict between rival political ideologies especially between democracy resting on the maxim that individual human personality has an intrinsic value of its own deserving respect and recognition at all times and under all conditions and totalitarianism of one kind or other claiming all power to the State. It so happens that in most of these countries forms of democracy have been adopted but conditions do not exist for their proper and effective functioning. The masses of people on whom electoral rights have been conferred have no experience of democracy on a nation-wide scale. Caste, communal and tribal differences are very strong among them. They do not appreciate the value of freedom of speech or of other freedoms associated with democracy. They are more anxious to have their standards of living raised whatever be the political agency that does it. Communism makes a powerful appeal to them. This conflict between rival ideologies has become a disturbing factor in many of these countries. And the existence of numerous political parties and splinter groups places serious obstacles in the way of the parliamentary form of government working satisfactorily. Above all there is the economic wardness of these countries. There is appalling poverty, accompanied by a rapid increase in population. People are anxious to have a comfortable life and governments have to satisfy them even though they are much handicapped by the scarcity of capital and of technical knowledge and skill so necessary for any kind of economic progress in modern times. It is the multiplicity of problems like these that governments in the countries of Asia and Africa which have newly won their freedom are called on to face and the difficulties created by them are very well-illustrated by what has happened recently in Indonesia.

Indonesia is one of the biggest of Asian States. It has a population of ninety millions. It is made up of nearly three thousand islands–Java, Sumatra, Borneo and Celebes being the largest among them–with rich natural resources like oil, rubber, etc. It was freed from Dutch rule in 1949 but West Irian which is in New Guinea and to which it has laid claim still continues to be under Dutch rule. It was agreed in 1949 that this question of West Irian should be settled through negotiation between the two parties. Negotiations have been going on all these years but nothing has come out of them. The Indonesian Government made an appeal to the United Nations General Assembly at its last session to settle the matter but it also proved fruitless. The people of Indonesia–especially the Leftists among them–grew rather impatient and resorted to economic sanctions against the Dutch for getting the issue settled. The Dutch own a large number of economic concerns in Indonesia. They have invested in them five hundred to six hundred crores of rupees. Nearly fifty thousand Dutch nationals work in them as managers, skilled workers and technical officers. The Indonesian labourers working in them took forcible control of many of these concerns. Government was faced with a crisis. It had to yield to popular clamour. It consequently issued orders nationalizing all these concerns and calling upon the Dutch workers in them to leave the country (though this was not strictly enforced). It agreed to pay compensation to the Dutch owners but stated emphatically that all questions regarding the amount and form of compensation and the time of its payment would be settled only after a solution was found for the West Irian problem. The idea was that rather than lose all their economic concerns the Dutch would agree to give up their control over West Irian.

So far the Dutch have not cared to enter into any negotiations. A sort of stalemate has come into existence. The problem of West Irian is as far from solution as it has been all along. The internal situation in Indonesia has however become considerably deteriorated. Communications between island and island which were formerly carried on in Dutch ships have practically come to an end. Revolts have broken out in some of them including Sumatra and Celebes. Rebel governments have been set up in them. The complaint against centralisation of all authority in Java has become louder The situation has become more complicated owing to the rift between the Islamic parties of the Right which are strong in the islands outside Java and the Communist and other leftist parties which are strong in Java itself. There is scarcity of food everywhere and famine conditions are prevailing. There are leaders like Dr. Hatta who feel that the action taken against the Dutch by the government of the day was rather hasty. Government’s difficulties have been increased as a result of the lack of complete co-operation between the military and civilian authorities. It is a peculiarity of Indonesia that adequate recognition is not given to the wholesome and healthy principle of the subordination of the Army to the civilian government.

The government has to suppress revolts in the outlying islands. Arms and other military equipment are needed for this purpose. How to get it has become a serious problem. As there was no prospect of getting it from the United States and the countries of the Western bloc negotiations are being carried on with the countries of the Soviet bloc for getting it. And there is every prospect of these negotiations succeeding. It is the fear of the Americans that arms shipped into Java would fall into the hands of Communists and would be ultimately utilised to establish a Communist regime in the country. It will not be surprising if the deal between Indonesia and the Soviet bloc countries results in Indonesia becoming Communist even though it may be after passing through a phase of civil War. Regional forces are strong at present.

There are some who think that the arms received from outside would be used by the Indonesian Government to wrest West Irian by force from the Dutch. But this is not likely to be the case. It would mean a war between the Netherlands and Indonesia, a war perhaps in which some of the allies of Netherlands may be tempted to take part. At a time when world opinion is becoming more and more unfavourable to war as an instrument for settling international disputes it will be folly for Indonesia to resort to it for getting possession of an outlying territory like West Irian with its sparse population.

So many questions have been raised regarding the justice and expediency of the Indonesian action against Dutch concerns. Like many undeveloped countries Indonesia is in need of foreign capital for developing her resources. Even Soviet Russia which is now prepared to extend economic aid to such countries does it only on condition that interest is paid on loans taken and the principal returned in due course. Will not a policy of nationalisation of foreign concerns executed unilaterally become a serious obstacle in the way of getting adequate aid in future from abroad? There is the other question, viz., whether the enforcement of the claim to West Irian is much more urgent than the solution of so many of the domestic problems with which the country is faced. Even China has tolerated the continued possession of Hong Kong by the British. India has resolved on not using force to get Goa even though it rightly belongs to her. What happened in Indonesia makes it difficult for that country to adhere to the policy of non-alignment by which she stood all these years.

In the post-war period international affairs have been affected by two great forces, one being the awakening of the peoples of Asia and Africa and the other the bitter rivalry between the East as represented by Soviet Russia and the West as represented by the United States and her allies in. Europe. Almost very issue in every part of the world has been influenced by this rivalry. To prevent the expansion of Soviet power and influence and of her Communist philosophy and practices has been the one dominating characteristic of the United States foreign policy and to prevent the expansion of the power and influence of the United States and of her philosophy of private enterprise and individual freedom has similarly been the one primary objective of Soviet foreign policy. And the whole world has become the victim of this rivalry. It has been caught up in its grip and whether anything can be done to lessen the growing intensity of this rivalry and to put an end to the dangerous forms which it is assuming has become the one grave problem with which the whole of humanity is faced.

War has all along been recognised as an instrument for satisfying political ambitions. All historical empires whether in the East or the West, whether in olden or in recent times have been the result of war or of the threat to use it. It is no wonder therefore that Stalin the dictator of Soviet Russia was like Napoleon and several other power-lovers of the past decided on using force for establishing his control over the whole of Europe and over the rest of the world. The Communist way of life was the only right way of life from his point of view and like all believers in Communist creed he felt that there was nothing wrong or immoral in using force for spreading the only right way of life over the whole world. It was this fear of Soviet aggrandizement and of the spread of Communism that provoked the United States as the inheritor of a quite different set of spiritual values to strengthen herself in all sorts of ways so that she may be in a position to defend her way of life from being destroyed. This strengthening took two forms. One was the accumulation of weapons of warfare of all types including the nuclear weapons and the other the entering into military alliances with as many countries as possible. Thus began the race in armaments between Soviet Russia and the United States. This also resulted in the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance, the Baghdad Pact, the South-East Asian Treaty Organisation and other defence pacts of all of which the United States is the strongest and the leading member.

A point has now been reached in this race for the testing and the accumulation of nuclear weapons of warfare when any further continuation of it will bring destruction upon humanity as a whole. There was a time when Americans had more knowledge of nuclear science than the Russians had, but that time is now over. The Russian scientists have become their superiors and the sending of the two Sputniks into outer space is only one piece of evidence of this superiority. The Russians have also devised an Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile with a range of five thousand miles and they can from any base in their own country bomb any part of the United States. The prestige of the latter country has come down as a consequence in recent months and there is feverish activity to catch up Russia and to become superior to her once again. All this involves further nuclear tests and it is this that causes concern to the whole of mankind.

It has now become firmly established that nuclear test explosions poison through radiation the atmosphere for miles and miles around them and cause deleterious effects of all sorts. The tests therefore have become a matter in which all nations in the world have the right and the duty to concern themselves. It in not a matter in regard to which the Americans, the Russians and the British alone should have the final say. The tests must be stopped and they must be stopped without any further delay. The great problem therefore with which the international world is faced to-day is how to compel those three powers which are now in a position to carry out nuclear tests to stop them. The Russians have come forward with a proposal to stop them provided the United States and Britain also do the same. But these two countries are not prepared to stop the tests and that for a variety of reasons. It is necessary to know what these reasons are if we are to arrive at a correct estimate of the international situation.

Further nuclear tests are necessary for them in order that they may devise an Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile of their own and also some weapon of defence against similar Russian Missile; otherwise their capacity for defence will be lost. In the second place stopping of tests is of no use if the manufacture and stockpiling of H-bombs is to go on. What they want is a cessation of such manufacture and stockpiling. There must be guarantee against all nuclear warfare. If Russians agree not to manufacture nuclear weapons any more and if a system of inspection and control is devised to see that both parties adhere strictly to the terms of agreement–it is only then that they will stop further nuclear tests. There is also a third step in their argument. The Russians have considerable superiority in conventional armaments. The Sino-Soviet bloc has a population of one thousand millions and the military forces it can raise are enormous. If there is to be some kind of parity between the two blocs it is necessary that the strength of conventional armies of the Soviet should be reduced. And all these steps should be taken simultaneously. There should be no interval in which the Soviet possess a superiority in nuclear or conventional weapons.

It is because no agreement could be arrived at in regard to these several issues that disarmament conferences so far held have been completely a failure. The Russians have refused to participate in any more of such conferences. What they want is a discussion of the whole matter in the General Assembly of the United Nations in which all the eighty-three member States will be present. They have refused to participate even in the Committee of twenty five, recently set up by the General Assembly on the ground that the Western bloc has a disproportionately large representation on it. There is thus a stalemate on the question of disarmament though every one knows that any further delay in putting a stop to nuclear tests will bring ruin on mankind. It is not clear what objection the Russians have to stop all manufacture of nuclear weapons and agree to an effective system of control and inspection. They know as well as others that nuclear warfare will be suicidal and there should be no hesitation on their part to undertake not to resort to it.

This is much more important at the present stage than the reduction in conventional armaments which they have recently announced. Such reduction has already been made by the British and the Americans. No special credit need be given to this step as it is the logical outcome of the increasing adoption of mechanical means of warfare. It is just like throwing away labourers from industry, agriculture and other economic concerns when once machinery is introduced. The numerical strength of armies has ceased to have the same importance today as it had in the past. Attention should therefore be concentrated on measures which will lead to the prohibition of nuclear weapons in warfare.

In the course of the last two months some proposals have been put forward by Soviet Russia to ease what she calls world tension though it is primarily a tension between herself and the United States. One is a “Summit Conference”, a conference of the Heads of States of some important countries to discuss the principal outstanding issues on which acute differences have arisen–issues like the unification of Germany, stabilisation of the situation in the Middle East and so on. Another is to have a zone in Eastern and Central Europe in which no nuclear weapons should be stocked–the zone to include Poland, Czechoslovakia and East and West Germany. A third is a withdrawal of all foreign forces from the countries of Europe–of Soviet forces from the satellite States and of the British, American and French forces from Germany. A fourth is a dissolution of the North Atlantic and the Warsaw Pacts. A fifth is not to have any American rocket bases in Turkey and other countries in the Middle
East.

These proposals were made in view of the American proposals at the last meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Council to have American rocket bases in the countries which are members of the NATO. American proposals were accepted by almost all the members though it would take at least a year before such bases could be established. There is to-day in America also a certain section of people who think that such bases are not quite necessary in Western Europe and that there is no harm in agreeing to the kind of demilitarization of Central and Eastern Europe proposed by Soviet Russia. Their argument is that there is no danger of Soviet aggression against the countries of Western Europe by armed forces. Such a war is sure to create trouble for the Russians in the satellite States like Poland and Hungary where there is a large amount of resentment against Soviet domination. The Russians do not want to create such trouble for themselves. If Soviet Russia wants to extend her power and her empire it will be in areas outside Europe. They therefore came to the conclusion that there is not much need for American rocket bases in Western Europe. It is also a part of their argument that such bases will result in similar Soviet rocket bases being created in countries like Poland and Hungary and that this will perpetuate Soviet domination over them. Soviet Russia will never hand over such bases to Polish, Hungarian or Czech armies for fear that they might use them against herself. They will all be in possession of Soviet armies and this would mean the continued enslavement of Central and Eastern Europe.

What then about Communism being established in these countries through the process of infiltration and through resort to violence by Communist parties? The view is now held that it is best to leave the matter to the concerned governments. They do not require rocket missiles to suppress internal rebellions. The ordinary security forces will serve the purpose.

It is because some Americans and many people in England, France and other countries of Western Europe hold views like these that the atmosphere has become favourable for the holding of “Summit talks.” A debate is going on as to whether it should be preceded by a conference of foreign ministers to settle the agenda for the “Summit talks”. But some compromise is sure to be arrived at on these preliminary issues and ere long there will be a conference of Heads of States to discuss the more important crucial issues.

It is also becoming increasingly clear that Soviet Russia is now turning its attention more and more to the uncommitted countries of Asia and Africa and that she is hopeful of spreading Communism through the grant of economic aid to them than by recourse to arms directly. If arms are to be used they should be used by the pro-communist regimes that may be established in them. This is the reason why Soviet Russia has been extending economic aid to very many of these countries in recent months. This is a new feature in the international situation which is bound to have serious effects in the years to come.

One consequence of these changes in the Soviet tactics is the greater emphasis which the Americans are also placing on economic aid to ward countries. Otherwise there is a danger that the raw materials, oil and other products of these countries may come into the sole possession of Soviet Russia and America and the West deprived of some of the primary sources of their prosperity. It is also not desirable for any of these countries to become dependent solely on Soviet Russia or the West for the capital and the technical equipment they need for raising the living standards of their peoples. It is difficult to prophesy what the ultimate outcome of this competition will be. It will be a competition not merely in matters economic but also in matters cultural and spiritual. Unless responsible leaders deeply attached to national tradition and culture come to power in these countries there is a danger that while gaining a higher standard of material living the people may lose their soul. It is because of this that the rivalry between Soviet Russia and the United States affects every country in the world.

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